THE 


PHILIPPINE    ISLANDS 


COPYRIGHT 
ENTERED  AT   STATIONERS'  HALL 


THE 

PHILIPPINE     ISLANDS 

A  POLITICAL,   GEOGRAPHICAL,   ETHNOGRAPHI- 
CAL, SOCIAL  AND  COMMERCIAL  HISTORY 
OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  ARCHIPELAGO 

EMBRACING   THE   WHOLE   PERIOD 
OF   SPANISH    RULE 

WITH    AN    ACCOUNT    OF    THE    SUCCEEDING 
AMERICAN      INSULAR      GOVERNMENT 


BY 


JOHN     FOREMAN,    F.R.G.S. 


THIRD    EDITION,    REVISED    AND    ENLARGED 
WITH   MAPS   AND    ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW    YORK 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1906 


PRINTED   AND   BOUND   BY 

HAZELL,  WATSON  AND  VINEY,   LD. 

LONDON   AND   AYLESBURY, 

ENGLAND. 


PREFACE   TO   THE   FIRST   EDITION 

It  would  be  surprising  if  the  concerns  of  an  interesting  Colony  like 
the  Philippine  Islands  had  not  commanded  the  attention  of  literary 
genius. 

I  do  not  pretend,  therefore,  to  improve  upon  the  able  productions 
of  such  eminent  writers  as  Juan  de  le  Concepcion,  Martinez  Zuiiiga, 
Tomas  de  Comyn  and  others,  nor  do  I  aspire,  through  this  brief 
composition,  to  detract  from  the  merit  of  Jagors  work,  which,  in 
its  day.  commended  itself  as  a  valuable  book  of  reference.  But  since 
then,  and  within  the  last  twenty  years,  this  Colony  has  made  great 
strides  on  the  path  of  social  and  material  progress ;  its  political  and 
commercial  importance  is  rapidly  increasing,  and  many  who  know  the 
Philippines  have  persuaded  me  to  believe  that  my  notes  would  be 
an  appreciated  addition  to  what  was  published  years  ago  on  this 
subject. 

The  critical  opinions  herein  expressed  are  based  upon  personal 
observations  made  during  the  several  years  I  have  travelled  in  and 
about  all  the  principal  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  and  are  upheld 
by  reference  to  the  most  reliable  historical  records. 

An  author  should  be  benevolent  in  his  judgement  of  men  and 
manners  and  guarded  against  mistaking  isolated  cases  for  rules.  In 
matters  of  history  he  should  neither  hide  the  truth  nor  twist  it  to 
support  a  private  view,  remembering  how  easy  it  is  to  criticize  an  act 
when  its  sequel  is  developed :  such  will  be  my  aim  in  the  fullest 
measure  consistent. 

By  certain  classes  I  may  be  thought  to  have  taken  a  hypercritical 
view  of  things  ;  I  may  even  offend  their  susceptibilities — if  I  adulated 
them  I  should  fail  to  chronicle  the  truth,  and  my  work  would  be  a 
deliberate  imposture. 

I  would  desire  it  to  be  understood,  with  regard  to  the  classes  and 


vi  Preface  to  the  First  Edition 

races  in  their  collectedness,  that  my  remarks  apply  only  to  the  large 
majority ;  exceptions  undoubtedly  there  are — these  form  the  small 
minority.  Moreover,  I  need  hardly  point  out  that  the  native  popu- 
lation of  the  capital  of  the  Philippines  by  no  means  represents  the 
true  native  character,  to  comprehend  which,  so  far  as  its  complicacy 
can  be  fathomed,  one  must  penetrate  into  and  reside  for  years  in  the 
interior  of  the  Colony,  as  I  have  done,  in  places  where  extraneous 
influences  have,  as  yet,  produced  no  effect. 

There  may  appear  to  be  some  incongruity  in  the  plan  of  a  work 
which  combines  objects  so  dissimilar  as  those  enumerated  in  the 
Contents  pages,  but  this  is  not  exclusively  a  History,  or  a  Geography, 
or  an  Account  of  Travels — it  is  a  concise  review  of  all  that  may 
interest  the  reader  who  seeks  for  a  general  idea  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  this  Colony  in  the  past  and  in  the  present. 

J.  R 


Vll 


PREFACE   TO   THE   THIRD   EDITION 

The  success  which  has  attended  the  publication  of  the  Second  Edition 
of  this  work  has  induced  me  to  revise  it  carefully  throughout,  adding 
the  latest  facts  of  public  interest  up  to  the  present  period. 

Long  years  of  personal  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  prime  movers 
in  the  Revolutionary  Party  enabled  me  to  estimate  their  aspirations. 
My  associations  with  Spain  and  Spaniards  since  my  boyhood  helped  me, 
as  an  eye-witness  of  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion,  to  judge  of  the 
opponents  of  that  movement.  My  connection  with  the  American  Peace 
Commission  in  Paris  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of  appreciating  the 
noble  desire  of  a  free  people  to  aid  the  lawful  aspirations  of  millions 
of  their  fellow-creatures. 

My  criticism  of  the  regular  clergy  applies  only  to  the  four  religious 
confraternities  in  their  lay  capacity  of  government  agents  in  these 
Islands  and  not  to  the  Jesuit  or  the  Paul  fathers,  who  have  justly 
gained  the  respect  of  both  Europeans  and  natives :  neither  is  it 
intended,  in  any  degree,  as  a  reflection  on  the  sacred  institution  of 
the  Church. 

I  take  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging,  with  gratitude,  my  in- 
debtedness to  Governor-General  Luke  E.  Wright,  Major-General  Leonard 
Wood,  Colonel  Philip  Reade,i  Major  Hugh  L.  Scott,  Captain  E.  N. 
Jones,  Captain  C.  H.  Martin,  Captain  Henry  C.  Cabell,  Captain  George 
Bennett,  Captain  John  P.  Finlev,  Dr.  David  P.  Barrows,  Mr.  Tobias 
Eppstein,  and  many  others  too  numerous  to  mention,  who  gave  me 
such  valuable  and  cordial  assistance  in  my  recent  investigations 
throughout  the  Archipelago. 

This  book  is  not  written  to  promote  the  interests  of  any  person  or 
party,  and  so  far  as  is  consistent  with  guiding  the  reader  to  a  fair 
appreciation  of  the  facts  recorded,  controversial  comment  has  been 
avoided,  for  to  pronounce  a  just  dictum  on  the  multifarious  questions 


viii  Preface  to  the  Third  Edition 

involved  would  demand  a  catholicity  of  judgement  never  concentrated 
in  the  brain  of  a  single  human  being. 

I  am  persuaded  to  believe  that  the  bare  truth,  unvarnished  by 
flattery,  will  be  acceptable  to  the  majority,  amongst  whom  may  be 
counted  all  those  educated  Americans  whose  impartiality  is  superior  to 
their  personal  interest  in  the  subject  at  issue. 

It  is  therefore  confidently  hoped  that  the  present  Edition  may 
merit  that  approval  from  readers  of  English  which  has  been  so 
graciously  accorded  to  the  previous  ones. 

J.  F. 

September,  1905. 


IX 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION 

CHAPTER   I 
GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE   ARCHIPELAGO 

PAGE 

Geographical  features  of  the  Islands.  Limits.  Mountains  ....  13 
Rivers.  Lakes.  Volcanoes.  Eruptions  of  the  Mayon  and  Taal  Volcanoes  14 
Monsoons.     Seasons.     Temperature.     Rains.     Climate.     Earthquakes  .         .       22 

CHAPTER   II 

DISCOVERY   OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO 

Hernando  de  Maghallanes.     Treaty  of  Tordesillas         .....  24 

Discovery  of  Magellan  Straits  and  the  Ladrone  Islands  ....  27 
Death  of  Maghallanes.     Elcano's  voyage  round  the  world    .         .         .         .28 

The  Loaisa  expedition.     The  Villalobos  expedition.     Andres  de  Urdaneta    .  Blj 

Miguel  de  Legaspi ;  his  expedition  ;  he  reaches  Cebu  ;  dethrones  King  Tupas  33  J 

Manila  is  proclaimed  the  capital  of  the  Archipelago     .....  36^/4 

Martin  de  Goiti.     Juan  Salcedo.     Native  Local  Government  initiated  .         .  37 

CHAPTER   III 

PHILIPPINE   DEPENDENCIES,    UP  TO   1898 

The  Ladrone,  Caroline,  and  Pelew  Islands    .......  39 

First  mission  to  the  Ladrone  Islands.     Pelew  Islanders.     Caroline  Islanders  40 

Spain's  possession  of  the  Caroline  Islands  disputed  by  Germany  ...  44 

Posadillo,  Governor  of  the  Caroline  Islands,  is  murdered     ....  45 

The  Ladrone,  Caroline,  and  Pelew  Islands  (except  Guam)  sold  to  Germany  46 

CHAPTER   IV 

ATTEMPTED   CONQUEST  BY   CHINESE 

Li-ma-hong,  a  Chinese  corsair,  attacks  Manila       ......       47 

He  settles  in  Pangasind,n ;  evacuates  the  Islands  .         .         .         .         .  49 

Rivalry  of  lay  and  Monastic  authorities.     Philip  II. 's  decree  of  Reforms     .       51 


Table  of  Contents 


PAGE 

Manila  Cathedral  founded.     Mendicant  friars.     Archbishopric  created  .       55 

Supreme  Court  suppressed  and  re-established.     Church  and  State  contentions       57 
Murder  of  Gov. -General  Bustamente  Bustillo.     The  monks  in  open  riot      .       60 


CHAPTER    V 
EARLY   RELATIONS   WITH   JAPAN 

THE    CATHOLIC    MISSIONS 

The  Emperor  of  Japan  demands  the  surrender  of  the  Islands      ...  63 

Fray  Pedro  Bautista's  mission ;  he  and  25  others  are  crucified     ...  65 

Jesuit  and  Franciscan  jealousy.     The  martyrs'  mortal  remains  lost  at  sea   .  67 

Emperor  Taycosama  explains  his  policy.     Further  missions  and  executions  68 

Missionary  martyrs  declared  saints.  Emperor  of  Japan  sends  a  shipment  of  lepers  70 

Spaniards  expelled  from  Formosa  by  the  Dutch.     Missions  to  Japan  abandoned  71 


CHAPTER  VI 

CONFLICTS  WITH   THE  DUTCH 

The  Spanish  expedition  to  the  Moluccas  fails        ...... 

Chinese  mutiny,  murder  the  Spanish  leader,  and  take  the  ship  to  Cochin  China 
Expeditions  of  Bravo  de  Acuiia  and  Pedro  de  Heredia.     Battle  of  Playa  Honda 
Koxinga,  a  Chinese  adventurer,  threatens  to  attack  the  Colony  . 
Vittorio  Riccio,  an  Italian  monk,  visits  Manila  as  Koxinga' s  ambassador 
Chinese  goaded  to  rebellion  ;  great  massacre  .... 

Vicissitudes  of  Govs. -General.     Defalcations.     Impeachments 

Gov. -General  Fajardo  de  Tua  kills  his  wife  and  her  paramour 

Separation  of  Portugal  and  Spain  (1640).     Spanish  failure  to  capture  Macao 

Nunneries.     Mother  Cecilia's  love  adventures.     Santa  Clara  Convent 

The  High  Host  is  stolen.     Inquisition.     Letter  of  Anathema 

The  Spanish  Prime  Minister  Valenzuela  is  banished  to  Cavite 

Monseigneur  Maillard  de  Tournon,  the  Papal  Legate   . 

His  arrogance  and  eccentricities ;  he  dies  in  prison  at  Macao 

Question  of  the  Regium  exequatur.     Philip  V.'s  edict  of  punishments 


72' 
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CHAPTER   VII 

BRITISH   OCCUPATION   OF  MANILA 

Coalition  of  France  and  Spain  against  England  by  the  "  Family  Compact 
Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  usurps  the  Archbishop-Governor's  authority 
British  bombard  Manila.     Archbishop-Governor  Rojo  capitulates  . 
British  in  possession  of  the  City.     Sack  and  pillage.     Agreed  Indemnity 
Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  defies  Governor  Rojo  and  declares  war 
British  carry  war  into  the  provinces.     Bustos  opposes  them 
Bustos  completely  routed.     Chinese  take  the  British  side     . 
Massacre  of  Chinese.     Villa  Corta'a  fate.     The  Philipino  treasure 
Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  offers  rewards  for  British  heads  . 


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05 


Table  of  Contents 


XI 


Austin  friars  on  battle-fields.     Peace  of  Paris  (Feb.  10,  1763) 
Archbishop-Governor  Rojo  dies.     La  Torre  appointed  Gov. -General 
British  evacuate  Manila.     La  Torre  allows  Anda  to  receive  back  the  City 
Auda  goes  to  Spain  ;  is  rewarded  by  the  King ;  returns  as  Gov. -General 
Anda  is  in  conflict  with  the  out-going  Governor,  the  Jesuits,  and  the  friars 
Anda  dies  in  hospital  (1776).     His  burial-place  and  monument    , 
Rebellion  succeeds  the  war.     Ilocos  Rebellion  led  by  Diego  de  Silan 
Revolt  in  Bojol  Island  led  by  Dagdhoy         ..... 
Revolts  in  Leyte  Island,  Surigao  (Mindanao  Is.),  and  Samar  Island 
Rebellion  of  "  King  "  Malong  and  "  Count "  Gumapos 
Rebellion  of  Andre's  Novales.     Execution  of  A.  Novales  and  Ruiz 
Apolinario  de  la  Cruz  declares  himself  "  King  of  the  Tagalogs  " 
General  Marcelo  Azcarraga,  Spanish  War  Minister,  Philippine  born 
The  Cavite  Conspiracy  of  1872.     The  Secret  Society  of  Reformers 
The  Philippine  Martyrs,  Dr.  Burgos  and  Fathers  Zamora  and  Gomez 
Illustrious  exiles — Dr.  Antonio  M.   Regidor  and  Jose'  M.  Basa    . 


CHAPTER    VIII 

THE   CHINESE 

Jhe  China-Manila  trade  in  the  days  of  Legaspi     .... 
The  Akayceria.     The  Parian.     Chinese  banished.     Restrictions    . 
The  Chinese  as  immigrants  ;  their  comparative  activity 
Chinese  mandarins  come  to  seek  the  "  Mount  of  Gold  "  in  Cavite 
The  Chinese  are  goaded  to  revolt.     Saint  Francis'  victory  over  them 
Massacre  of  Foreigners.     The  Chinese  Traders ;  their  Guilds 
Chinese  patron  saint ;  population.     The  Sangley.     The  Macao 
Restrictions  on  Chinese  immigration.     Their  gradual  exclusion    . 


CHAPTER   IX 

WILD   TRIBES  AND   PAGANS 

The  Aetas  or  Negritos  or  Balugas 

The  Gaddanes.     The  Itavis.     The  Igor  rotes.     The  Ibanacs 
Attempt  to  subdue  the  Igor  rotes.     Its  failure 
The  Calingas.     The  Igorrote-Chinese.     The  Tinguianes    . 
The  Basanes.     The  Manguianes.     The  Hindoos.     Albinos. 


CHAPTER    X 
MAHOMETANS  AND   SOUTHERN  TRIBES 

Early  history  of  the  Mahometans,  called  Moros    .... 

The  First  Expedition  against  the  Mindanao  Moros 

Gov.-General  Corcuera  effects  a  landing  in  Sulu  Island 

The  scourge  of  Moro  Piracy.     Devastation  of  the  coasts.     Captives 

Zamboanga  Fort ;  cost  of  its  maintenance.     Fighting  Friars 


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Xll 


Table  of  Contents 


Vicissitudes  of  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin      ..... 
The  Sultan  appeals  to  his  suzerain's  delegate  and  is  made  prisoner 

His  letter  to  Sultan  Muhamad  Amirubdin 

The  charges  against  the  Sultan.     Extermination  of  Moros  decreed 
Mindanao  and  Sulu  Moros  join  forces.     Extermination  impossible 
The  Treaty  with  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  .... 

The  Claveria  and  Urbiztondo  expeditions  against  Moros 

Gov. -General  Malcampo  finally  annexes  Jolri  (1876) 

Spain  appoints  Haruu  Narrasid  Sultan  of  Sulu  (1885)  . 

The  ceremony  of  investiture.     Opposition  to  the  nominee    . 

Datto  Utto  defies  the  Spaniards.     Terrero's  expedition  (Jan.,  1887) 

Colonel  Arolas'  victory  at  Maybun  (Sulu  Is.)  (April,  1887) 

The  Marahui  Campaign  (1895).     The  Moro  tribes 

The  Juramentado.     Moro  dress  ;  character ;  arts  ;  weapons   . 

Moro  customs.     The  Pandita.     The  Datto     ..... 

Jolri  (Sulu)  town.     H.H.  the  Sultan  of  Sulu         .... 

if  A  juramentado  runs  amok.     Across  Sulu  Island  to  Maybun 
The  Sultan's  official  reception.     Subuanos  of  Zamboanga 
Climate  in  the  South.     Palauan  Island.     Spanish  settlers     . 
Across  Palauan  Island.     The  Tagbanuus  tribe        .... 

Their  dress,  customs,  and  country         ...... 

Efforts  to  colonize  Palauan  Island.     The  Moro  problem 


CHAPTER   XI 

DOMESTICATED  NATIVES— ORIGIN— CHARACTER 

Theory  concerning  the  first  inhabitants  of  these  Islands 
Their  advent  before  the  Spanish  Conquest    .... 

Japanese  and  Chinese  early  immigrants         .... 

■/  Native  character  ;  idiosyncracies  and  characteristics 
Notion  of  sleep.     "  Castila  !  " 

Tagalog  and  Visayo  hospitality.     The  native's  good  qualities 
Native  aversion  to  discipline ;  bravery  ;  resignation  ;  geniality 
Mixed  races.     Native  physiognomy  ;  marriages ;  minors'  rights 
Family  names.     The  Catapusan      ...... 

Dancing  ;  the  Balitao  ;  the  Comitan.     The  Asuan  . 

Mixed  marriages.     The  Half-caste  {Mestizo)  .... 

The  Shrines  and  Saints.     The  Holy  Child  of  Cebu.     St.   Francis  of  Tears 
Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay.     The  Virgin  of  Antipolo 
Miraculous  Saints.     Santones.     Native  Conception  of  Religion 
Musical  talent.     Slavery.     Education  in  Spanish  times 
The  Intellectuals.     The  Illiterates.     State  aid  for  Schools    . 
The  Athenaeum.     Girls'  Colleges.     St.  Thomas'  University   . 
The  Nautical  School.     The  provincial  student.     Talented  natives 
Diseases.     Leprosy.     Insanity.     Death-rate.     Sanitation 


CHAPTER   XII 
THE   RELIGIOUS  ORDERS 


Their  early  co-operation  a  necessity 
Their  power  and  influence 


Table  of  Contents 


xm 


Opinions  for  and  against  that  power      ........  201 

The  Spanish  parish  priest.     Father  Piernavieja      ......  202 

Yirtueless  friars.     Monastic  persecution  .......  204 

The  Hierarchy.     The  Orders.     Church  revenues  and  State  aid    .         .         .  206 

Rivalry  of  Religious  Orders.     Papal  intervention  to  ensure  peace         .         .  209 


CHAPTER   XIII 

SPANISH   INSULAR  GOVERNMENT 

The  Encomiendas.     The  Trading-Governors    .         .         .         .         .         .         .211 

The  Judge-Governors  (Alcalde  Mayor).     The  Reforms  of  1886      .         .         .  213 

Cost  of  Spanish  Insular  Government.     The  Pi-ovincial  Civil  Governor's  duties  214 

The  position  of  Provincial  Civil  Governor.     Local  Funds.     Provincial  poverty  216 

Highways  and  Public  Works.     Cause  of  national  decay        ....  218 

Fortunes  made  easily.     Peculations.     Town  Local  Government     .         .         .  220 

The  Gobernadorcillo  (petty-governor).     The  Cabeza  de  Barangay  (Tax-collector)  222 

The  C'uadrillero  (guard).     The  Fallas  (tax).     The  Cedula  personal         .         .  224 

The  Tribunal  (town  hall).     Reforms  affecting  travellers         ....  225 


CHAPTER    XIV 

SPANISH-PHILIPPINE   FINANCES 

Philippine  budgets.     Curious  items  of  revenue  and  expenditure 

Spanish-Philippine  army,  police,  and  constabulary  statistics 

The  armed  forces  in  the  olden  times     .... 

Spanish-Philippine  navy  and  judicial  statistics 

Prison  statistics.     Brigandage.     The  brigands'  superstition 

A  chase  for  brigands.     The  antiny-anting.     Pirates 

The  notorious  Tancad.     Dilatory  justice.     A  cause  celebre 

Spanish-Philippine  Criminal  Law  procedure  . 


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241 


CHAPTER   XV 

TRADE   OF  THE   ISLANDS 


FROM    EARLY   TIMES 

Its  early  history.     Its  State  galleons     .... 

The  Consulado  merchants.     The  Mexican  subsidy  . 

In  the  days  of  the  Mexican  galleons.     The  Obras  Pias 

Losses  of  the  treasure-laden  galleons.     Trade  difficulties 

The  period  of  restrictions  on  trade.     Prohibitory  decrees 

The  Manila  merchants  alarmed  ;  appeal  to  the  King    . 

Penalties  on  free-traders.     Trading  friars.     The  budget  for  1757 

Decline  of  trade.     Spanish  trading-company  failures 

The  Real  Compania  de  Filipinas  ;  its  privileges  and  failure 

The  dawn  of  free  trade.     Foreign  traders  admitted 

Manila  port,  unrestrictedly  open  to  foreigners  (1834),  becomes  known 


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25; 
254 
to  the  world  25' 


xiv  Table  of  Contents 


PAGE 

Pioneers  of  foreign  trade.     Foreign  and  Philippine  banks    ....  257 

The  Spanish-Philippine  currency.     Mexican-dollar  smuggling        .         .         .  259 

Ports  of  Zamboauga,  Yloilo,  Cebii,  and  Sual  opened  to  foreign  trade  .  261 

Mail  service.     Carrying-trade.     Middlemen.     Native  industries     .         .         .  263 

The  first  Philippine  Railway.     Telegraph  service.     Seclusion  of  the  Colony  265 


CHAPTER   XVI 

AGRICULTURE 

Interest  on  loans  to  farmers.     Land  values  and  tenure  in  Luzon  Island      .  269 

Sugar-cane  lands  and  cultivation.     Land-measures 271 

Process  of  sugar-extraction.     Labour  conditions  on  sugar-estates  .         .         .  273 

Sugar  statistics.     World's  production  of  cane  and  beet  sugar       .         .         .  275 

Rice.     Rice-measure.     Rice  machinery ;  husking ;  pearling ;  statistics  .         .  276 

Macan  and  Paga  rice.     Rice  planting  and  trading 278 

CHAPTER   XVII 

MANILA   HEMP— COFFEE— TOBACCO 

Musa  textilis.     Extraction  and  uses  of  the  fibre.     Machinery         .         .         .281 

Hemp  experiments  in  British  India.     Cultivation.     Qualities         .         .         .  283 

Labour  difficulties.     Statistics.     Albay  province  (local)  land-measure    .         .  286 

Coffee.     Coffee  dealing  and  cultivation  ........  289 

Tobacco.     The  Government  Tobacco  Monopoly 292 

Tobacco-growing  by  compulsory  labour.     Condition  of  the  growers       .         .  294 

Tobacco  Monopoly  abolished.     Free  trade  in  tobacco    .....  296 

Tobacco-trading  risks ;  qualities  ;  districts.     Cigar  values      ....  299 

CHAPTER   XVIII 

SUNDRY   FOREST  AND   FARM   PRODUCE 

Maize.     Cacao-beans.     Chocolate 300 

Cacao  cultivation.     Castor  oil.     Gogo    ........  302 

Camote.     Gabi.     Potatoes.     Mani  (pea-nut).     Areca-nut.     Buyo  .         .         .  303 

Cocoanuts.     Extraction  of  Tuba  (beverage) 304 

Cocoanut-oil  extraction.     Coprah.     Coir          .......  305 

Nipa  palm.     Cogon-grass.     Cotton-tree ........  307 

Buri  palm.     Dita.     Palma  brava.     Bamboo 308 

Bojo.     Bejuco  (Rattan-cane).     Palasan  (Bush-rope) 310 

Gum  mastic.     Gutta-percha.     Wax.     Cinnamon.     Edible  Bird's-nest    .         .311 

Balate  (Trepang).     Sapan-wood.     Tree-saps 312 

Hardwoods ;  varieties  and  qualities 313 

Molave  wood  tensile  and  transverse  experiments   ......  315 

Relative  strengths  of  hardwoods.     Timber  trade 317 

Fruits  ;  the  Mango  ;  the  Banana  ;  the  Papaw,  etc 318 

Guavas  ;  Pineapples  ;  Tamarinds  ;  the  Mabolo        ......  320 

Sundry  vegetable  produce      Flowers 321 


Table  of  Contents 


xv 


Botanical  specimens — curious  and  beautiful.     Orchids 
Firewoods ;  Locust  beans  ;  Amor  seco 
Botanical  names  given  to  islands,  towns  etc. 
Medicinal  herbs,  roots,  leaves  and  barks.     Perfumes 


PAGE 

322 
324 
324 
325 


CHAPTER   XIX 
MINERAL   PRODUCTS 


Coal  import.     Coal-mining  ventures       ..... 

Comparative  analyses  of  coal ....... 

Gold-mining  ventures.     The  Paracale  and  Mambulao  mines 
Iron-mining  ventures.     Failures,  poverty  and  suicide    . 
Copper.     Marble.     Stone.     Gypsum.     Sulphur.     Mineral  oil 


326 
328 
329 
332 

334 


CHAPTER   XX 

DOMESTIC    LIVE-STOCK— PONIES,   BUFFALOES,   ETC. 
Ponies.     Horses.     Buffaloes  (carabaos)    ....... 


Donkeys.     Mules.     Sheep.     Fish.     Insects.     Reptiles.     Snakes 
Butterflies.     White  ants.     Bats.     Deer.     Wild,  boars    . 
Fowls.     Birds.     The  Locust  plague.     Edible  insects 


336 
338 
340 
341 


CHAPTER   XXI 

MANILA   UNDER   SPANISH   RULE 

The  fortified  city.     The  moats.     The  drawbridges 343 

Public  buildings  in  the  city.     The  port  in  construction         ....  344 

Manila  Bay.     Corregidor  Island  and  Mariveles     ......  345 

The  Pasig  River.     Public  lighting.     Tondo  suburb        .....  346 

Binondo  suburb.     Chinese  and  native  artificers      ......  347 

Easter  week.     The  vehicle  traffic  .........  348 

The  Theatres.     The  Carrillo.     The  "  Moro  Moro "  performance    .         .         .  349 

The  bull-ring.     Annual  feasts.     Cock-fighting        ......  350 

European  club.     Hotels.     The  Press.     Spanish  journalism    ....  351 

Botanical  gardens.     Dwelling-houses       .........  353 

Manila  society.     Water-supply.     Climate       .......  354 

Population  of  the  Islands  in  1845  ;  of  Manila  in  1896 355 

Typhoons  and  earthquakes  affecting  Manila  .......  356 

Dress  of  both  sexes.     A  ' '  first-class  "  funeral 357 

Excursions  from  Manila.     Los  Baiios     ........  359 

The  story  of  Los  Baiios  and  Jalajala.     The  legend  of  Guadalupe  Church    .  360 


CHAPTER   XXII 

THE  TAGALOG   REBELLION  OF   1896-98 

FIRST    PERIOD 

The  Cortes  de  Cadiz.     Philippine  deputies  in  the  Peninsula . 

The  Assembly  of  Reformists.     Effect  of  the  Cavite  Rising  of  1872 


362 
363 


xvi  Table  of  Contents 


PAGE 

Official  acts  conducive  to  rebellion.     The  Katipunan  League         .         .         .  364 

Arrest  of  prominent  Filipinos.     The  first  overt  act  of  rebellion    .         .         .  366 

War  commences.     The  Battle  of  San  Juan  del  Monte          ....  368 

Execution  of  Sancho  Valenzuela  and  others 369 

Andres  Bonifacio  heads  the  movement.     He  is  superseded  by  Emilio  Aguinaldo  370 

Imus  (Cavite)  is  captured  by  the  rebels.     The  history  of  Imus    .         .         .  372 

Atrocities  of  the  rebels.     Rebel  victory  at  Binacayan 373 

Execution  of  13  rebels  in  Cavite.     The  rebel  chief  Llaneras  in  Bulacan      .  374 

Volunteers  are  enrolled.     Tragedy  at  Fort  Santiago  ;  cartloads  of  corpses   .  375 

A  court-martial  cabal.     Gov. -General  Blanco  is  recalled       ....  376 

The  rebels  destroy  a  part  of  the  railway.     They  threaten  an  assault  on  Manila  377 

General  Camilo  Polavieja  succeeds  Blanco  as  Gov. -General  ....  378 

General  Lachambre,  the  Liberator  of  Cavite.     Polavieja  returns  to  Spain    .  379 

Dr.  Jose'  Rizal,  the  Philippine  ideal  patriot ;  his  career  and  hopes      .         .  381 

His  return  to  Manila  ;  banishment,  liberation,  re-arrest,  and  execution       .  383 

The  love-romance  of  Dr.  Jose'  Rizal's  life 387 

General  Primo  de  Rivera  succeeds  Polavieja  as  Gov. -General       .         .         .  389 

The  Gov. -General  decrees  concentration  ;  its  bad  effect         ....  391 

The  rebels  define  their  demands  in  an  exhortation  to  the  people         .         .  392 

Emilio  Aguinaldo  now  claims  independence  .......  394 

Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno  acts  as  peace  negotiator    ......  395 

The  Protocol  of  Peace  between  the  Rebels  and  the  Gov. -General         .         .  396 

The  alleged  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato  (Dec.  14,  1897) 397 

The  Primo  de  Rivera-Paterno  agreement  as  to  indemnity  payment      .         .  398 

Emilio  Aguinaldo  in  exile.     Peace  rejoicings.     Spain  defaults       .         .         .  399 

The  rebel  chiefs  being  in  exile,  the  people  are  goaded  to  fresh  revolt         .  400 

The  tragedy  of  the  Culle  de  Camba.     Cebu  Island  rises  in  revolt         .         .  401 

The  Cebuanos'  raid  on  Cebu  City  ;  Lutao  in  flames ;  piles  of  corpses  .         .  402 

Exciting  adventures  of  American  citizens.     Heartrending  scenes  in  Cebu  City  404 

Rajahmudah  Datto  Mandi  visits  Cebu.     Rebels  in  Bolinao  (Zambales)          .  406 

Relief  of  Bolinao.     Father  Santos  of  Malolos  is  murdered    ....  408 

The  peacemaker  states  his  views  on  the  reward  he  expects  from  Spain        .  409 

Don  Maximo  Paterno,  the  Philippine  " Grand  Old  Man"    ....  411 

Biographical  sketch  of  his  son,  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno         ....  411 

General  Basilio  Augusti  succeeds  Primo  de  Rivera  as  Gov. -General     .         .  413 

The  existence  of  a  Peace  Treaty  with  the  rebels  is  denied  in  the  Spanish  Cortes  414 


CHAPTER   XXIII 
THE  TAGA'LOG   REBELLION  OF   1896-98 

SECOND    PERIOD 

AMERICAN    INTERVENTION 

Events  leading  to  the  Spanish-American  War  (April-Aug.,  1898)         .         .  417 

Events  preliminary  to  the  naval  Battle  of  Cavite  (May  1,  1898)  .         .  419 

Aspirations  of  the  Revolutionary  Party  .......  420 

Revolutionary  exhortation  denouncing  Spain  ......  421 

Allocution  of  the  Archbishop  of  Madrid  to  the  Spanish  army      .  .         .  423 

Got. -General  Basilio  Augusti  issues  a  call  to  arms        .....  424 


Table  of  Contents  xvii 

PAGE 

.  425 

.  426 

.  427 

.  429 

.  431 

.  432 

.  433 

.  434 

.  435 


His  proclamation  declaring  a  state  of  war  with  America 
War  in  the  Islands  approaching.     Flight  of  non-combatants 
The  naval  Battle  of  Cavite.     Destruction  of  the  Spanish  Fleet 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  hoisted  at  Cavite         .... 

The  first  news  of  the  naval  defeat  raises  panic  in  Madrid    . 

Emilio  Aguinaldo  returns  from  exile  to  Cavite  (May  19,  1898) 

Revolutionary  exhortation  to  the  people  to  aid  America 

In  the  beleaguered  city  of  Manila.     German  attitude  . 

The  merchants'  harvest.     Run  on  the  Bunco  Expafiol-FUipino 

General  Aguinaldo  becomes  Dictator.     Filipinos  congratulate  America  .  43G 

Conditions  in  and  around  Manila.     Seiior  Paterno's  pro-Spanish  Manifesto  438 

The  revolutionists'  refutation  of  Seiior  Paterno's  manifesto  ....  440 

General  Monet's  terrible  southward  march  with  refugees      ....  445 

Terror-stricken  refugees'  flight  for  life.     The  Macabebes        ....  44(5 

The  Revolutionary  Government  proclaimed.     Statutes  of  Constitution  .         .  448 

Message  of  the  Revolutionary  President  accompanying  the  proclamation      .  454 

The  Revolutionists'  appeal  to  the  Powers  for  recognition     ....  457 

Spain  makes  peace  overtures  to  America.     The  Protocol  of  Peace        .         .  458 

The  Americans  prepare  for  the  attack  on  Manila  .....  400 

The  Americans  again  demand  the  surrender  of  Manila  .         .  461 

The  Americans'  attack  on  Manila  (Aug.  13,  1898)        .....  462 

Spain's  blood-sacritice  for  "the  honour  of  the  country"       .  4(i4 

Capitulation  of  Manila  to  the  Americans  (Aug.   14,  1898)     ....  465 

The  Americans'  first  measures  of  administration  in  Manila  ....  467 

Trade  resumed.     Liberty  of  the  Press.     Malolos  (Bulacan)  the  rebel  capital  468 

General  Aguinaldo's  triumphal  entry  into  Malolos         .....  470 

The  Paris  Peace  Commission  (Oct.-Dec,  1898)     ......  471 

Peace  concluded  in  Paris  between  America  and  Spain  (Dec.   10,  1898)         .  472 

Innovations  in  Manila  customs.     Spanish  government  in  Yisayas  .         .  473 

Strained  relations  between  the  rebels  and  the  Americans     ....  475 

Rebels  attack  the  Spaniards  in  Visayas.     The  Spaniards  evacuate  the  Visayas  476 

The  end  of  Spanish  rule.     The  rebels'  disagreement     .....  478 

Text  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  between  America  and  Spain     ....  479 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

AN    OUTLINE   OF  THE   WAR  OF   INDEPENDENCE 

PERIOD,    1899-1901 

Insurgents  prepare  for  the  coming  conflict 484 

Anti-American  manifesto.     The  Philippine  Republic 486 

The  war  begins ;  the  opening  shot.     Battle  of  Paco 487 

Fighting  around  Manila  ;  Gagalanging.     Manila  in  flames     ....  489 

Battle  of  Marilao.     Capture  of  Malolos,  the  insurgent  capital       .         .         .  490 

Proclamation  of  American  intentions.     Santa  Cruz  (La  Laguna)  captured    .  493 

Effect  of  the  war  on  public  opinion  in  America 495 

Insurgent  defeat.     Calumpit  captured.     Insurgents  ask  for  an  armistice      .  496 

Insurgent  tactics.     General  Lawton  in  Cavite 499 

Violent  death  of  General  Antonio  Luna 501 

General  Aguinaldo's  manifesto  ;  his  pathetic  allusion  to  the  past          .  502 

b 


XV111 


Table  of  Contents 


Insurgents  destroy  the  s.s.  Satumus.     Death  of  General  Lawtoi 
War  on  the  wane.     Many  chiefs  surrender   .... 
Partial  disbandment  of  the  insurgent  array  urged  by  hunger 
Capture  of  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  (March  23,  1901) 
He  swears  allegiance  to  America.     His  home  at  C'auit  (Cavite  Viejo) 


PAGE 

1 

503 

506 

50G 

.507 

Viejo) 

5091 

CHAPTER   XXV 

THE   PHILIPPINE   REPUBLIC   IN  THE  CENTRAL   AND   SOUTHERN 

ISLANDS 


The  Spaniards  evacuate  Yloilo  (Dec,  1898).     Native  Government  there 
General  Miller  demands  the  surrender  of  Yloilo.     The  Panay  army    . 
Riotous  insurgent  soldiery.     Flight  of  civilians     ..... 

The  Yloilo  native  Government  discusses  the  crisis  in  open  assembly    . 
Mob  riot.     Yloilo  in  flames.     Looting,  anarchy,  and  terrorism     . 
Bombardment  of  Yloilo.     The  American  forces  enter  and  the  insurgents  vanish 
Surrender  of  insurgent  leaders.     Peace  overtures.     "  Water-cure  " 
Formal  surrender  of  the  Panay  army  remnant  at  Jaro  (Feb.   2,  1901) 
Yloilo  town.     Native  Government  in  Negros  Island.     Peaceful  settlement 
An  armed  rabble  overruns  Negros  Island      ...... 

Native  Government  in  Cebu  Island.     American  occupation  of  Cebu  City 
Cebuano  insurgents  on  the  warpath.     Peace  signed  with  Cebuanos 
Reformed  government  in  Cebu  Island.     Cebu  City        .... 

American  occupation  of  Bojol  Island.     Insurgent  rising  quelled  . 
Native  Government  in  Cottobato.     Slaughter  of  the  Christians     . 
The  Spaniards'  critical  position  in  Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Is.) 
Rival  factions  and  anarchy  in  Zamboanga.     Opportune  American  advent 
The  Rajahmudah  Datto  Mandi.     Zamboanga  town         .... 

Samar  and  Marinduque  Islands  under  native  leaders     .... 

Slaughter  of  American  officers  and  troops  at  Balangiga  (Samar  Is.)     . 


511 
512 
513 

514 
515 
51G 
517 
518 
519 
521 
522 
524 
520 
528 
529 
531 
532 
534 
535 
536 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

THE   SPANISH   PRISONERS 

The  approximate  number  of  Spanish  prisoners  and  their  treatment 
The  Spanish  Government's  dilemma  in  the  matter  of  the  prisoners 
AYhy  the  prisoners  were  detained.     Baron  Du  Marais'  ill-fated  mission 
Further  efforts  to  obtain  their  release.     The  captors  state  their  terms 
Discussions  between  Generals  E.  S.  Otis  and  Nicolas  Jaramillo  . 
The  Spanish  commissioners'  ruse  to  obtain  the  prisoners'  release  fails 
The  end  of  the  Spaniards'  captivity        ....... 


538 
539 
541 
542 
543 
544 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

END   OF  THE   WAR  OF   INDEPENDENCE   AND  AFTER 

The  last  of  the  recognized  insurgent  leaders.     Notorious  outlaws 
Apolinario  Mabini.     Brigands  of  the  old  and  of  the  new  type 
Ferocity  of  the  new  caste  of  brigands    ....... 


545 
540 
548 


Table  of  Contents 


xix 


The  Montalon  and  Felizardo  outlaw  bands    . 
The  "Guards  of  Honour."     The  Pulajdn  in  gloomy  Samar 
Army  and  Constabulary  Statistics.     Insurgent  navy 
Sedition.     Seditious  plays        ....... 

Landownership  is  conducive  to  social  tranquillity 


PAGE 

549 
550 

554 
555 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 
MODERN*   MANILA 


Innovations  under  American  rule  .........  556" 

Clubs.     Theatres.     Hotels.     "Saloons."     The  Walled  City .  .         .  558 

The  Insular  Government.     Feast-days.     Municipality    .....  560 

Emoluments  of"  high  officials.     The  Schurman  Commission   ....  561 

The  Taft  Commission.     The  "Philippines  for  the  Filipinos"  doctrine  .  563 

The  Philippine  Civil  Service.     Civil  government  established  .         .  .  565 

Constabulary.     Secret  Police.     The  Vagrant  Act  ......  567 

Army  strength.     Military  Division.     Scout  Corps  .....  569- 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

THE   LAND  OF  THE   MOROS 

The  Bates  Agreement  with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu     ..... 

The  warlike  DattOS  and  their  clansmen  ...... 

Captain  Pershing's  brilliant  exploits  around  Lake  Lanao 

Storming  the  Cottaa.     American  pluck  ....... 

American  policy  in  Moroland.     Maj. -General  Leonard  Wood 
Constitution  of  the  Moro  Province  ....... 

Municipalities.     Tribal  Wards.     Moro  Province  finances 

Moro  Province  armed  forces.     Gen.  Wood's  victory  at  Kudaraiigan     . 

Datto  Pedro  Cuevas  of  Basilan  Island.     His  career       .... 

General  Wood  in  Sulu  Island.      Panglima  Hassan.      Major  H.    L.   Scott 
Major  Hugh  L.   Scott  vanquishes  Panglima  Hassan.     A  biehdra    . 

Jobi  town.     H.H.  The  Sultan  of  Sulu 

American  policy  towards  the  Moro  chiefs      ...... 

The  Manguiguin's  eventful  visit  to  Zamboanga      ..... 

Education  and  progress  in  the  Moro  Province       ..... 

What  the  Moro  Province  needs.     The  prospect  therein 


571 
573 
574 
575 
576 
577 
578 
580 
582 
584 
585 
587 
588 
58!) 
591 
592 


CHAPTER   XXX 

THE   SPANISH   FRIARS,   AFTER   1898 

Free  cult.     Causes  of  the  anti-friar  feeling   .......  594 

Attitude  of  the  Philippine  clergy.     Monsignor  Chapelle        ....  596 

The  question  of  the  friars'  lands.     American  view         .....  597 

The  American  Government  negotiates  with  the  Holy  See    ....  599 

The  Pope's  contrary  view  of  the  friars'  case  ......  60O 

The  friars'-lands  purchase.     The  approximate  acreage.     Monsignor  Guidi     .  601 


XX 


Table  of  Contents 


The  anti-friar  feeling  diminishes.     The  Philippine  Independent  < 
The  head  of  the  Philippine  Independent  Church  throws  off  allegiance 
Conflict  between  Catholics  and  Schismatics    . 
Aglipayan  doctrine.     Native  clergy.     Monsignor  Agius 
American  education.     The  Normal  School.     The  Nautical  School 
The  School  for  Chinese.     The  Spanish  Schools     . 
The  English  language  for  Orientals.     Native  politics    . 
The  Philippine  Assembly.     The  cry  for  "independence" 
The  native  interpretation  of  the  term  "Protection"     . 
Capacity  for  self-government.     Population.     Benguet  road 
Census  Statistics.     Regulations  affecting  foreign  travellers 
Administration  of  justice.     Provincial  Courts.     Justices  of  the  peace 


hurch 
to  the  Pope 


PAGE 

602 
604 
606 
607 
608 
610 
611 
612 
613 
614 
616 
618 


CHAPTER   XXXI 
TRADE  AND   AGRICULTURE 

SINCE   THE    AMERICAN    ADVENT 

Trade  in  war-time.     After-effect  of  war  on  trade  and  agriculture         .         .  620 

Losses  in  tilth-cattle.     The  Congressional  Relief  Fund          ....  621 

Fruitless  endeavours  to  replace  the  lost  buffalo  herds  .....  622 

Government  supplies  rice  to  the  needy.     Planters'  embarrassments       .         .  623 

Agitation  for  an  Agricultural  Bank.     Bureau  of  Agriculture        .         .          .  624 

Land-tax.     Manila  Port  Works.     The  Southern  ports 626 

Need  of  roads.     Railway  projects  .........  627 

The  carrying-trade.     The  Shipping  Law.     Revenue  and  Expenditure   .         .  628 

The  Internal  Revenue  Law.     Enormous  increase  in  cost  of  living        .  630 

"The  Democratic  Labour  Union."     The  Chinese  Exclusion  Act.         .  632 

Social  position  of  the  Chinese  in  the  Islands  since  1898       ....  634 

The  new  Philippine  currency  (Peso  C'onant)  .......  635 

American  Banks.     The  commercial  policy  of  the  future        ....  637 

Trade  Statistics.     Total  Import  and  Export  values.     Hemp  shipments          .  639 

Total  Chief  Exports.     Total  Sugar  Export     .......  640 

Tobacco,  Cigar,  and  Coprah  shipments.     Values  of  Coprah  and  Cocoanut-oil  644 

Sapan-wood,  Gum  Mastic,  and  Coffee  shipments   ......  646 

Gold  and  Silver  Imports  and  Exports.     Tonnage.     Exchange       .         .         .  647 

Proportionate  table  of  Total  Exports      ........  648 

Proportionate  table  of  Total  Imports      ........  649 

Proportionate  table  of  Staple  Exports  and  Rice  Imports       ....  650 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE   OF   LEADING   EVENTS 


651 


INDEX 6.55 


XXI 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

The  Author       ..........     Frontispiece 

Taal  Volcano Facing       16 

Ma  yon  Volcano „           16 

Effect  of  the  Hurricane  of  September  26,   1905           .         .         .  ,,           23 

A  Negrito    Family    ..........  „         120 

An  Igorrote  Type  (Luzon)       ........  ,,128 

A  Pagan  Type  (Mindanao)       ........  ,,         128 

A  Tagalog  Girl        ..........  „         128 

Moro  Weapons          ..........  ,,         132 

A  Scene  in  the  Moro  Country       .......  ,,         148 

Zamboanga  Fortress  ("  Fuerza  del  Pilar  ") .         .          .         .         .  ,,         148 

A  Visayan  Girl        . ,,     •    164 

A  Tagalog  Girl ,,         164 

A  Visayan  Planter ,,172 

A  Chinese  Half-caste      .........  „         172 

A  Tagalog   Milkwoman     .........  ,,         182 

A  Tagalog  Townsman        .........  ,,182 

Middle-class  Tagalog  Natives          .         .         .         .         .         .         .  ,,         196 

A  Spanish-Mexican   Galleon „         244 

A  Canoe ,,244 

A  Casco  (Sailing-barge)  .........  ,,         244 

A  Prahu  (Sailing-canoe) „         244 

A  Sugar-Estate  House,  Southern  Philippines        ....  „         275 

Shipping  Hemp  in  the  Provinces „         288 

Jotanical  Specimen  ..........  ,,         321 

Botanical  Specimen  ..........  ,,        322 

6 


XXII 


List  of  Illustrations 


Botanical  Specimen  . 

Botanical  Specimen  . 

The  Old  Walls  of  Manila  City 

La  Escolta  in  the  Business  Quarter  of 

A  Riverside  Washing-scene 

Dr.   Jose  Rizal 

Don  Felipe  Agoncillo 

General  Emilio  Aguinaldo 

Don    Pedro  A.  Paterno   . 

Admiral  Patricio  Montojo 

Admiral  George  Dewey  . 

General  Basilio  Augusti  . 

Ma j. -General  Wesley  Merritt 

Archbishop  Bernardino  Nozaleda 

Tagalog  Bowie-knives  and  Weapons 

A  Pandita  (Mahometan  Priest) 

Rajahmudah  Datto  Mandi  and  Wife 

Santa  Cruz  Church  (Manila    Suburb) 

Panglima  Hassan  (of  Sulu) 

A  Mindanao  Datto  and  Suite 

The  Rt.   Rev.   Bishop  Gregorio  Aglipay 

A  Roadside  Scene  in  Bulacan  Province 


Manila 


PAGE 

Facing 

323 

)) 

324 

)> 

344 

a 

347 

a 

359 

>} 

381 

>> 

381 

}> 

396 

a 

396 

a 

430 

)> 

430 

;> 

430 

>> 

430 

>) 

430 

}} 

485 

}} 

534 

)) 

534 

>> 

559 

}} 

584 

;} 

584 

>} 

604 

}) 

627 

MAPS 


The  Province  of  Cavite  . 
Map  of  the  Archipelago 


„        371 

at  the  end 


INTRODUCTION 


"  Nothing  extenuate, 
Nor  set  down  aught  in  malice." 

Othello,  Act  V.,  Sc.  2. 


During  the  three  centuries  and  a  quarter  of  more  or  less  effective 
Spanish  dominion,  this  Archipelago  never  ranked  above  the  most 
primitive  of  colonial  possessions. 

That  powerful  nation  which  in  centuries  gone  by  was  built  up  by 
Iberians,  Celts,  Phoenicians,  Carthaginians,  Visigoths,  Romans,  and 
Arabs  was  in  its  zenith  of  glory  when  the  conquering  spirit  and 
dauntless  energy  of  its  people  led  them  to  gallant  enterprises  of  dis- 
covery which  astonished  the  civilized  world.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  incentive  which  impelled  the  Spanish  monarchs  to  encourage  the 
conquest  of  these  Islands,  there  can,  at  least,  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
earnestness  of  the  individuals  entrusted  to  carry  out  the  royal  will. 
The  nerve  and  muscle  of  chivalrous  Spain  ploughing  through  a  wide 
unknown  ocean  in  quest  of  glory  and  adventure,  the  unswerving 
devotion  of  the  ecclesiastics  to  the  cause  of  Catholic  supremacy,  each 
bearing  intense  privations,  cannot  fail  to  excite  the  wonder  of  succeeding 
generations.  But  they  were  satisfied  with  conquering  and  leaving 
unimproved  their  conquests,  for  whilst  only  a  small  fraction  of  this 
Archipelago  was  subdued,  millions  of  dollars  and  hundreds  of  lives  were 
expended  in  futile  attempts  at  conquest  in  Gamboge,  Siam,  Pegu, 
Moluccas,  Borneo,  Japan,  etc. — and  for  all  these  toils  there  came  no 
reward,  not  even  the  sterile  laurels  of  victory.  The  Manila  seat  of 
government  had  not  been  founded  five  years  when  the  Governor-General 
solicited  royal  permission  to  conquer  China ! 

Extension  of  dominion  seized  them  like  a  mania.  Had  they  followed 
up  their  discoveries  by  progressive  social  enlightenment,  by  encourage- 
ment to  commerce,  by  the  concentration  of  their  efforts  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  territory  and  the  new  resources  already  under  their  sway, 
half  the  money  and  energy  squandered  on  fruitless  and  inglorious  expe- 
ditions would  have  sufficed  to  make  high  roads  crossing  and  recrossing 
the    Islands ;  tenfold    wealth    would   have   accrued ;  civilization    would 

1 


Introduction 


have  followed  as  a  natural  consequence ;  and  they  would,  perhaps  even 
to  this  day,  have  preserved  the  loyalty  of  those  who  struggled  for  and 
obtained  freer  institutions.  But  they  had  elected  to  follow  the  prin- 
ciples of  that  religious  age,  and  all  we  can  credit  them  with  is  the 
conversion  of  millions  to  Christianity  and  the  consequent  civility  at 
the  expense  of  cherished  liberty,  for  ever  on  the  track  of  that  fearless 
band  of  warriors  followed  the  monk,  ready  to  pass  the  breach  opened 
for  him  by  the  sword,  to  conclude  the  conquest  by  the  persuasive 
influence  of  the  Holy  Cross. 

The  civilization  of  the  world  is  but  the  outcome  of  wars,  and 
probably  as  long  as  the  world  lasts  the  ultimate  appeal  in  all  questions 
will  be  made  to  force,  notwithstanding  Peace  Conferences.  The  hope 
of  ever  extinguishing  warfare  is  as  meagre  as  the  advantage  such  a  state 
of  things  would  be.  The  idea  of  totally  suppressing  martial  instinct  in 
the  whole  civilized  community  is  as  hopeless  as  the  effort  to  convert 
all  the  human  race  to  one  religious  system.  Moreover,  the  common 
good  derived  from  war  generally  exceeds  the  losses  it  inflicts  on  indi- 
viduals ;  nor  is  war  an  isolated  instance  of  the  few  suffering  for  the  good 
of  the  many.  "Sahis  populi  suprema  lex."  Nearly  every  step  in  the 
world's  progress  has  been  reached  by  warfare.  In  modern  times  the 
peace  of  Europe  is  only  maintained  by  the  equality  of  power  to  coerce 
by  force.  Liberty  in  England,  gained  first  by  an  exhibition  of  force, 
would  have  been  lost  but  for  bloodshed.  The  great  American  Republic 
owes  its  existence  and  the  preservation  of  its  unity  to  this  inevitable 
means,  and  neither  arbitration,  moral  persuasion,  nor  sentimental 
argument  would  ever  have  exchanged  Philippine  monastic  oppression 
for  freedom  of  thought  and  liberal  institutions. 

The  right  of  conquest  is  admissible  when  it  is  exercised  for  the 
advancement  of  civilization,  and  the  conqueror  not  only  takes  upon 
himself,  but  carries  out,  the  moral  obligation  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  subjected  peoples  and  render  them  happier.  How  far  the 
Spaniards  of  each  generation  fulfilled  that  obligation  may  be  judged 
from  these  pages,  the  works  of  Mr.  W.  H.  Prescott,  the  writings  of 
Padre  de  las  Casas,  and  other  chroniclers  of  Spanish  colonial  achieve- 
ments. The  happiest  colony  is  that  which  yearns  for  nothing  at  the 
hands  of  the  mother  country ;  the  most  durable  bonds  are  those 
engendered  by  gratitude  and  contentment.  Such  bonds  can  never  be 
created  by  religious  teaching  alone,  unaccompanied  by  the  twofold 
inseparable  conditions  of  moral  and  material  improvement.  There  are 
colonies  wherein  equal  justice,  moral  example,  and  constant  care  for 
the  welfare  of  the  people  have  riveted  European  dominion  without  the 
dispensable  adjunct  of  an  enforced  State  religion.  The  reader  will  judge 
the  merits  of  that  civilization  which  the  Spaniards  engrafted  on  the  races 
they  subdued ;  for  as  mankind  has  no  philosophical  criterion  of  truth, 
it  is  a  matter  of  opinion  where  the  unpolluted  fountain  of  the  truest 


Introduction 


modern  civilization  is  to  be  found.  It  is  claimed  by  China  and  by 
Europe,  and  the  whole  universe  is  schismatic  on  the  subject.  When 
Japan  was  only  known  to  the  world  as  a  nation  of  artists,  Europe  called 
her  barbarous;  when  she  had  killed  fifty  thousand  Russians  in  Manchuria, 
she  was  proclaimed  to  be  highly  civilized.  There  are  even  some  who 
regard  the  adoption  of  European  dress  and  the  utterance  of  a  few  phrases 
in  a  foreign  tongue  as  signs  of  civilization.  And  there  is  a  Continental 
nation,  proud  of  its  culture,  whose  sense  of  military  honour,  dignity,  and 
discipline  involves  inhuman  brutality  of  the  lowest  degree. 

Juan  de  la  Concepcion,1  who  wrote  in  the  eighteenth  century,  bases 
the  Spaniards'  right  to  conquest  solely  on  the  religious  theory.  He 
affirms  that  the  Spanish  kings  inherited  a  divine  right  to  these  Islands, 
their  dominion  being  directly  prophesied  in  Isaiah  xviii.  He  assures 
us  that  this  title  from  Heaven  was  confirmed  by  apostolic  authority,2 
and  by  "  the  many  manifest  miracles  with  which  God,  the  Virgin,  and 
the  Saints,  as  auxiliaries  of  our  arms,  demonstrated  its  unquestionable 
justice."  Saint  Augustine,  he  states,  considered  it  a  sin  to  doubt  the 
justice  of  war  which  God  determines;  but,  let  it  be  remembered,  the  same 
savant  insisted  that  the  world  was  flat,  and  that  the  sun  hid  every 
night  behind  a  mountain  ! 

An  apology  for  conquest  cannot  be  rightly  based  upon  the  sole  desire 
to  spread  any  particular  religion,  more  especially  when  we  treat  of  Chris- 
tianity, the  benign  radiance  of  which  was  overshadowed  by  that  debasing 
institution  the  Inquisition,  which  sought  out  the  brightest  intellects 
only  to  destroy  them.  But  whether  conversion  by  coercion  be  justifiable 
or  not,  one  is  bound  to  acknowledge  that  all  the  urbanity  of  the  Filipinos 
of  to-day  is  due  to  Spanish  training,  which  has  raised  millions  from 
obscurity  to  a  relative  condition  of  culture.  The  fatal  defect  in  the 
Spanish  system  was  the  futile  endeavour  to  stem  the  tide  of  modern 
methods  and  influences. 

The  government  of  the  Archipelago  alone  was  no  mean  task. 

A  group  of  islands  inhabited  by  several  heathen  races — surrounded 
by  a  sea  exposed  to  typhoons,  pirates,  and  Christian-hating  Mussulmans 
— had  to  be  ruled  by  a  handful  of  Europeans  with  inadequate  funds,  bad 
ships,  and  scant  war  material.  For  nearly  two  centuries  the  financial 
administration  was  a  chaos,  and  military  organization  hardly  existed. 
Local  enterprise  was  disregarded  and  discouraged  so  long  as  abundance 
of  silver  dollars  came  from  across  the  Pacific.  Such  a  short-sighted, 
unstable  dependence  left  the  Colony  resourceless  when  bold  foreign 
traders  stamped  out   monopoly  and  brought  commerce  to  its  natural 

1  "  Historia  General  de  Philipinas,"  Chap.  I.,  Part  I.,  Vol.  I.,  by  Juan  de  la 
Concepcion,  published  in  14  vols.,  Manila,  1788. 

2  No  es  necessario  calificar  el  derecho  a  tales  reinos  d  dominios,  especial- 
mente  entre  vasallos  de  reyes  tan  justos  y  Catholicos  y  tan  obedieutes  hijos 
de  la  suprema  autoridad  apostolica  con  cuia  facultad  ban  ocupado  estas 
regiones. " — Ibid. 


Introduction 


level  by  competition.  In  the  meantime  the  astute  ecclesiastics  quietly 
took  possession  of  rich  arable  lands  in  many  places,  the  most  valuable 
being  within  easy  reach  of  the  Capital  and  the  Arsenal  of  Cavite. 
Landed  property  was  undefined.  It  all  nominally  belonged  to  the  State, 
which,  however,  granted  no  titles  ;  "  squatters "  took  up  land  where 
they  chose  without  determined  limits,  and  the  embroilment  continues, 
in  a  measure,  to  the  present  day. 

About  the  year  1885  the  question  was  brought  forward  of  granting 
Government  titles  to  all  who  could  establish  claims  to  land.  Indeed, 
for  about  a  year,  there  was  a  certain  enthusiasm  displayed  both  by  the 
applicants  and  the  officials  in  the  matter  of  "  Titulos  Reales."  But 
the  large  majority  of  landholders — among  whom  the  monastic  element 
conspicuously  figured — could  only  show  their  title  by  actual  possession.1 
It  might  have  been  sufficient,  but  the  fact  is  that  the  clergy  favoured 
neither  the  granting  of  "  Titulos  Reales  "  nor  the  establishment  of  the 
projected  Real  Estate  Registration  Offices. 

Agrarian  disputes  had  been  the  cause  of  so  many  armed  risings 
against  themselves  in  particular,  during  the  nineteenth  century,  that 
they  opposed  an  investigation  of  the  land  question,  which  would  only 
have  revived  old  animosities,  without  giving  satisfaction  to  either  native 
or  friar,  seeing  that  both  parties  were  intransigent.2 

The  fundamental  laws,  considered  as  a  whole,  were  the  wisest 
devisable  to  suit  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  Colony  ;  but  whilst 
many  of  them  were  disregarded  or  treated  as  a  dead  letter,  so  many 
loopholes  were  invented  by  the  dispensers  of  those  in  operation  as  to 
render  the  whole  system  a  wearisome,  dilatory  process.  Up  to  the 
last  every  possible  impediment  was  placed  in  the  way  of  trade 
expansion  ;  and  in  former  times,  when  worldly  majesty  and  sanctity 
were  a  joint  idea,  the  struggle  with  the  King  and  his  councillors  for  the 
right  of  legitimate  traffic  was  fierce. 

So  long  as  the  Archipelago  was  a  dependency  of  Mexico  (up  to  1819) 
not  one  Spanish  colonist  in  a  thousand  brought  any  cash  capital  to 
this  colony  with  which  to  develop  its  resources.  During  the  first  two 
centuries  and  a  quarter  Spain's  exclusive  policy  forbade  the  establishment 
of  any  foreigner  in  the  Islands ;  but  after  they  did  settle  there  they 
were  treated  with  such  courteous  consideration  by  the  Spanish  officials 
that  they  could  often  secure  favours  with  greater  ease  than  the  Spanish 
colonists  themselves. 

Everywhere  the  white  race  urged  activity  like  one  who  sits  behind  a 

1  "  Dominium  a  possessione  coepisse  dicitur." — Law  maxim. 

2  In  September,  1890,  a  lawsuit  was  still  pending  between  the  Dominican 
Corporation  and  a  number  of  native  residents  in  C'alamba  (Laguna)  who  disputed 
the  Dominicans'  claim  to  lands  in  that  vicinity  so  long  as  the  Corporation  were 
unable  to  exhibit  their  title.  For  this  implied  monastic  indiscriminate  acquisition 
of  real  estate  several  of  the  best  native  families  (some  of  them  personally  known 
to  me)  were  banished  to  the  Island  of  Mindoro. 


Introduction 


horse  and  goads  it  with  the  whip.  But  good  advice  without  example  was 
lost  to  an  ignorant  class  more  apt  to  learn  through  the  eye  than  through 
the  ear.  The  rougher  class  of  colonist  either  forgot,  or  did  not  know, 
that,  to  civilize  a  people,  every  act  one  performs,  or  intelligible  word 
one  utters,  carries  an  influence  which  pervades  and  gives  a  colour  to  the 
future  life  and  thoughts  of  the  native,  and  makes  it  felt  upon  the  whole 
frame  of  the  society  in  embryo.  On  the  other  hand,  the  value  of 
prestige  was  perfectly  well  understood  by  the  higher  officials,  and  the 
rigid  maintenance  of  their  dignity,  both  in  private  life  and  in  their 
public  offices,  played  an  important  part  in  the  moral  conquest  of  the 
Filipinos.  Equality  of  races  was  never  dreamed  of,  either  by  the 
conquerors  or  the  conquered ;  and  the  latter,  up  to  the  last  days  of 
Spanish  rule,  truly  believed  in  the  superiority  of  the  white  man.  This 
belief  was  a  moral  force  which  considerably  aided  the  Spaniards  in  their 
task  of  civilization,  and  has  left  its  impression  on  the  character  of  polite 
Philippine  society  to  this  day. 

Christianity  was  not  only  the  basis  of  education,  but  the  symbol  of 
civilization  ;  and  that  the  Government  should  have  left  education  to  the 
care  of  the  missionaries  during  the  proselytizing  period  was  undoubtedly 
the  most  natural  course  to  take.  It  was  desirable  that  conversion  from 
paganism  should  precede  any  kind  of  secular  tuition.  But  the  friars,  to 
the  last,  held  tenaciously  to  their  old  monopoly  ;  hence  the  University, 
the  High  Schools,  and  the  Colleges  (except  the  Jesuit  Schools)  were  in 
their  hands,  and  they  remained  as  stumbling-blocks  in  the  intellectual 
advancement  of  the  Colony.  Instead  of  the  State  holding  the  fountains 
of  knowledge  within  its  direct  control,  it  yielded  them  to  the  exclusive 
manipulation  of  those  who  eked  out  the  measure  as  it  suited  their  own 
interests. 

Successful  government  by  that  sublime  ethical  essence  called  "moral 
philosophy  "  has  fallen  away  before  a  more  practical  regime.  Liberty  to 
think,  to  speak,  to  write,  to  trade,  to  travel,  was  only  partially  and 
reluctantly  yielded  under  extraneous  pressure.  The  venality  of  the 
conqueror's  administration,  the  judicial  complicacy,  want  of  public 
works,  weak  imperial  government,  and  arrogant  local  rule  tended  to 
dismember  the  once  powerful  Spanish  Empire.  The  same  causes  have 
produced  the  same  effects  in  all  Spain's  distant  colonies,  and  to-day  the 
mother  country  is  almost  childless.  Criticism,  physical  discovery  of  the 
age,  and  contact  with  foreigners  shook  the  ancient  belief  in  the  fabulous 
and  the  supernatural ;  the  rising  generation  began  to  inquire  about  more 
certain  scientific  theses.  The  immutability  of  Theology  is  inharmonious 
to  Science — the  School  of  Progress  ;  and  long  before  they  had  finished 
their  course  in  these  Islands  the  friars  quaked  at  the  possible  conse- 
quences. The  dogmatical  affirmation  "qui  non  credit  anathema  sit,''  so 
indiscriminately  used,  had  lost  its  power.  Public  opinion  protested 
against  an  order  of  things  which  checked  the  social  and  material  onward 


6  Introduction 


movement  of  the  Colony.  And,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  Spam  was 
absolutely  impotent,  even  though  it  cost  her  the  whole  territory  (as 
indeed  happened)  to  remedy  the  evil.  In  these  Islands  what  was  known 
to  the  world  as  the  Government  of  Spain  was  virtually  the  Executive  of 
the  Religious  Corporations,  who  constituted  the  real  Government,  the 
members  of  which  never  understood  patriotism  as  men  of  the  world 
understand  it.  Every  interest  was  made  subservient  to  the  welfare  of 
the  Orders.  If,  one  day,  the  Colony  must  be  lost  to  them,  it  was  a 
matter  of  perfect  indifference  into  whose  hands  it  passed.  It  was  their 
happy  hunting-ground  and  last  refuge.  But  the  real  Government  could 
not  exist  without  its  Executive  ;  and  when  that  Executive  was  attacked 
and  expelled  by  America,  the  real  Government  fell  as  a  consequence.  If 
the  Executive  had  been  strong  enough  to  emancipate  itself  from  the 
dominion  of  the  friars  only  two  decades  ago,  the  Philippines  might  have 
remained  a  Spanish  colony  to-day.  But  the  wealth  in  hard  cash  and 
the  moral  religious  influence  of  the  Monastic  Orders  were  factors  too 
powerful  for  any  number  of  executive  ministers,  who  would  have  fallen 
like  ninepins  if  they  had  attempted  to  extricate  themselves  from  the 
thraldom  of  sacerdotalism.  Outside  political  circles  there  was,  and  still 
is  in  Spain,  a  class  who  shrink  from  the  abandonment  of  ideas  of 
centuries1  duration.  Whatever  the  fallacy  may  be,  not  a  few  are 
beguiled  into  thinking  that  its  antiquity  should  command  respect. 

The  conquest  of  this  Colony  was  decidedly  far  more  a  religious 
achievement  than  a  military  one,  and  to  the  friars  of  old  their  nation's 
gratitude  is  fairly  due  for  having  contributed  to  her  glory,  but  that 
gratitude  is  not  an  inheritance. 

Prosperity  began  to  dawn  upon  the  Philippines  when  restrictions  on 
trade  were  gradually  relaxed  since  the  second  decade  of  last  century.  As 
each  year  came  round  reforms  were  introduced,  but  so  clumsily  that  no 
distinction  was  made  between  those  who  were  educationally  or  intel- 
lectually prepared  to  receive  them  and  those  who  were  not ;  hence  the 
small  minority  of  natives,  who  had  acquired  the  habits  and  necessities  of 
their  conquerors,  sought  to  acquire  for  all  an  equal  status,  for  which  the 
masses  were  unprepared.  The  abolition  of  tribute  in  1884  obliterated 
caste  distinction  ;  the  university  graduate  and  the  herder  were  on  a  legal 
equality  if  they  each  carried  a  cedula  personal,  whilst  certain  Spanish 
legislators  exercised  a  rare  effort  to  persuade  themselves  and  their 
partisans  that  the  Colony  was  ripe  for  the  impossible  combination  of 
liberal  administration  and  monastic  rule. 

It  will  be  shown  in  these  pages  that  the  government  of  these  Islands 
was  practically  as  theocratic  as  it  was  civil.  Upon  the  principle  of 
religious  pre-eminence  all  its  statutes  were  founded,  and  the  reader  will 
now  understand  whence  the  innumerable  Church  and  State  contentions 
originated.  Historical  facts  lead  one  to  inquire  :  How  far  was  Spain  ever 
a  moral  potential  factor  in  the  world's  progress  ?     Spanish  colonization 


Introduction 


seems  to  have  been  only  a  colonizing  mission  preparatory  to  the  at- 
tainment, by  her  colonists,  of  more  congenial  conditions  under  other 
regimes ;  for  the  repeated  struggles  for  liberty,  generation  after  generation, 
in  all  her  colonies,  tend  to  show  that  Spain's  sovereignty  was  maintained 
through  the  inspiration  of  fear  rather  than  love  and  sympathy,  and  that 
she  entirely  failed  to  render  her  colonial  subjects  happier  than  they 
were  before. 

One  cannot  help  feeling  pity  for  the  Spanish  nation,  which  has 
let  the  Pearl  of  the  Orient  slip  out  of  its  fingers  through  culpable 
and  stubborn  mismanagement,  after  repeated  warnings  and  similar 
experiences  in  other  quarters  of  the  globe.  Yet  although  Spain's 
lethargic,  petrified  conservatism  has  had  to  yield  to  the  progressive 
spirit  of  the  times,  the  loss  to  her  is  more  sentimental  than  real,  and 
Spaniards  of  the  next  century  will  probably  care  as  little  about  it  as 
Britons  do  about  the  secession  of  their  transatlantic  colonies. 

Happiness  is  merely  comparative  :  with  a  lovely  climate — a  con- 
tinual summer — and  all  the  absolute  requirements  of  life  at  hand, 
there  is  not  one-tenth  of  the  misery  in  the  Philippines  that  there  is  in 
Europe,  and  none  of  that  forlorn  wretchedness  facing  the  public  gaze. 
Beggary — that  constant  attribute  of  the  highest  civilization — hardly 
exists,  and  suicide  is  extremely  rare.  There  are  no  ferocious  animals, 
insects,  or  reptiles  that  one  cannot  reasonably  guard  against ;  it  is 
essentially  one  of  those  countries  where  "  man's  greatest  enemy  is  man." 
There  is  ample  room  for  double  the  population,  and  yet  a  million  acres 
of  virgin  soil  only  awaiting  the  co-operation  of  husbandman  and  capitalist 
to  turn  it  to  lucrative  account.  A  humdrum  life  is  incompatible  here 
with  the  constant  emotion  kept  up  by  typhoons,  shipwrecks,  earthquakes, 
tidal  waves,  volcanic  eruptions,  brigands,  epidemics,  devastating  fires,  etc. 

It  is  a  beautiful  country,  copiously  endowed  by  Nature,  where  the 
effulgent  morning  sun  contributes  to  a  happy  frame  of  mind — where 
the  colonist's  rural  life  passes  pleasantly  enough  to  soothe  the  longing 
for  "  home,  sweet  home." 

"  And  yet  perhaps  if  countries  we  compare 
And  estimate  the  blessings  which  they  share, 
Though  patriots  flatter,  yet  shall  wisdom  find 
An  equal  portion  dealt  to  all  mankind." 

Such  is  America's  new  possession,  wherein  she  has  assumed  the  moral 
responsibility  of  establishing  a  form  of  government  on  principles  quite 
opposite  to  those  of  the  defunct  Spanish  regime :  whether  it  will  be  for 
better  or  for  worse  cannot  be  determined  at  this  tentative  stage.  Without 
venturing  on  the  prophetic,  one  may  not  only  draw  conclusions  from 
accomplished  facts,  but  also  reasonably  assume,  in  the  light  of  past 
events,  what  might  have  happened  under  other  circumstances.  There 
is    scarcely   a    Power   which   has  not,  in  the  zenith  of  its  prosperity, 


8  Introduction 


consciously  or  unconsciously  felt  the  "  divine  right "  impulse,  and  claimed 
that  Providence  has  singled  it  out  to  engraft  upon  an  unwilling  people 
its  particular  conception  of  human  progress.  The  venture  assumes,  in 
time,  the  more  dignified  name  of  "  mission  "  ;  and  when  the  consequent 
torrents  of  blood  recede  from  memory  with  the  ebbing  tide  of  forgetful- 
ness,  the  conqueror  soothes  his  conscience  with  a  profession  of  "  moral 
duty,"  which  the  conquered  seldom  appreciate  in  the  first  generation. 
No  unforeseen  circumstances  whatever  caused  the  United  States  to  drift 
unwillingly  into  Philippine  affairs.  The  war  in  Cuba  had  not  the 
remotest  connexion  with  these  Islands.  The  adversary's  army  and 
navy  were  too  busy  with  the  task  of  quelling  the  Tagalog  rebellion 
for  any  one  to  imagine  they  could  be  sent  to  the  Atlantic.  It 
was  hardly  possible  to  believe  that  the  defective  Spanish-Philippine 
squadron  could  have  accomplished  the  voyage  to  the  Antilles,  in  time 
of  war,  with  every  neutral  port  en  route  closed  against  it.  In  any  case, 
so  far  as  the  ostensible  motive  of  the  Spanish-American  War  was  con- 
cerned, American  operations  in  the  Philippines  might  have  ended  with 
the  Battle  of  Cavite.  The  Tagalog  rebels  were  neither  seeking  nor 
desiring  a  change  of  masters,  but  the  state  of  war  with  Spain  afforded 
America  the  opportunity,  internationally  recognized  as  legitimate,  to 
seize  any  of  the  enemy's  possessions ;  hence  the  acquisition  of  the 
Philippines  by  conquest.  Up  to  this  point  there  is  nothing  to  criticize, 
in  face  of  the  universal  tacit  recognition,  from  time  immemorial,  of  the 
right  of  might. 

American  dominion  has  never  been  welcomed  by  the  Filipinos.  All 
the  principal  Christianized  islands,  practically  representing  the  whole 
Archipelago,  except  Moroland,  resisted  it  by  force  of  arms,  until,  after 
two  years  of  warfare,  they  were  so  far  vanquished  that  those  still 
remaining  in  the  field,  claiming  to  be  warriors,  were,  judged  by  their 
exploits,  undistinguishable  from  the  brigand  gangs  which  have  infested 
the  Islands  for  a  century  and  a  half.  The  general  desire  was,  and  is, 
for  sovereign  independence  ;  and  although  a  pro-American  party  now 
exists,  it  is  only  in  the  hope  of  gaining  peacefully  that  which  they 
despaired  of  securing  by  armed  resistance  to  superior  force.  The 
question  as  to  how  much  nearer  they  are  to  the  goal  of  their  ambition 
belongs  to  the  future  ;  but  there  is  nothing  to  show,  by  a  review  of 
accomplished  facts,  that,  without  foreign  intervention,  the  Filipinos 
would  have  prospered  in  their  rebellion  against  Spain.  Even  if  they 
had  expelled  the  Spaniards  their  independence  would  have  been  of  short 
duration,  for  they  would  have  lost  it  again  in  the  struggle  with  some 
colony-grabbing  nation.  A  united  Archipelago  under  the  Malolos 
Government  would  have  been  simply  untenable  ;  for,  apart  from  the 
possible  secessions  of  one  or  more  islands,  like  Negros,  for  instance,  no 
Christian  Philippine  Government  could  ever  have  conquered  Mindanao 
and  the  Sulu  Sultanate ;  indeed,  the  attempt  might  have  brought  about 


Introduction  9 


their  own  ruin,  by  exhaustion  of  funds,  want  of  unity  in  the  hopeless 
contest  with  the  Moro,  and  foreign  intervention  to  terminate  the 
internecine  war.  Seeing  that  Emilio  Aguinaldo  had  to  suppress  two 
rivals,  even  in  the  midst  of  the  bloody  struggle  when  union  was  most 
essential  for  the  attainment  of  a  common  end,  how  many  more  would 
have  risen  up  against  him  in  the  period  of  peaceful  victory  ?  The 
expulsion  of  the  friars  and  the  confiscation  of  their  lands  would  have 
surprised  no  one  cognizant  of  Philippine  history.  But  what  would  have 
become  of  religion  ?  Would  the  predominant  religion  in  the  Philippines, 
fifty  years  hence,  have  been  Christian  ?  Recent  events  lead  one  to 
conjecture  that  liberty  of  cult,  under  native  rule,  would  have  been  a 
misnomer,  and  Roman  Catholicism  a  persecuted  cause,  with  the  civilizing 
labours  of  generations  ceasing  to  bear  fruit. 

No  generous,  high-minded  man,  enjoying  the  glorious  privilege  of 
liberty,  would  withhold  from  his  fellow-men  the  fullest  measure  of 
independence  which  they  were  capable  of  maintaining.  If  America's 
intentions  be  as  the  world  understands  them,  she  is  endeavouring  to 
break  down  the  obstacles  which  the  Filipinos,  desiring  a  lasting  inde- 
pendence, would  have  found  insuperable.  America  claims  (as  other 
colonizing  nations  have  done)  to  have  a  "  mission  "  to  perform,  which,  in 
the  present  case,  includes  teaching  the  Filipinos  the  art  of  self-govern- 
ment. Did  one  not  reflect  that  America,  from  her  birth  as  an  inde- 
pendent state,  has  never  pretended  to  follow  on  the  beaten  tracts  of  the 
Old  World,  her  brand-new  method  of  colonization  would  surprise  her 
older  contemporaries  in  a  similar  task.  She  has  been  the  first  to  teach 
Asiatics  the  doctrine  of  equality  of  races— a  theory  which  the  proletariat 
has  interpreted  by  a  self-assertion  hitherto  unknown,  and  a  gradual 
relinquishment  of  that  courteous  deference  towards  the  white  man 
formerly  observable  by  every  European.  This  democratic  doctrine, 
suddenly  launched  upon  the  masses,  is  changing  their  character.  The 
polite  and  submissive  native  of  yore  is  developing  into  an  ill-bred,  up-to- 
date,  wrangling  politician.  Hence  rule  by  coercion,  instead  of  sentiment, 
is  forced  upon  America,  for  up  to  the  present  she  has  made  no  progress 
in  winning  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Outside  the  high-salaried  circle  of 
Filipinos  one  never  hears  a  spontaneous  utterance  of  gratitude  for  the 
boon  of  individual  libei'ty  or  for  the  suppression  of  monastic  tyranny. 
The  Filipinos  craving  for  immediate  independence,  regard  the  United 
States  only  in  the  light  of  a  useful  medium  for  its  attainment,  and 
there  are  indications  that  their  future  attachment  to  their  stepmother 
country  will  be  limited  to  an  unsentimental  acceptance  of  her  protection 
as  a  material  necessity. 

Measures  of  practical  utility  and  of  immediate  need  have  been  set 
aside  for  the  pursuit  of  costly  fantastic  ideals,  which  excite  more  the 
wonder  than  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  who  see  left  in  abeyance  the 
reforms  they  most  desire.     The  system  of  civilizing  the  natives  on    a 


10  Introduction 


curriculum  of  higher  mathematics,  literature,  and  history,  without  con- 
current material  improvement  to  an  equal  extent,  is  like  feeding  the  mind 
at  the  expense  of  the  body.  No  harbour  improvements  have  been  made, 
except  at  Manila ;  no  canals  have  been  cut ;  few  new  provincial  roads  have 
been  constructed,  except  for  military  purposes  ;  no  rivers  are  deepened 
for  navigation,  and  not  a  mile  of  railway  opened.  The  enormous  sums 
of  money  expended  on  such  unnecessary  works  as  the  Benguet  road  and 
the  creation  of  multifarious  bureaux,  with  a  superfluity  of  public- 
servants,  might  have  been  better  employed  in  the  development  of 
agriculture  and  cognate  wealth-producing  public  works.  The  excessive 
salaries  paid  to  high  officials  seem  to  be  out  of  all  proportion  to  those 
of  the  subordinate  assistants.  Extravagance  in  public  expenditure 
necessarily  brings  increasing  taxation  to  meet  it ;  the  luxuries  introduced 
for  the  sake  of  American  trade  are  gradually,  and  unfortunately, 
becoming  necessities,  whereas  it  would  be  more  considerate  to  reduce 
them  if  it  were  possible.  It  is  no  blessing  to  create  a  desire  in  the 
common  people  for  that  which  they  can  very  well  dispense  with  and 
feel  just  as  happy  without  the  knowledge  of.  The  deliberate  forcing  up 
of  the  cost  of  living  has  converted  a  cheap  country  into  an  expensive 
one,  and  an  income  which  was  once  a  modest  competence  is  now  a 
miserable  pittance.  The  infinite  vexatious  regulations  and  complicated 
restrictions  affecting  trade  and  traffic  are  irritating  to  every  class  of 
business  men,  whilst  the  Colony's  indebtedness  is  increasing,  the  budget 
shows  a  deficit,  and  agriculture — the  only  local  source  of  wealth — is 
languishing. 

Innovations,  costing  immense  sums  to  introduce,  are  forced  upon 
the  people,  not  at  all  in  harmony  with  their  real  wants,  their  instincts, 
or  their  character.  What  is  good  for  America  is  not  necessarily  good 
for  the  Philippines.  One  could  more  readily  conceive  the  feasibility  of 
"  assimilation  M  with  the  Japanese  than  with  the  Anglo-Saxon.  To  rule 
and  to  assimilate  are  two  very  different  propositions  :  the  latter  requires 
the  existence  of  much  in  common  between  the  parties.  No  legisla- 
tion, example,  or  tuition  will  remould  a  people's  life  in  direct  opposition 
to  their  natural  environment.  Even  the  descendants  of  whites  in 
the  Philippines  tend  to  merge  into,  rather  than  alter,  the  conditions 
of  the  surrounding  race,  and  vice  versa.  It  is  quite  impossible  for 
a  race  born  and  living  in  the  Tropics  to  adopt  the  characteristics 
and  thought  of  a  Temperate  Zone  people.  The  Filipinos  are  not  an 
industrious,  thrifty  people,  or  lovers  of  work,  and  no  power  on  earth 
will  make  them  so.  The  Colony's  resources  are,  consequently,  not  a 
quarter  developed,  and  are  not  likely  to  be  by  a  strict  application  of  the 
theory  of  the  "  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos.""  But  why  worry  about 
their  lethargy,  if,  with  it,  they  are  on  the  way  to  "perfect  content- 
ment w  ? — that  summit  of  human  happiness  which  no  one  attains.  Ideal 
government  may  reach  a  point  where  its  exactions  tend  to  make  life  a 


Introduction  11 


burden ;  practical  government  stops  this  side  of  that  point.  White 
men  will  not  be  found  willing  to  develop  a  policy  which  offers  them  no 
hope  of  bettering  themselves ;  and  as  to  labour — other  willing  Asiatics 
are  always  close  at  hand.  Uncertainty  of  legislation,  constantly  changing 
laws,  new  regulations,  the  fear  of  a  tax  on  capital,  and  general  prospective 
insecurity  make  large  investors  pause. 

Democratic  principles  have  been  too  suddenly  sprung  upon  the 
masses.  The  autonomy  granted  to  the  provinces  needs  more  control 
than  the  civil  government  originally  intended,  and  ends  in  an  appeal 
on  almost  every  conceivable  question  being  made  to  one  man — the 
Gov.-General:  this  excessive  concentration  makes  efficient  administration 
too  dependent  on  the  abilities  of  one  person.  There  are  many  who 
still  think,  and  not  without  reason,  that  ten  years  of  military  rule 
would  have  been  better  for  the  people  themselves.  Even  now  military 
government  might  be  advantageously  re-established  in  Samar  Island, 
where  the  common  people  are  not  anxious  for  the  franchise,  or  care 
much  about  political  rights.  A  reasonable  amount  of  personal  freedom, 
with  justice,  would  suffice  for  them  ;  whilst  the  trading  class  would 
welcome  any  effective  and  continuous  protection,  rather  than  have  to 
shift  for  themselves  with  the  risk  of  being  persecuted  for  having  given 
succour  to  the  pulajancs  to  save  their  own  lives  and  property. 

Civil  government,  prematurely  inaugurated,  without  sufficient  pre- 
paration, has  had  a  disastrous  effect,  and  the  pi'esent  state  of  many 
provinces  is  that  of  a  wilderness  overrun  by  brigand  bands  too  strong 
for  the  civil  authority  to  deal  with.  But  one  cannot  fail  to  recognize 
and  appreciate  the  humane  motives  which  urged  the  premature  establish- 
ment of  civil  administration.  Scores  of  nobodies  before  the  rebellion 
became  somebodies  during  the  four  or  five  years  of  social  turmoil.  Some 
of  them  influenced  the  final  issue,  others  were  mere  show-figures,  really 
not  more  important  than  the  beau  sabreur  in  comic  opera.  Yet  one  and 
all  claimed  compensation  for  laving  aside  their  weapons,  and  in  changing 
the  play  from  anarchy  to  civil  life  these  actors  had  to  be  included  in  the 
new  cast  to  keep  them  from  further  mischief. 

The  moral  conquest  of  the  Philippines  has  hardly  commenced.  The 
benevolent  intentions  of  the  Washington  Government,  and  the  irre- 
proachable character  and  purpose  of  its  eminent  members  who  wield 
the  destiny  of  these  islanders,  are  unknown  to  the  untutored  masses,  who 
judge  their  new  masters  by  the  individuals  with  whom  they  come  into 
close  contact.  The  hearts  of  the  people  cannot  be  won  Avithout  moral 
prestige,  which  is  blighted  by  the  presence  of  that  undesirable  class  of 
immigrants  to  whom  Maj. -General  Leonard  Wood  refers  so  forcibly  in 
his  "First  Report  of  the  Moro  Province.1''  In  this  particular  region, 
which  is  ruled  semi-independently  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  the 
peculiar  conditions  require  a  special  legislation.  But,  apart  from 
this,  the  common  policy  of  its  enlightened  Gov.-General  would  serve 


12  Introduction 


as  a  pattern  of  what  it  might   be,  with    advantage,   throughout  the 
Archipelago. 

So  much  United  States  money  and  energy  have  been  already 
expended  in  these  Islands,  and  so  far-reaching  are  the  pledges  made 
to  their  inhabitants,  that  American  and  Philippine  interests  are 
indissolubly  associated  for  many  a  generation  to  come.  It  does  not 
necessarily  follow  that  the  fullest  measure  of  national  liberty  will  create 
real  personal  liberty.  Such  an  idea  does  not  at  all  appeal  to  Asiatics, 
according  to  whose  instinct  every  man  dominates  over,  or  is  dominated 
by,  another.  If  America  should  succeed  in  establishing  a  permanently 
peaceful  independent  Asiatic  government  on  democratic  principles,  it 
will  be  one  of  the  unparalleled  achievements  of  the  age. 


13 


CHAPTER   I 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION   OF  THE   ARCHIPELAGO 


The  Philippine  Islands,  with  the  Sulu  Protectorate,  extend  a  little  over 
16  degrees  of  latitude — from  4°  45'  to  21°  N.,  and  longitude  from 
116°  40'  to  126°  30'  E. — and  number  some  600  islands,  many  of  which 
are  mere  islets,  besides  several  hundreds  of  rocks  jutting  out  of  the  sea. 
The  11  islands  of  primary  geographical  importance  are  Luzon, 
Mindanao,  Samar,  Panay,  Negros,  Palauan  (Paragua),  Mindoro,  Leyte, 
Cebu,  Masbate,  and  Bojol.  Ancient  maps  show  the  islands  and 
provinces  under  a  different  nomenclature.  For  example  :  (old  names 
in  parentheses)  Albay  (Ibalon) ;  Batangas  (Comintan) ;  Basilan 
(Taguima) ;  Bulacan  (Meycauayan) ;  Capis  (Panay)  ;  Cavite  (Cauit)  ; 
Cebu  (Sogbu)  ;  Leyte  (Baybay)  ;  Mindoro  (Mait)  ;  Negros  (Buglas)  ; 
Rizal  (Tondo ;  later  on  Manila) ;  Surigao  (Caraga) ;  Samar  (Ibabao)  ; 
Tayabas  (Calilayan). 

Luzon  and  Mindanao  united  would  be  larger  in  area  than  all  the 
rest  of  the  islands  put  together.  Luzon  is  said  to  have  over  40,000 
square  miles  of  land  area.  The  northern  half  of  Luzon  is  a  mountainous 
region  formed  by  ramifications  of  the  great  Cordilleras,  which  run  N. 
to  S.  All  the  islands  are  mountainous  in  the  interior,  the  principal 
peaks  being  the  following,  viz. : — 


Feet  above 

Feet  above 

sea  level. 

sea  level. 

Halcon 

(Mindoro) 

8,868 

Banajao 

(Luzon)     6,097 

Apo1 

(Mindanao) 

8,804 

Labo     . 

„    '     5,090 

Mayon 

(Luzon) 

8,283 

South  Caraballo    . 

4,720 

San  Cristobal 

,, 

7,375 

Caraballo  del  Baler 

„         3,933 

Isarog 

)) 

6,443 

Maquiling     . 

3,720 

Most  of  these  mountains  and  subordinate  ranges  are  thickly  covered 
with  forest  and  light  undergrowth,  whilst  the  stately  trees  are  gaily 
festooned  with  clustering  creepers  and  flowering  parasites  of  the  most 
brilliant  hues.  The  Mayon,  which  is  an  active  volcano,  is  comparatively 
bare,   whilst  also  the  Apo,   although  no   longer  in  eruption,  exhibits 

1  According  to  the  Spanish  Hydrographic  Map,  it  is  8,813  feet :  the  Pajal  and 
Montano  Expedition  (1880)  made  it  10,270  feet ;  the  Schadenberg  and  Koch 
Expedition  (1882)  computed  it  at  10,827  feet. 


14  General  Description  of  the  Archipelago 

abundant  traces  of  volcanic  action  in  acres  of  lava  and  blackened  scoriae. 
Between  the  numberless  forest-clad  ranges  are  luxuriant  plains  glowing 
in  all  the  splendour  of  tropical  vegetation.  The  valleys,  generally  of 
rich  fertility,  are  about  one-third  under  cultivation. 

There  are  numerous  rivers,  few  of  which  are  navigable  by  sea-going 
ships.  Vessels  drawing  up  to  13  feet  can  enter  the  Pasig  River,  but  this 
is  due  to  the  artificial  means  employed. 

The  principal  Rivers  are  : — In  Luzon  Island  the  Rio  Grande  de 
Cagayan,  which  rises  in  the  South  Caraballo  Mountain  in  the  centre  of 
the  island,  and  runs  in  a  tortuous  stream  to  the  northern  coast.  It  has 
two  chief  affluents,  the  Rio  Chico  de  Cagayan  and  the  Rio  Magat, 
besides  a  number  of  streams  which  find  their  way  to  its  main  course. 
Steamers  of  11 -feet  draught  have  entered  the  Rio  Grande,  but  the  sand 
shoals  at  the  mouth  are  very  shifty,  and  frequently  the  entrance  is  closed 
to  navigation.  The  river,  which  yearly  overflows  its  banks,  bathes  the 
great  Cagayan  Valley, — the  richest  tobacco-growing  district  in  the 
Colony.  Immense  trunks  of  trees  are  carried  down  in  the  torrent 
with  great  rapidity,  rendering  it  impossible  for  even  small  craft — the 
barangayanes — to  make  their  way  up  or  down  the  river  at  that  period. 

The  Rio  Grande  de  la  Pampanga  rises  in  the  same  mountain  and 
flows  in  the  opposite  direction — southwards, — through  an  extensive 
plain,  until  it  empties  itself  by  some  20  mouths  into  the  Manila  Bay. 
The  whole  of  the  Pampanga  Valley  and  the  course  of  the  river  present 
a  beautiful  panorama  from  the  summit  of  Arayat  Mountain,  which  has 
an  elevation  of  2,877  feet  above  the  sea  level. 

The  whole  of  this  flat  country  is  laid  out  into  embanked  rice  fields 
and  sugar-cane  plantations.  The  towns  and  villages  interspersed  are 
numerous.  All  the  primeval  forest,  at  one  time  dense,  has  disappeared  ; 
for  this  being  one  of  the  first  districts  brought  under  European  subjec- 
tion, it  supplied  timber  to  the  invaders  from  the  earliest  days  of 
Spanish  colonization. 

The  Rio  Agno  rises  in  a  mountainous  range  towards  the  west  coast 
about  50  miles  N.N.W.  of  the  South  Caraballo — runs  southwards  as  far 
as  lat.  16°,  where  it  takes  a  S.W.  direction  down  to  lat.  15°  48' — thence 
a  N.W.  course  up  to  lat.  16°,  whence  it  empties  itself  by  two  mouths 
into  the  Gulf  of  Lingayen.  At  the  highest  tides  there  is  a  maximum 
depth  of  11  feet  of  water  on  the  sand  bank  at  the  E.  mouth,  on  which 
is  situated  the  port  of  Dagupan. 

The  Bicol  River,  which  flows  from  the  Bato  Lake  to  the  Bay  of  San 
Miguel,  has  sufficient  depth  of  water  to  admit  vessels  of  small  draught  a 
few  miles  up  from  its  mouth. 

In  Mindanao  Island  the  Butuan  River  or  Rio  Agusan  rises  at  a 
distance  of  about  25  miles  from  the  southern  coast  and  empties  itself  on 
the  northern  coast,  so  that  it  nearly  divides  the  island,  and  is  navigable 
for  a  few  miles  from  the  mouth. 


General  Description  of  the  Archipelago  15 

The  Rio  Grande  de  Mindanao  rises  in  the  centre  of  the  island  and 
empties  itself  on  the  west  coast  by  two  mouths,  and  is  navigable  for 
some  miles  by  light-draught  steamers.  It  has  a  great  number  of 
affluents  of  little  importance. 

The  only  river  in  Negros  Island  of  any  appreciable  extent  is  the 
Danao,  which  rises  in  the  mountain  range  running  down  the  centre  of 
the  island,  and  finds  its  outlet  on  the  east  coast.  At  the  mouth  it  is 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  wide,  but  too  shallow  to  permit  large  vessels 
to  enter,  although  past  the  mouth  it  has  sufficient  depth  for  any  ship. 
I  went  up  this  river,  six  hours1  journey  in  a  boat,  and  saw  some  fine 
timber  near  its  banks  in  many  places.  Here  and  there  it  opens  out  very 
wide,  the  sides  becoming  mangrove  swamps. 

The  most  important  Lakes  are  : — In  Luzon  Island  the  Bay  Lake  or 
Laguna  de  Bay,  supplied  by  numberless  small  streams  coming  from  the 
mountainous  district  around  it.  Its  greatest  length  from  E.  to  W. 
is  25  miles,  and  its  greatest  breadth  N.  to  S.  21  miles.  In  it  there 
is  a  mountainous  island — Talim, — of  no  agricultural  importance,  and 
several  islets.  Its  overflow  forms  the  Pasig  River,  which  empties  itself 
into  the  Manila  Bay.  Each  wet  season — in  the  middle  of  the  year — 
the  shores  of  this  lake  are  flooded.  These  floods  recede  as  the  dry 
season  approaches,  but  only  partially  so  from  the  south  coast,  which  is 
gradually  being  incorporated  into  the  lake  bed. 

Bombon  Lake,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a  volcano  in  constant 
activity,  has  a  width  E.  to  W.  of  11  miles,  and  its  length  from  N.  to  S. 
is  14  miles.  The  origin  of  this  lake  is  apparently  volcanic.  According 
to  tradition  it  was  formed  by  the  terrific  upheaval  of  a  mountain  7,000 
or  8,000  feet  high,  in  the  year  1700.  It  is  not  supplied  by  any  streams 
emptying  themselves  into  it  (further  than  two  insignificant  rivulets),  and 
it  is  connected  with  the  sea  by  the  Pansipit  River,  which  flows  into  the 
Gulf  of  Balayan  at  lat.  13°  52'  N. 

Cagayan  Lake,  in  the  extreme  N.E.  of  the  island,  is  about  7  miles 
long  by  5  miles  broad. 

Lake  Batd,  3  miles  across  each  way,  and  Lake  Buhi,  3  miles  N.  to  S. 
and  2|  miles  wide,  situated  in  the  eastern  extremity  of  Luzon  Island, 
are  very  shallow. 

In  the  centre  of  Luzon  Island, ,  in  the  large  valley  watered  by 
the  above-mentioned  Pampanga  and  Agno  Rivers,  are  three  lakes, 
respectively  Canarem,  Mangabol,  and  Candava ;  the  last  two  being 
lowland  meres  flooded  and  navigable  by  canoes  in  the  rainy  season 
only. 

In  Mindoro  Island  there  is  one  lake  called  Naujan,  2i  miles  from  the 
N.E.  coast.     Its  greatest  width  is  3  miles,  with  4  miles  in  length. 

In  Mindanao  Island  there  are  the  Lakes  Maguindanao  or  Boayan,  in 
the  centre  of  the  island  (20  miles  E.  to  W.  by  12  N.  to  S.);  Lanao,  18 
miles  distant  from  the  north  coast ;  Liguasan  and  Buluan  towards  the 


16  General  Description  of  the  Archipelago 

south,  connected  with  the  Rio  Grande  de  Mindanao,  and  a  group  of  four 
small  lakes  on  the  Agusuan  River. 

The  Lanao  Lake  has  great  historical  associations  with  the  struggles 
between  Christians  and  Moslems  during  the  period  of  the  Spanish 
dominion,  and  is  to  this  day  a  centre  of  strife  with  the  Americans. 

In  some  of  the  straits  dividing  the  islands  there  are  strong  currents, 
rendering  navigation  of  sailing  vessels  very  difficult,  notably  in  the  San 
Bernadino  Straits  separating  the  Islands  of  Luzon  and  Samar,  the  road- 
stead of  Yloilo  between  Panay  and  Guimarras  Islands,  and  the  passage 
between  the  south  points  of  Cebu  and  Negros  Islands. 

Most  of  the  islets,  if  not  indeed  the  whole  Archipelago,  are  of 
volcanic  origin.  There  are  many  volcanoes,  two  of  them  in  frequent 
intermittent  activity,  viz.  the  May  on,  in  the  extreme  east  of  Luzon 
Island,  and  the  Taal  Volcano,  in  the  centre  of  Bombon  Lake,  34  miles 
due  south  of  Manila.  Also  in  Negros  Island  the  Canlauan  Volcano — 
N.  lat.  10°  24' — is  occasionally  in  visible  eruption.  In  1886  a  portion 
of  its  crater  subsided,  accompanied  by  a  tremendous  noise  and  a  slight 
ejection  of  lava.  In  the  picturesque  Island  of  Camiguin  a  volcano 
mountain  suddenly  arose  from  the  plain  in  1872. 

The  Mayon  Volcano  is  in  the  north  of  the  Province  of  Albay  ;  hence 
it  is  popularly  known  as  the  Albay  Volcano.  Around  its  base  there 
are  several  towns  and  villages,  the  chief  being  Albay,  the  capital  of  the 
province  ;  Cagsaua  (called  Daraga)  and  Camaling  on  the  one  side,  and 
Malinao,  Tobaco,  etc.,  on  the  side  facing  the  east  coast.  The  earliest 
eruption  recorded  is  that  of  1616,  mentioned  by  Spilbergen.  In  1769 
there  was  a  serious  eruption,  which  destroyed  the  towns  of  Cagsaua  and 
Malinao,  besides  several  villages,  and  devastated  property  within  a 
radius  of  20  miles.  Lava  and  ashes  were  thrown  out  incessantly  during 
two  months,  and  cataracts  of  water  were  formed.  In  1811  loud  sub- 
terranean noises  were  heard  proceeding  from  the  volcano,  which  caused 
the  inhabitants  around  to  fear  an  early  renewal  of  its  activity,  but  their 
misfortune  was  postponed.  On  February  1,  1814,1vit  burst  with  terrible 
violence.  Cagsaua,  Badiao,  and  three  other  towns  were  totally 
demolished.  Stones  and  ashes  were  ejected  in  all  directions.  The 
inhabitants  fled  to  caves  to  shelter  themselves.  So  sudden  was  the 
occurrence,  that  many  natives  were  overtaken  by  the  volcanic  projectiles 
and  a  few  by  lava  streams.  In  Cagsaua  nearly  all  property  was  lost. 
Father  Aragoneses  estimates  that  2,200  persons  were  killed,  besides  many 
being  wounded. 

Another  eruption,  remarkable  for  its  duration,  took  place  in 
1881-82,  and  again  in  the  spring  of  1887;  but  only  a  small  quantity 
of  ashes  was  thrown  out,  and  did  very  little  or  no  damage  to  the 
property  in  the  surrounding  towns  and  villages. 

1  Vide  pamphlet  published  immediately  after  the  event  by  Father  Francisco 
Aragoneses,  P.P.   of  Cagsaua,  begging  alms  for  the  victims. 


TAAL  VOLCANO. 


MAYON   VOLCANO. 


■ 


t-»E 


OF 


eneral  Description  of  the  Archipelago  17 


The  eruption  of  July  9,  1888,  severely  damaged  the  towns  of  Libog 
and  Legaspi  ;  plantations  were  destroyed  in  the  villages  of  Bigaa  and 
Bonco  ;  several  houses  were  fired,  others  had  the  roofs  crushed  in  ;  a 
great  many  domestic  animals  were  killed  ;  fifteen  natives  lost  their  lives, 
and  the  loss  of  live-stock  (buffaloes  and  oxen)  was  estimated  at  500. 
The  ejection  of  lava  and  ashes  and  stones  from  the  crater  continued  for 
one  night,  which  was  illuminated  by  a  column  of  fire. 

The  last  great  eruption  occurred  in  May,  1897.  Showers  of  red-hot 
lava  fell  like  rain  in  a  radius  of  20  miles  from  the  crater.  In  the 
immediate  environs  about  400  persons  were  killed.  In  the  village  of 
Baeacay  houses  were  entirely  buried  beneath  the  lava,  ashes,  and  sand. 
The  road  to  the  port  of  Legaspi  was  covered  out  of  sight.  In  the 
important  town  of  Tobaco  there  was  total  darkness  and  the  earth 
opened.  Hemp  plantations  and  a  large  number  of  cattle  were  destroyed. 
In  Libog  over  100  inhabitants  perished  in  the  ruins.  The  hamlets  of 
San  Roque,  Misericordia,  and  Santo  Nino,  with  over  150  inhabitants, 
were  completely  covered  with  burning  debris.  At  night-time  the  sight 
of  the  fire  column,  heaving  up  thousands  of  tons  of  stones,  accompanied 
by  noises  like  the  booming  of  cannon  afar  off,  was  indescribably  grand, 
but  it  was  the  greatest  public  calamity  which  had  befallen  the  province 
for  some  years  past. 

The  mountain  is  remarkable  for  the  perfection  of  its  conic  form. 
Owing  to  the  perpendicular  walls  of  lava  formed  on  the  slopes  all 
around,  it  would  seem  impossible  to  reach  the  crater.  The  elevation 
of  the  peak  has  been  computed  at  between  8,200  and  8,400  feet. 
I  have  been  around  the  base  on  the  E.  and  S.  sides,  but  the  grandest 
view  is  to  be  obtained  from  Cagsaua  (Daraga).  On  a  clear  night,  when 
the  moon  is  hidden,  a  stream  of  fire  is  distinctly  seen  to  flow  from 
the  crest. 

Taal  Volcano  is  in  the  island  of  the  Bombon  Lake  referred  to  above. 
The  journey  by  the  ordinary  route  from  the  capital  would  be  about  60 
miles.  This  volcano  has  been  in  an  active  state  from  time  immemorial, 
and  many  eruptions  have  taken  place  with  more  or  less  effect.  The  first 
one  of  historical  importance  appears  to  have  occurred  in  1641  ;  again 
in  1709  the  crater  vomited  fire  with  a  deafening  noise ;  on  September 
21,  1716,  it  threw  out  burning  stones  and  lava  over  the  whole  island 
from  which  it  rises,  but  so  far  no  harm  had  befallen  the  villagers  in  its 
vicinity.  In  1731  from  the  waters  of  the  lake  three  tall  columns  of 
earth  and  sand  arose  in  a  few  days,  eventually  subsiding  into  the  form 
of  an  island  about  a  mile  in  circumference.  In  1749  there  was  a  famous 
outburst  which  dilacerated  the  coniform  peak  of  the  volcano,  leaving  the 
crater  disclosed  as  it  now  is.  Being  only  850  feet  high,  it  is  remarkable 
as  one  of  the  lowest  volcanoes  in  the  world. 

The  last  and  most  desolating  of  all  the  eruptions  of  importance 
occurred  in  the  year  1754,  when  the  stones,  lava,  ashes,  and  waves  of 

2 


18  General  Description  of  the  Archipelago 

the  lake,  caused  by  volcanic  action,  contributed  to  the  utter  destruction 
of  the  towns  of  Taal,  Tanauan,  Sala,  and  Lipa,  and  seriously  damaged 
property  in  Balayan,  15  miles  away,  whilst  cinders  are  said  to  have 
reached  Manila,  34  miles  distant  in  a  straight  line.  One  writer  says 
in  his  MS.,1  compiled  36  years  after  the  occurrence,  that  people  in 
Manila  dined  with  lighted  candles  at  midday,  and  walked  about  the 
streets  confounded  and  thunderstruck,  clamouring  for  confession  during 
the  eight  days  that  the  calamity  was  visible.  The  author  adds  that 
the  smell  of  the  sulphur  and  fire  lasted  six  months  after  the  event,  and 
was  followed  by  malignant  fever,  to  which  half  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  fell  victims.  Moreover,  adds  the  writer,  the  lake  waters  threw 
up  dead  alligators  and  fish,  including  sharks. 

The  best  detailed  account  extant  is  that  of  the  parish  priest  of  Sala 
at  the  time  of  the  event.2  He  says  that  about  11  o'clock  at  night  on 
August  11,  1749,  he  saw  a  strong  light  on  the  top  of  the  Volcano 
Island,  but  did  not  take  further  notice.  At  3  o'clock  the  next  morning 
he  heard  a  gradually  increasing  noise  like  artillery  firing,  which  he 
supposed  would  proceed  from  the  guns  of  the  galleon  expected  in 
Manila  from  Mexico,  saluting  the  Sanctuary  of  Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay 
whilst  passing.  He  only  became  anxious  when  the  number  of  shots 
he  heard  far  exceeded  the  royal  salute,  for  he  had  already  counted  a 
hundred  times,  and  still  it  continued.  So  he  arose,  and  it  occurred  to 
him  that  there  might  be  a  naval  engagement  off"  the  coast.  He  was 
soon  undeceived,  for  four  old  natives  suddenly  called  out,  "  Father,  let 
us  flee  ! "  and  on  his  inquiry  they  informed  him  that  the  island  had 
burst,  hence  the  noise.  Daylight  came  and  exposed  to  view  an 
immense  column  of  smoke  gushing  from  the  summit  of  the  volcano, 
and  here  and  there  from  its  sides  smaller  streams  rose  like  plumes. 
He  was  joved  at  the  spectacle,  which  interested  him  so  profoundly  that 
he  did  not  heed  the  exhortations  of  the  natives  to  escape  from  the 
grand  but  awful  scene.  It  was  a  magnificent  sight  to  watch  mountains 
of  sand  hurled  from  the  lake  into  the  air  in  the  form  of  erect  pyramids, 
and  then  falling  again  like  the  stream  from  a  fountain  jet.  Whilst 
contemplating  this  imposing  phenomenon  with  tranquil  delight,  a 
strong  earthquake  came  and  upset  everything  in  the  convent.  Then 
he  reflected  that  it  might  be  time  to  go  ;  pillars  of  sand  ascended  out 
of  the  water  nearer  to  the  shore  of  the  town,  and  remained  erect,  until, 
by  a  second  earthquake,  they,  with  the  trees  on  the  islet,  were  violently 
thrown  down  and  submerged  in  the  lake.  The  earth  opened  out  here 
and  there  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  Laguna  de  Bay,  and  the  lands  of 

1  "  Hist,  de  la  Prov.  do  Batangas,"  por  D.  Pedro  Andres  de  Castro  y  Amades. 
Inedited  MS.  in  the  Bauan  Convent,  Batangas. 

2  MS.  exhaustive  report  of  the  eruptions  of  Taal  Volcano  in  1749  and  1754,  dated 
December  22,  1754,  compiled  by  Fray  Francisco  Vencuchillo.  Preserved  in  the 
archives  of  the  Corporation  of  Saint  Augustine  in  Manila. 


General  Description  of  the  Archipelago  19 

Sala  and  Tanauan  shifted.  Streams  found  new  beds  and  took  other 
courses,  whilst  in  several  places  trees  were  engulfed  in  the  fissures  made 
in  the  soil.  Houses,  which  one  used  to  go  up  into,  one  now  had  to  go 
down  into,  but  the  natives  continued  to  inhabit  them  without  the  least 
concern.  The  volcano,  on  this  occasion,  was  in  activity  for  three 
weeks ;  the  first  three  days  ashes  fell  like  rain.  After  this  incident,  the 
natives  extracted  sulphur  from  the  open  crater,  and  continued  to  do 
so  until  the  year  1754. 

In  that  year  (1754),  the  same  chronicler  continues,  between  nine  and 
ten  o'clock  at  night  on  May  15,  the  volcano  ejected  boiling  lava,  which 
ran  down  its  sides  in  such  quantities  that  only  the  waters  of  the  lake 
saved  the  people  on  shore  from  being  burnt.  Towards  the  north,  stones 
reached  the  shore  and  fell  in  a  place  called  Bayoyongan,  in  the 
jurisdiction  of  Taal.  Stones  and  fire  incessantly  came  from  the  crater 
until  June  2,  when  a  volume  of  smoke  arose  which  seemed  to  meet 
the  skies.  It  was  clearly  seen  from  Bauan,  which  is  on  a  low  level 
about  four  leagues  (14  miles)  from  the  lake. 

Matters  continued  so  until  July  10,  when  there  fell  a  heavy  shower 
of  mud  as  black  as  ink.  The  wind  changed  its  direction  and  a  suburb 
of  Sala,  called  Balili,  was  swamped  with  mud.  This  phenomenon  was 
accompanied  by  a  noise  so  great  that  the  people  of  Batangas  and  Bauan, 
who  that  day  had  seen  the  galleon  from  Acapulco  passing  on  her  home 
voyage,  conjectured  that  she  had  saluted  the  Shrine  of  Our  Lady  of 
Cagsaysay  on  her  way.  The  noise  ceased,  but  fire  still  continued  to 
issue  from  the  crater  until  September  25.  Stones  fell  all  that  night ; 
and  the  people  of  Taal  had  to  abandon  their  homes,  for  the  roofs  were 
falling  in  with  the  weight  upon  them.  The  chronicler  was  at  Taal  at 
this  date,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  column  of  smoke  a  tempest  of 
thunder  and  lightning  raged  and  continued  without  intermission  until 
December  4. 

The  night  of  All  Saints"'  day  (Nov.  1)  was  a  memorable  one,  for 
the  quantity  of  falling  fire-stones,  sand,  and  ashes  increased,  gradually 
diminishing  again  towards  November  15.  Then,  on  that  night,  after 
vespers,  great  noises  were  heard.  A  long  melancholy  sound  dinned  in 
one's  ears ;  volumes  of  black  smoke  rose  ;  an  infinite  number  of  stones 
fell,  and  great  waves  proceeded  from  the  lake,  beating  the  shores  with 
appalling  fury.  This  was  followed  by  another  great  shower  of  stones, 
brought  up  amidst  the  black  smoke,  which  lasted  until  10  o'clock  at 
night.  For  a  short  while  the  devastation  was  suspended  prior  to  the 
last  supreme  effort.  All  looked  half  dead  and  much  exhausted  after 
.  seven  months  of  suffering  in  the  way  described.1  It  was  resolved  to 
remove  the  image  of  Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay  and  put  in  its  place  the 
second  image  of  the  Holy  Virgin. 

1  Still  it  appears  that  all  classes  were  willing  to  risk  their  lives  to  save  their 
property.     They  were  not  forcibly  detained  in  that  plight. 


20  General  Description  of  the  Archipelago 

On  November  29,  from  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  the  volcano 
threw  up  more  fire  than  all  put  together  in  the  preceding  seven  months. 
The  burning  column  seemed  to  mingle  with  the  clouds  ;  the  whole  of  the 
island  was  one  ignited  mass.  A  wind  blew.  And  as  the  priests  and  the 
mayor  (Alcalde)  were  just  remarking  that  the  fire  might  reach  the  town, 
a  mass  of  stones  was  thrown  up  with  great  violence ;  thunderclaps  and 
subterranean  noises  were  heard ;  everybody  looked  aghast,  and  nearly  all 
knelt  to  pray.  Then  the  waters  of  the  lake  began  to  encroach  upon  the 
houses,  and  the  inhabitants  took  to  flight,  the  natives  carrying  away 
whatever  chattels  they  could.  Cries  and  lamentations  were  heard  all 
around  ;  mothers  were  looking  for  their  children  in  dismay  ;  half-caste 
women  of  the  Parian  were  calling  for  confession,  some  of  them  beseech- 
ingly falling  on  their  knees  in  the  middle  of  the  streets.  The  panic  was 
intense,  and  was  in  no  way  lessened  by  the  Chinese,  who  took  to  yelling 
in  their  own  jargonic  syllables. 

After  the  terrible  night  of  November  29  they  thought  all  was  over, 
when  again  several  columns  of  smoke  appeared,  and  the  priest  went  off' 
to  the  Sanctuary  of  Cagsaysay,  where  the  prior  was.  Taal  was  entirely 
abandoned,  the  natives  having  gone  in  all  directions  away  from  the 
lake.  On  November  29  and  30  there  was  complete  darkness  around 
the  lake  vicinity,  and  when  light  reappeared  a  layer  of  cinders  about  five 
inches  thick  was  seen  over  the  lands  and  houses,  and  it  was  still  increas- 
ing. Total  darkness  returned,  so  that  one  could  not  distinguish 
another's  face,  and  all  were  more  horror-stricken  than  ever.  In 
Cagsaysay  the  natives  climbed  on  to  the  housetops  and  threw  down  the 
cinders,  which  were  over-weighting  the  structures.  On  November  30 
smoke  and  strange  sounds  came  with  greater  fury  than  anything  yet 
experienced,  while  lightning  flashed  in  the  dense  obscurity.  It  seemed  as 
if  the  end  of  the  world  was  arriving.  When  light  returned,  the  destruc- 
tion was  horribly  visible  ;  the  church  roof  was  dangerously  covered  with 
ashes  and  earth,  and  the  chronicler  opines  that  its  not  having  fallen  in 
might  be  attributed  to  a  miracle  !  Then  there  was  a  day  of  comparative 
quietude,  followed  by  a  hurricane  which  lasted  two  days.  All  were  in  a 
state  of  melancholy,  which  was  increased  when  they  received  the  news 
that  the  whole  of  Taal  had  collapsed ;  amongst  the  ruins  being  the 
Government  House  and  Stores,  the  Prison,  State  warehouses  and  the 
Royal  Rope  Walk,  besides  the  Church  and  Convent. 

The  Gov. -General  sent  food  and  clothing  in  a  vessel,  which  was 
nearly  wrecked  by  storms,  whilst  the  crew  pumped  and  baled  out 
continually  to  keep  her  afloat,  until  at  length  she  broke  up  on  the  shoals 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Pansipit  River.  Another  craft  had  her  mast  split 
by  a  flash  of  lightning,  but  reached  port. 

With  all  this,  some  daft  natives  lingered  about  the  site  of  the 
town  of  Taal  till  the  last,  and  two  men  were  sepulchred  in  the 
Government  House  ruins.     A  woman  left  her  house  just  before  the  roof 


General  Description  of  the  Archipelago  21 

fell  in  and  was  earned  away  by  a  flood,  from  which  she  escaped, 
and  was  then  struck  dead  by  a  flash  of  lightning.  A  man  who 
had  escaped  from  Mussulman  pirates,  by  whom  he  had  been  held  in 
captivity  for  years,  was  killed  during  the  eruption.  He  had  settled 
in  Taal,  and  was  held  to  be  a  perfect  genius,  for  he  could  mend 
a  clock  ! 

The  road  from  Taal  to  Balayan  was  impassable  for  a  while  on 
account  of  the  quantity  of  lava.  Taal,  once  so  important  as  a  trading 
centre,  was  now  gone,  and  Batangas,  on  the  coast,  became  the  future 
capital  of  the  province. 

The  actual  duration  of  this  last  eruption  was  6  months  and  17 
days. 

In  1780  the  natives  again  extracted  sulphur,  but  in  1790  a  writer  at 
that  date1  says  that  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  crater  owing  to  the  depth 
of  soft  lava  and  ashes  on  the  slopes. 

There  is  a  tradition  current  amongst  the  natives  that  an  Englishman 
some  years  ago  attempted  to  cut  a  tunnel  from  the  base  to  the  centre 
of  the  volcanic  mountain,  probably  to  extract  some  metallic  product  or 
sulphur.  It  is  said  that  during  the  work  the  excavation  partially  fell  in 
upon  the  Englishman,  who  perished  there.  The  cave-like  entrance  is 
pointed  out  to  travellers  as  the  Cueva  del  Ingles. 

Referring  to  the  volcano,  Fray  Gaspar  de  San  Agustin  in  his  History 2 
remarks  as  follows  : — "  The  volcano  formerly  emitted  many  large  fire- 
"  stones  which  destroyed  the  cotton,  sweet  potato  and  other  plantations 
"  belonging  to  the  natives  of  Taal  on  the  slopes  of  the  (volcano)  raoun- 
"  tain.  Also  it  happened  that  if  three  persons  arrived  on  the  volcanic 
"  island,  one  of  them  had  infallibly  to  die  there  without  being  able  to 
"  ascertain  the  cause  of  this  circumstance.  This  was  related  to  Father 
"  Albuquerque,3  who  after  a  fervent  deesis  entreating  compassion  on  the 
"  natives,  went  to  the  island,  exorcised  the  evil  spirits  there  and  blessed 
"  the  land.  A  religious  procession  was  made,  and  Mass  was  celebrated 
"  with  great  humility.  On  the  elevation  of  the  Host,  horrible  sounds 
"  were  heard,  accompanied  by  groaning  voices  and  sad  lamentations  ;  two 
"  craters  opened  out,  one  with  sulphur  in  it  and  the  other  with  green 
"  water  (sic),  which  is  constantly  boiling.  The  crater  on  the  Lipa  side 
"  is  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  wide  ;  the  other  is  smaller,  and  in  time 
"  smoke  began  to  ascend  from  this  opening  so  that  the  natives,  fearful 
"  of  some  new  calamity,  went  to  Father  Bartholomew,  who  repeated 
"  the  ceremonies  already  described.  Mass  was  said  a  second  time,  so 
"  that    since  then  the  volcano    has  not  thrown  out  any    more    fire    or 

1  "  Hist,  de  la  Prow  de  Batangas,"  por  Don  Pedro  Andres  de  Castro  y  Amades. 
Inedited  MS.  in  the  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of  Batangas. 

2  "  Hist,  de  Filipinas,"  by  Dr.  Gaspar  de  San  Agustin,  2  vols.  First  part  published 
in  Madrid,  1698,  the  second  part  yet  inedited  and  preserved  in  the  archives  of 
the  Corporation  of  Saint  Augustine  in  Manila. 

3  P.P.  of  Taal  from  1572  to  1575. 


22  General  Description  of  the  Archipelago 

"  smoke.1  However,  whilst  Fray  Thomas  Abresi  was  parish  priest  of  Taal 
"(about  1611),  thunder  and  plaintive  cries  were  again  heard,  therefore 
"  the  priest  had  a  cross,  made  of  Anobing  wood,  borne  to  the  top  of  the 
"  volcano  by  more  than  400  natives,  with  the  result  that  not  only  the 
"  volcano  ceased  to  do  harm,  but  the  island  has  regained  its  original 
"  fertile  condition." 

The  Taal  Volcano  is  reached  with  facility  from  the  N.  side  of  the 
island,  the  ascent  on  foot  occupying  about  half  an  hour.  Looking  into 
the  crater,  which  would  be  about  4,500  feet  wide  from  one  border  to 
the  other  of  the  shell,  one  sees  three  distinct  lakes  of  boiling  liquid,  the 
colours  of  which  change  from  time  to  time.  I  have  been  up  to  the 
crater  four  times  ;  the  last  time  the  liquids  in  the  lakes  were  respec- 
tively of  green,  yellow,  and  chocolate  colours.  At  the  time  of  my  last 
visit  there  was  also  a  lava  chimney  in  the  middle,  from  which  arose  a 
snow-white  volume  of  smoke. 

The  Philippine  Islands  have  numberless  creeks  and  bays  forming 
natural  harbours,  but  navigation  on  the  W.  coasts  of  Cebu,  Negros  and 
Palauan  Islands  is  dangerous  for  any  but  very  light-draught  vessels,  the 
water  being  very  shallow,  whilst  there  are  dangerous  reefs  all  along  the 
W.  coast  of  Palauan  (Paragua)  and  between  the  south  point  of  this 
island  and  Balabac  Island. 

The  S.W.  monsoon  brings  rain  to  most  of  the  islands,  and  the  wet 
season  lasts  nominally  six  months, — from  about  the  end  of  April.  The 
other  half  of  the  year  is  the  dry  season.  However,  on  those  coasts 
directly  facing  the  Pacific  Ocean,  the  seasons  are  the  reverse  of  this. 

The  hottest  season  is  from  March  to  May  inclusive,  except  on  the 
coasts  washed  by  the  Pacific,  where  the  greatest  heat  is  felt  in  June, 
July,  and  August.  The  temperature  throughout  the  year  varies  but 
slightly,  the  average  heat  in  Luzon  Island  being  about  81°  50'  Fahr.  In 
the  highlands  of  north  Luzon,  on  an  elevation  above  4,000  feet,  the 
maximum  temperature  is  78°  Fahr.  and  the  minimum  46°  Fahr.  Zam- 
boanga,  which  is  over  400  miles  south  of  Manila,  is  cooler  than  the 
capital.  The  average  number  of  rainy  days  in  Luzon  during  the  years 
1881  to  1883  was  203. 

Commencing  July  11,  1904,  three  days  of  incessant  rain  in  Rizal 
Province  produced  the  greatest  inundation  of  Manila  suburbs  within 
living  memory.  Human  lives  were  lost ;  many  cattle  were  washed  away  ; 
barges  in  the  river  were  wrenched  from  their  moorings  and  dashed 
against  the  bridge  piers  ;  pirogues  were  used  instead  of  vehicles  in  the 
thoroughfares  ;  considerable  damage  was  done  in  the  shops  and  many 
persons  bad  to  wade  through  the  flooded  streets  knee-deep  in  water. 

The  climate  is  a  continual  summer,  which  maintains  a  rich  verdure 
throughout  the  year ;  and  during  nine  months  of  the  twelve  an  alternate 

1  In  the  same  archives  of  the  Saint  Augustine  Corporation  in  Manila  an  eruption 
in  1641  is  recorded. 


General  Description  of  the  Archipelago  23 

heat  and  moisture  stimulates  the  soil  to  the  spontaneous  production  of 
every  form  of  vegetable  life.     The  country  generally  is  healthy. 

The  whole  of  the  Archipelago,  as  far  south  as  10°  lat.,  is  affected  by 
the  monsoons,  and  periodically  disturbed  by  terrible  hurricanes,  which 
cause  great  devastation  to  the  crops  and  other  property.  The  last 
destructive  hurricane  took  place  in  September,  1905. 

Earthquakes  are  also  very  frequent,  the  last  of  great  importance 
having  occurred  in  1863,  1880,  1892,  1894,  and  1897.  In  1897  a  tre- 
mendous tidal  wave  affected  the  Island  of  Leyte,  causing  great  destruc- 
tion of  life  and  property.  A  portion  of  Tacloban,  the  capital  of  the 
island,  was  swept  away,  rendering  it  necessary  to  extend  the  town  in 
another  direction. 

In  the  wet  season  the  rivers  swell  considerably,  and  often  overflow 
their  banks  ;  whilst  the  mountain  torrents  carry  away  bridges,  cattle, 
tree  trunks,  etc.,  with  terrific  force,  rendering  travelling  in  some  parts  of 
the  interior  dangerous  and  difficult.  In  the  dry  season  long  droughts 
occasionally  occur  (about  once  in  three  years),  to  the  great  detriment 
of  the  crops  and  live-stock. 

The  southern  boundary  of  the  Archipelago  is  formed  by  a  chain  of 
some  140  islands,  stretching  from  the  large  island  of  Mindanao  as  far  as 
Borneo,  and  constitutes  the  Sulu  Archipelago,  the  Sultanate  of  which 
was  under  the  protection  of  Spain  {vide  Chap.  xxix.).  It  is  now  being 
absorbed,  under  American  rule,  in  the  rest  of  the  Archipelago,  under 
the  denomination  of  Moro  Province  (q.v.). 


24 


CHAPTER   II 

DISCOVERY   OF  THE   ARCHIPELAGO 

The  discoveries  of  Christopher  Columbus  in  1492,  the  adventures  and 
conquests  of  Hernan  Cortes,  Blasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  and  others  in  the 
South  Atlantic,  had  awakened  an  ardent  desire  amongst  those  of  enter- 
prizing  spirit  to  seek  beyond  those  regions  which  had  hitherto  been 
traversed.  It  is  true  the  Pacific  Ocean  had  been  seen  by  Balboa,  who 
crossed  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  but  how  to  arrive  there  with  his  ships 
was  as  yet  a  mystery. 

On  April  10,  1495,  the  Spanish  Government  published  a  general 
concession  to  all  who  wished  to  search  for  unknown  lands.  This  was 
a  direct  attack  upon  the  privileges  of  Columbus  at  the  instigation  of 
Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  had  the  control  of  the  Indian  affairs 
of  the  realm.  Rich  merchants  of  Cadiz  and  Seville,  whose  imagination 
was  inflamed  by  the  reports  of  the  abundance  of  pearls  and  gold  on  the 
American  coast,  fitted  out  ships  to  be  manned  by  the  roughest  class  of 
gold-hunters  :  so  great  were  the  abuses  of  this  common  licence  that  it 
was  withdrawn  by  Royal  Decree  of  June  2,  1497. 

It  was  the  age  of  chivalry,  and  the  restless  cavalier  who  had  won  his 
spurs  in  Europe  lent  a  listening  ear  to  the  accounts  of  romantic  glory 
and  wealth  attained  across  the  seas.  That  an  immense  ocean  washed 
the  western  shores  of  the  great  American  continent  was  an  established 
fact.  That  there  was  a  passage  connecting  the  great  Southern  sea — the 
Atlantic — with  that  vast  ocean  was  an  accepted  hypothesis.  Many  had 
sought  the  passage  in  vain  ;  the  honour  of  its  discovery  was  reserved  for 
Hernando  de  Maghallanes  (Portuguese,  Fernao  da  Magalhaes). 

This  celebrated  man  was  a  Portuguese  noble  who  had  received  the 
most  complete  education  in  the  palace  of  King  John  II.  Having  studied 
mathematics  and  navigation,  at  an  early  age  he  joined  the  Portuguese 
fleet  which  left  for  India  in  1505  under  the  command  of  Almeida.  He 
was  present  at  the  siege  of  Malacca  under  the  famous  Albuquerque, 
and  accompanied  another  expedition  to  the  rich  Moluccas,  or  Spice 
Islands,  when  the  Islands  of  Banda,  Tidor,  and  Ternate  were  discovered. 
It  was  here  he  obtained  the  information  which  led  him  to  contemplate 
the  voyage    which  he  subsequently  realized. 


Hernando  de  Maghallanes  25 

On  his  return  to  Portugal  he  searched  the  Crown  Archives  to  see  if 
the  Moluccas  were  situated  within  the  demarcation  accorded  to  Spain.1 
In  the  meantime  he  repaired  to  the  wars  in  Africa,  where  he  was 
wounded  in  the  knee,  with  the  result  that  he  became  permanently  lame. 
He  consequently  retired  to  Portugal,  and  his  companions  in  arms,  jealous 
of  his  prowess,  took  advantage  of  his  affliction  to  assail  him  with  vile 
imputations.  The  King  Emmanuel  encouraged  the  complaints,  and 
accused  him  of  feigning  a  malady  of  which  he  was  completely  cured. 
Wounded  to  the  quick  by  such  an  assertion,  and  convinced  of  having 
lost  the  royal  favour,  Maghallanes  renounced  for  ever,  by  a  formal  and 
public  instrument,  his  duties  and  rights  as  a  Portuguese  subject,  and 
henceforth  became  a  naturalized  Spaniard.  He  then  presented  himself 
at  the  Spanish  Court,  at  that  time  in  Valladolid,  where  he  was  well 
received  by  the  King  Charles  I.,  the  Bishop  of  Burgos,  Juan  Rodriguez 
Fonseca,  Minister  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  by  the  King's  chancellor.  They 
listened  attentively  to  his  narration,  and  he  had  the  good  fortune  to 
secure  the  personal  protection  of  His  Majesty,  himself  a  well-tried 
warrior,  experienced  in  adventure. 

The  Portuguese  Ambassador,  Alvaro  de  Acosta,  incensed  at  the 
success  of  his  late  countryman,  and  fearing  that  the  project  under 
discussion  would  lead  to  the  conquest  of  the  Spice  Islands  by  the  rival 
kingdom,  made  every  effort  to  influence  the  Court  against  him.  At 
the  same  time  he  ineffectually  urged  Maghallanes  to  return  to  Lisbon, 
alleging  that  his  resolution  to  abandon  Portuguese  citizenship  required 
the  sovereign  sanction.  Others  even  meditated  his  assassination  to  save 
the  interests  of  the  King  of  Portugal.  This  powerful  opposition  only 
served  to  delay  the  expedition,  for  finally  the  King  of  Portugal  was 
satisfied  that  his  Spanish  rival  had  no  intention  to  authorize  a  violation 
of  the  Convention  of  Demarcation. 

Between  King  Charles  and  Maghallanes  a  contract  was  signed  in 
Saragossa  by  virtue  of  which  the  latter  pledged  himself  to  seek  the 
discovery  of  rich  spice  islands  within  the  limits  of  the  Spanish  Empire. 
If  he  should  not  have  succeeded  in  the  venture  after  ten  years  from  the 
date  of  sailing  he  would  thenceforth  be  permitted  to  navigate  and  trade 
without  further  royal  assent,  reserving  one-twentieth  of  his  net  gains 
for  the  Crown.  The  King  accorded  to  him  the  title  of  Cavalier  and 
invested  him  with  the  habit  of  St.  James  and  the  hereditary  government 

1  During  the  previous  century  jealousy  had  run  so  high  between  Spain  and 
Portugal  with  regard  to  their  respective  colonization  and  trading  rights,  that  the 
question  of  demarcation  had  to  be  settled  by  the  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  who  issued 
a  bull  dated  May  4,  1493,  dividing  the  world  into  two  hemispheres,  and  decreeing 
that  all  heathen  lands  discovered  in  the  Western  half,  from  the  meridian  100  leagues 
W.  of  Cape  Verd  Island,  should  belong  to  the  Spaniards  ;  in  the  Eastern  half  to  the 
Portuguese.  The  bull  was  adopted  by  both  nations  in  the  Treaty  of  Tordesillas 
(June  7,  1494).  It  gave  rise  to  many  passionate  debates,  as  the  Spaniards  wrongly 
insisted  that  the  Philippines  and  the  Moluccas  came  within  the  division  allotted 
to  them  by  Pontifical  donation. 


26  Maghallanes'  Expedition  to  the  Moluccas 

in  male  succession  of  all  the  islands  he  might  annex.  The  Crown  of 
Castile  reserved  to  itself  the  supreme  authority  over  such  government. 
If  Maghallanes  discovered  so  many  as  six  islands,  he  was  to  embark 
merchandise  in  the  King's  own  ships  to  the  value  of  one  thousand  ducats 
as  royal  dues.  If  the  islands  numbered  only  two,  he  would  pay  to  the 
Crown  one-fifteenth  of  the  net  profits.  The  King,  however,  was  to 
receive  one-fifth  part  of  the  total  cargo  sent  in  the  first  return  expe- 
dition. The  King  would  defray  the  expense  of  fitting  out  and  arming 
five  ships  of  from  60  to  130  tons  with  a  total  crew  of  234  men ;  he 
would  also  appoint  captains  and  officials  of  the  Royal  Treasury  to 
represent  the  State  interests  in  the  division  of  the  spoil. 

Orders  to  fulfil  the  contract  were  issued  to  the  Crown  officers  in  the 
port  of  Seville,  and  the  expedition  was  slowly  prepared,  consisting  of 
the  following  vessels,  viz. :  The  commodore  ship  La  Trinidad,  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Maghallanes  ;  the  San  Antonio,  Captain  Juan 
de  Cartagena  ;  the  Victoria,  Captain  Luis  de  Mendoza ;  the  Santiago, 
Captain  Juan  Rodriguez  Serrano ;  and  the  Conception,  Captain  Gaspar 
de  Quesada. 

The  little  fleet  had  not  yet  sailed  when  dissensions  arose. 

Maghallanes  wished  to  carry  his  own  ensign,  whilst  Doctor  Sancho 
Matienza  insisted  that  it  should  be  the  Royal  Standard. 

Another,  named  Talero,  disputed  the  question  of  who  should  be  the 
standard-bearer.  The  King  himself  had  to  settle  these  quarrels  by 
his  own  arbitrary  authority.  Talero  was  disembarked  and  the  Royal 
Standard  was  formally  presented  to  Maghallanes  by  injunction  of  the 
Kino-  in  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Victoria  de  la  Triana,  in 
Seville,  where  he  and  his  companions  swore  to  observe  the  usages  and 
customs  of  Castile,  and  to  remain  faithful  and  loyal  to  His  Catholic 
Majesty. 

On  August  10,  1519,  the  expedition  left  the  port  of  San  Lucar 
de  Barrameda  in  the  direction  of  the  Canary  Islands. 

On  December  13  they  arrived  safely  at  Rio  Janeiro. 

Following  the  coast  in  search  of  the  longed-for  passage  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  they  entered  the  Solis  River — so  called  because  its  discoverer, 
Joao  de  Solis,  a  Portuguese,  was  murdered  there.  Its  name  was 
afterwards  changed  to  that  of  Rio  de  la  Plata  (the  Silver  River). 

Continuing  their  course,  the  intense  cold  determined  Maghallanes  to 
winter  in  the  next  large  river,  known  then  as  San  Julian. 

Tumults  arose  ;  some  wished  to  return  home  ;  others  harboured  a 
desire  to  separate  from  the  fleet,  but  Maghallanes  had  sufficient  tact  to 
persuade  the  crews  to  remain  with  him,  reminding  them  of  the  shame 
which  would  befall  them  if  they  returned  only  to  relate  their  failure. 
He  added  that,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  nothing  but  death  would 
deter  him  from  executing  the  royal  commission. 

As  to  the  rebellious  captains,  Juan  de  Cartagena  was  already  put  in 


Discovery  of  Magellan  Straits  and  Ladrone  Islajids     27 

irons  and  sentenced  to  be  cast  ashore  with  provisions,  and  a  disaffected 
French  priest  for  a  companion.  The  sentence  was  carried  out  later  on. 
Then  Maghallanes  sent  a  boat  to  each  of  three  of  the  ships  to  inquire  of 
the  captains  whom  they  served.  The  reply  from  all  was  that  they  were 
for  the  King  and  themselves.  Thereupon  30  men  were  sent  to  the 
Victoria  with  a  letter  to  Mendoza,  and  whilst  he  was  reading  it,  they 
rushed  on  board  and  stabbed  him  to  death.  Quesada  then  brought  his 
ship  alongside  of  the  Trinidad,  and,  with  sword  and  shield  in  hand,  called 
in  vain  upon  his  men  to  attack.  Maghallanes,  with  great  promptitude, 
gave  orders  to  board  Quesada's  vessel.  The  next  day  Quesada  was 
executed.  After  these  vigorous  but  justifiable  measures,  obedience 
was  ensured. 

Still  bearing  southwards  within  sight  of  the  coast,  on  October  28, 
1520,  the  expedition  reached  and  entered  the  seaway  thenceforth  known 
as  the  Magellan  Straits,  dividing  the  Island  of  Tierra  del  Fuego  from  the 
mainland  of  Patagonia.1 

On  the  way  one  ship  had  become  a  total  wreck,  and  now  the  San 
Antonio  deserted  the  expedition  ;  her  captain  having  been  wounded  and 
made  prisoner  by  his  mutinous  officers,  she  was  sailed  in  the  direction  of 
New  Guinea.  The  three  remaining  vessels  waited  for  the  San  Antonio 
several  days,  and  then  passed  through  the  Straits.  Great  was  the 
rejoicing  of  all  when,  on  November  26,  1520,  they  found  them- 
selves on  the  Pacific  Ocean !  It  was  a  memorable  day.  All 
doubt  was  now  at  an  end  as  they  cheerfully  navigated  across  that  broad 
expanse  of  sea. 

On  March  16,  1521,  the  Ladrone  Islands  were  reached.  There  the 
ships  were  so  crowded  with  natives  that  they  were  obliged  to  be  expelled 
by  force.  They  stole  one  of  the  ship's  boats,  and  ninety  men  were  sent 
on  shore  to  recover  it.  After  a  bloody  combat  the  boat  was  regained, 
and  the  fleet  continued  its  course  westward  until  it  hove  to  off  an  islet, 
then  called  Jomonjol,  now  known  as  Malhou,  situated  in  the  channel 
between  Samar  and  Dinagat  Islands  {vide  map).  Then  coasting  along 
the  north  of  the  Island  of  Mindanao,  they  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Butuan  River,  where  they  were  supplied  with  provisions  by  the  chief. 
It  was  Easter  week,  and  on  this  shore  the  first  Mass  was  celebrated  in 
the  Philippines.  The  natives  showed  great  friendliness,  in  return  for 
which  Maghallanes  took  formal  possession  of  their  territory  in  the  name 
of  Charles  I.  The  chieftain  himself  volunteered  to  pilot  the  ships  to  a 
fertile  island,  the  kingdom  of  a  relation  of  his,  and,  passing  between 
the  Islands  of  Bojol  and  Leyte,  the  expedition  arrived  on  April  7  at 
Cebu,  where,  on  receiving  the  news,  over  two  thousand  men  appeared  on 
the  beach  in  battle  array  with  lances  and  shields. 

The  Butuan  chief  went  on  shore  and  explained  that  the  expedition 
brought  people  of  peace  who  sought  provisions.     The  King  agreed  to  a 

1  Probably  so  called  from  the  enormous  number  of  patos  (ducks)  found  there. 


28  Maghallanes  is  slain 

treaty,  and  proposed  that  it  should  be  ratified  according  to  the  native 
formula — drawing  blood  from  the  breast  of  each  party,  the  one  drinking 
that  of  the  other.  This  form  of  bond  was  called  by  the  Spaniards  the 
Pacto  de  sangre,  or  the  Blood  compact  (q.v.). 

Maghallanes  accepted  the  conditions,  and  a  hut  was  built  on  shore  in 
which  to  say  Mass.  Then  he  disembarked  with  his  followers,  and  the 
King,  Queen,  and  Prince  came  to  satisfy  their  natural  curiosity.  They 
appeared  to  take  great  interest  in  the  Christian  religious  rites  and 
received  baptism,  although  it  would  be  venturesome  to  suppose  they 
understood  their  meaning,  as  subsequent  events  proved.  The  princes 
and  headmen  of  the  district  followed  their  example,  and  swore  fealty  and 
obedience  to  the  King  of  Spain. 

Maghallanes  espoused  the  cause  of  his  new  allies,  who  were  at  war 
with  the  tribes  on  the  opposite  coast,  and  on  April  25,  1521,  he  passed 
over  to  Magtan  Island.  In  the  affray  he  was  mortally  wounded  by  an 
arrow,  and  thus  ended  his  brief  but  lustrous  career,  which  fills  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  pages  in  Spanish  annals. 

Maghallanes  called  the  group  of  islands,  so  far  discovered,  the 
Saint  Lazarus  Archipelago.  In  Spain  they  were  usually  referred  to  as 
the  Islas  del  Poniente,  and  in  Portugal  as  the  Islas  del  Oriente. 

On  the  left  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  facing  the  City  of  Manila, 
stands  a  monument  to  Maghallanes1  memory.  Another  has  been  erected 
on  the  spot  in  Magtan  Island,  where  he  is  supposed  to  have  been  slain 
on  April  27,  1521.  Also  in  the  city  of  Cebu,  near  the  beach,  there 
is  an  obelisk  to  commemorate  these  heroic  events. 

It  was  perhaps  well  for  Maghallanes  to  have  ended  his  days  out  of 
reach  of  his  royal  master.  Had  he  returned  to  Spain  he  would  probably 
have  met  a  fate  similar  to  that  which  befell  Columbus  after  all  his  glories. 
The  San  Antonio,  which,  as  already  mentioned,  deserted  the  fleet  at 
the  Magellan  Straits,  continued  her  voyage  from  New  Guinea  to  Spain, 
arriving  at  San  Liicar  de  Barrameda  in  March,  1521.  The  captain, 
Alvaro  Mesquita,  was  landed  as  a  prisoner,  accused  of  having  seconded 
Maghallanes  in  repressing  insubordination.  To  Maghallanes  were 
ascribed  the  worst  cruelties  and  infraction  of  the  royal  instructions. 
Accused  and  accusers  were  alike  cast  into  prison,  and  the  King,  unable 
to  lay  hands  on  the  deceased  Maghallanes,  sought  this  hero's  wife  and 
children.  These  innocent  victims  of  royal  vengeance  were  at  once  arrested 
and  conveyed  to  Burgos,  where  the  Court  happened  to  be,  whilst  the  San 
Antonio  was  placed  under  embargo. 

On  the  decease  of  Maghallanes,  the  supreme  command  of  the  expe- 
dition in  Cebu  Island  was  assumed  by  Duarte  de  Barbosa,  who,  with 
twenty-six  of  his  followers,  was  slain  at  a  banquet  to  which  they  had 
been  invited  by  Hamabar,  the  King  of  the  island.  Juan  Serrano  had  so 
ingratiated  himself  with  the  natives  during  the  sojourn  on  shore  that  his 
life  was  spared  for  a  while.     Stripped  of  his  raiment  and  armour,  he  was 


The  Object  of  the  Expedition  is  gained  29 

conducted  to  the  beach,  where  the  natives  demanded  a  ransom  for  his 
person  of  two  cannons  from  the  ships'  artillery.  Those  on  board  saw 
what  was  passing  and  understood  the  request,  but  they  were  loath  to 
endanger  the  lives  of  all  for  the  sake  of  one — "  Melius  est  ut  pereat  unus 
quarn  ut  pereat  communitas "  (Saint  Augustine) — so  they  raised  anchors 
and  sailed  out  of  the  port,  leaving  Serrano  to  meet  his  terrible  fate. 

Due  to  sickness,  murder  during  the  revolts,  and  the  slaughter 
in  Cebu,  the  exploring  party,  now  reduced  to  100  souls  all  told,  was 
deemed  insufficient  to  conveniently  manage  three  vessels.  It  was  resolved 
therefore  to  burn  the  most  dilapidated  one — the  Conception.  At  a 
general  council,  Juan  Caraballo  was  chosen  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
expedition,  with  Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Espinosa  as  Captain  of  the  Victoria. 
The  royal  instructions  were  read,  and  it  was  decided  to  go  to  the  Island 
of  Borneo,  already  known  to  the  Portuguese  and  marked  on  their  charts. 
On  the  way  they  provisioned  the  ships  off  the  coast  of  Palauan  Island 
(Paragua),  and  thence  navigated  to  within  ten  miles  of  the  capital  of 
Borneo  (probably  Brunei).  Here  they  fell  in  with  a  number  of  native 
canoes,  in  one  of  which  was  the  King's  secretary.  There  was  a  great 
noise  with  the  sound  of  drums  and  trumpets,  and  the  ships  saluted  the 
strangers  with  their  guns. 

The  natives  came  on  board,  embraced  the  Spaniards  as  if  they  were 
old  friends,  and  asked  them  who  they  were  and  what  they  came  for. 
They  replied  that  they  were  vassals  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  wished  to 
barter  goods.  Presents  were  exchanged,  and  several  of  the  Spaniards  went 
ashore.  They  were  met  on  the  way  by  over  two  thousand  armed  men, 
and  safely  escorted  to  the  King's  quarters.  After  satisfying  his  Majesty's 
numerous  inquiries,  Captain  Espinosa  was  permitted  to  return  with  his 
companions.  He  reported  to  Caraballo  all  he  had  seen,  and  in  a  council 
it  was  agreed  that  the  town  was  too  large  and  the  armed  men  too 
numerous  to  warrant  the  safety  of  a  longer  stay.  However,  being  in 
need  of  certain  commodities,  five  men  were  despatched  to  the  town.  As 
days  passed  by,  their  prolonged  absence  caused  suspicion  and  anxiety,  so 
the  Spaniards  took  in  reprisal  the  son  of  the  King  of  Luzon  Island, 
who  had  arrived  there  to  trade,  accompanied  by  100  men  and  five 
women  in  a  large  prahu.  The  prince  made  a  solemn  vow  to  see  that  the 
five  Spaniards  returned,  and  left  two  of  his  women  and  eight  chiefs 
as  hostages.  Then  Caraballo  sent  a  message  to  the  King  of  Borneo, 
intimating  that  if  his  people  were  not  liberated  he  would  seize  all 
the  junks  and  merchandise  he  might  fall  in  with  and  kill  their  crews. 
Thereupon  two  of  the  retained  Spaniards  were  set  free,  but,  in  spite  of 
the  seizure  of  craft  laden  with  silk  and  cotton,  the  three  men  remaining 
had  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  expedition  set  sail. 

For  reasons  not  very  clear,  Caraballo  was  deprived  of  the  supreme 
command  and  Espinosa  was  appointed  in  his  place,  whilst  Juan  Sebastian 
Elcano  was  elected  Captain  of  the  Victoria.    With  a  native  pilot,  captured 


30  Elcano  s  Voyage  round  the  World 

from  a  junk  which  they  met  on  the  way,  the  ships  shaped  their  course 
towards  the  Moluccas  Islands,  and  on  November  8,  1521,  they  arrived 
at  the  Island  of  Tidor.  Thus  the  essential  object  of  the  expedition  was 
gained — the  discovery  of  a  western  route  to  the  Spice  Islands. 

Years  previous  the  Portuguese  had  opened  up  trade  and  still  con- 
tinued to  traffic  with  these  islands,  which  were  rich  in  nutmegs,  cloves, 
cinnamon,  ginger,  sage,  pepper,  etc.  It  is  said  that  Saint  Francis 
Xavier  had  propagated  his  views  amongst  these  islanders,  some  of  whom 
professed  the  Christian  faith. 

The  King,  richly  attired,  went  out  with  his  suite  to  receive  and 
welcome  the  Spaniards.  He  was  anxious  to  barter  with  them,  and 
when  the  Trinidad  was  consequently  laden  with  valuable  spices  it  was 
discovered  that  she  had  sprung  a  leak.  Her  cargo  was  therefore  trans- 
ferred to  the  sister  ship,  whilst  the  Trinidad  remained  in  Tidor  for 
repairs,  and  Elcano  was  deputed  to  make  the  voyage  home  with  the 
Victoria,  taking  the  western  route  of  the  Portuguese  in  violation  of  the 
Treaty  of  Tordesillas.  Elcano's  crew  consisted  of  fifty-three  Europeans 
and  a  dozen  natives  of  Tidor.  The  Victoria  started  for  Spain  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1522  ;  passed  through  the  Sunda  Straits  at  great 
risk  of  being  seized  by  the  Portuguese  ;  experienced  violent  storms  in 
the  Mozambique  Channel,  and  was  almost  wrecked  rounding  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope.  A  few  of  the  crew  died — their  only  food  was  a  scanty  ration 
of  rice — and  in  their  extreme  distress  they  put  in  at  Santiago  Island, 
350  miles  W.  of  Cape  Verd,  to  procure  provisions  and  beg  assistance 
from  the  Portuguese  Governor.  It  was  like  jumping  into  the  lion's 
mouth.  The  Governor  imprisoned  those  who  went  to  him,  in  defence 
of  his  Sovereign's  treaty  rights ;  he  seized  the  boat  which  brought 
them  ashore ;  inquired  of  them  where  they  had  obtained  the  cargo ; 
and  projected  the  capture  of  the  Victoria. 

Captain  Elcano  was  not  slow  to  comprehend  the  situation ;  he  raised 
anchor  and  cleared  out  of  the  harbour,  and,  as  it  had  happened  several 
times  before,  those  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be  sent  ashore  were 
abandoned  by  their  countrymen. 

The  Victoria  made  the  port  of  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  on  Septem- 
ber 6,  1522,  so  that  in  a  little  over  three  years  Juan  Sebastian  Elcano 
had  performed  the  most  notable  voyage  hitherto  on  record — it  was  the 
first  yet  accomplished  round  the  world.  It  must,  however,  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  discovery  of  the  way  to  the  Moluccas,  going  westward, 
was  due  to  Maghallanes — of  Portuguese  birth — and  that  the  route  thence 
to  Europe,  continuing  westward,  had  long  before  been  determined  by  the 
Portuguese  traders,  whose  charts  Elcano  used. 

When  Elcano  and  his  17  companions  disembarked,  their  appear- 
ance was  most  pitiable — mere  skeletons  of  men,  weather-beaten  and 
famished.  The  City  of  Seville  received  them  with  acclamation  ;  but 
their  first  act  was  to   walk  barefooted,  in  procession,  holding  lighted 


The  Loaisa  Expedition  31 

candles  in  their  hands,  to  the  church  to  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty 
for  their  safe  deliverance  from  the  hundred  dangers  which  they  had 
encountered.  Clothes,  money,  and  all  necessaries  were  supplied  to  them 
by  royal  bounty,  whilst  Elcano  and  the  most  intelligent  of  his  com- 
panions were  cited  to  appear  at  Court  to  narrate  their  adventures.  His 
Majesty  received  them  with  marked  deference.  Elcano  was  rewarded 
with  a  life  pension  of  500  ducats  (worth  at  that  date  about  i?112  10*.), 
and  as  a  lasting  remembrance  of  his  unprecedented  feat,  his  royal  master 
knighted  him  and  conceded  to  him  the  right  of  using  on  his  escutcheon 
a  globe  bearing  the  motto,  "Primus  circundedit  me.'''' 

Two  of  Elcano's  officers,  Miguel  de  Rodas  and  Francisco  Alva,  were 
each  awarded  a  life  pension  of  50,000  maravedis  (worth  at  that  time 
about  14  guineas),  whilst  the  King  ordered  one-fourth  of  that  fifth 
part  of  the  cargo,  which  by  contract  with  Maghallanes  belonged  to 
the  State  Treasury,  to  be  distributed  amongst  the  crew,  including  those 
imprisoned  in  Santiago  Island. 

The  cargo  of  the  Victoria  consisted  of  twenty-six  and  a  half  tons  of 
cloves,  a  quantity  of  cinnamon,  sandalwood,  nutmegs,  etc.  Amongst 
the  Tidor  Islanders  who  were  presented  to  the  King,  one  of  them  was  not 
allowed  to  return  to  his  native  home,  because  he  had  carefully  inquired 
the  value  of  the  spices  in  the  Spanish  bazaars. 

Meanwhile  the  Trinidad  was  repaired  in  Tidor  and  on  her  way  to 
Panama,  when  continued  tempests  and  the  horrible  sufferings  of  the  crew 
determined  them  to  retrace  their  course  to  the  Moluccas.  In  this  interval 
Portuguese  ships  had  arrived  there,  and  a  fort  was  being  constructed  to 
defend  Portuguese  interests  against  the  Spaniards,  whom  they  regarded 
as  interlopers.  The  Trinidad  was  seized,  and  the  Captain  Espinosa  with 
the  survivors  of  his  crew  were  granted  a  passage  to  Lisbon,  which  place 
they  reached  five  years  after  they  had  set  out  with  Maghallanes. 

The  enthusiasm  of  King  Charles  was  equal  to  the  importance  of 
the  discoveries  which  gave  renown  to  his  subjects  and  added  glory 
to  his  Crown.  Notwithstanding  a  protracted  controversy  with  the 
Portuguese  Court,  which  claimed  the  exclusive  right  of  trading  with 
the  Spice  Islands,  he  ordered  another  squadron  of  six  ships  to  be  fitted 
out  for  a  voyage  to  the  Moluccas.  The  supreme  command  was  confided 
to  Garcia  Yofre  de  Loaisa,  Knight  of  Saint  John,  whilst  Sebastian 
Elcano  was  appointed  captain  of  one  of  the  vessels.  After  passing 
through  the  Magellan  Straits,  the  Commander  Loaisa  succumbed  to  the 
fatigues  and  privations  of  the  stormy  voyage.  Elcano  succeeded  him, 
but  only  for  four  days,  when  he  too  expired.  The  expedition,  however, 
arrived  safely  at  the  Moluccas  Islands,  where  they  found  the  Portuguese 
in  full  possession  and  strongly  established,  but  the  long  series  of 
combats,  struggles  and  altercations  which  ensued  between  the  rival 
Powers,  in  which  Captain  Andres  de  Urdaneta  prominently  figured, 
left  no  decisive  advantage  to  either  nation. 


\ 


32  The  Villalobos  Expedition 

But  the  King  was  in  no  way  disheartened.  A  third  expedition — 
the  last  under  his  auspices — was  organized  and  despatched  from  the 
Pacific  Coast  of  Mexico  by  the  Viceroy,  by  royal  mandate.  It  was 
composed  of  two  ships,  two  transports  and  one  galley,  well  manned 
and  armed,  chosen  from  the  fleet  of  Pedro  Alvarado,  the  late  Governor  of 
Guatemala.  Under  the  leadership  of  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos  it 
sailed  on  November  1,  1542  ;  discovered  many  small  islands  in  the 
Pacific ;  lost  the  galley  on  the  way,  and  anchored  off  an  island  about 
20  miles  in  circumference  which  was  named  Antonia.  They  found  its 
inhabitants  very  hostile.  A  fight  ensued,  but  the  natives  finally  fled, 
leaving  several  Spaniards  wounded,  of  whom  six  died.  Villalobos  then 
announced  his  intention  of  remaining  here  some  time,  and  ordered  his 
men  to  plant  maize.  At  first  they  demurred,  saying  that  they  had 
come  to  fight,  not  to  till  land,  but  at  length  necessity  urged  them  to 
obedience,  and  a  small  but  insufficient  crop  was  reaped  in  due  season. 
Hard  pressed  for  food,  they  lived  principally  on  cats,  rats,  lizards, 
snakes,  dogs,  roots  and  wild  fruit,  and  several  died  of  disease.  In  this 
plight  a  ship  was  sent  to  Mindanao  Island,  commanded  by  Bernado  de 
la  Torre,  to  seek  provisions.  The  voyage  was  fruitless.  The  party 
was  opposed  by  the  inhabitants,  who  fortified  themselves,  but  were 
dislodged  and  slain.  Then  a  vessel  was  commissioned  to  Mexico  with 
news  and  to  solicit  reinforcements.  On  the  way,  Volcano  Island  (of  the 
Ladrone  Islands  group)  was  discovered  on  August  6,  1543.  A  most 
important  event  followed.  The  island,  now  known  as  Samar,  was  called 
the  Isla  Philipina,  and  a  galiot  was  built  and  despatched  to  the  group 
(it  is  doubtful  which),  named  by  this  expedition  the  Philippine  Islands 
in  honour  of  Philip,  Prince  of  Asturias,  the  son  of  King  Charles  I.,  heir 
apparent  to  the  throne  of  Castile,  to  which  he  ascended  in  1555  under 
the  title  of  Philip  II.  on  the  abdication  of  his  father. 

The  craft  returned  from  the  Philippine  Islands  laden  with  abundance 
of  provisions,  with  Avhich  the  ships  were  enabled  to  continue  the  voyage. 

By  the  royal  instructions,  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos  was  strictly 
enjoined  not  to  touch  at  the  Moluccas  Islands,  peace  having  been 
concluded  with  Portugal.  Heavy  gales  forced  him  nevertheless  to  take 
refuge  at  Gilolo.  The  Portuguese,  suspicious  of  his  intentions  in  view 
of  the  treaty,  arrayed  their  forces  against  his,  inciting  the  King  of  the 
island  also  to  discard  all  Spanish  overtures  and  refuse  assistance  to 
Villalobos.  The  discord  and  contentions  between  the  Portuguese  and 
Spaniards  were  increasing  ;  nothing  was  being  gained  by  either  party. 
Villalobos  personally  was  sorely  disheartened  in  the  struggle,  fearing  all 
the  while  that  his  opposition  to  the  Portuguese  in  contravention  of  the 
royal  instructions  would  only  excite  the  King's  displeasure  and  lead  to 
his  own  downfall.  Hence  he  decided  to  capitulate  with  his  rival  and 
accepted  a  safe  conduct  for  himself  and  party  to  Europe  in  Portuguese 
ships.      They    arrived  at    Amboina   Island,    where   Villalobos,    already 


Andres  de  Urdaneta. — Miguel  de  Legaspi  33 

crushed  by  grief,  succumbed  to  disease.  The  survivors  of  the 
expedition,  amongst  whom  were  several  priests,  continued  the  journey 
home  via  Cochin  China,  Malacca  and  Goa,  where  they  embarked  for 
Lisbon,  arriving  there  in  1549. 

In  1558  King  Charles  was  no  more,  but  the  memory  of  his  ambition 
outlived  him.  His  son  Philip,  equally  emulous  and  unscrupulous,  was 
too  narrow-minded  and  subtly  cautious  to  initiate  an  expensive  enterprise 
encompassed  by  so  many  hazards — as  materially  unproductive  as  it 
was  devoid  of  immediate  political  importance.  Indeed  the  basis  of 
the  first  expedition  was  merely  to  discover  a  Western  route  to  the  rich 
Spice  Islands,  already  known  to  exist ;  the  second  went  there  to 
attempt  to  establish  Spanish  empire ;  and  the  third  to  search  for,  and 
annex  to,  the  Spanish  Crown,  lands  as  wealthy  as  those  claimed  by, 
and  now  yielded  to,  the  Portuguese. 

But  the  value  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  of  which  the  possession 
was  but  recent  and  nominal,  was  thus  far  a  matter  of  doubt.         _ 

One   of  the    most    brave    and    intrepid    captains    of    the   Loaisa        / 

expedition — Andres    de    Urdaneta — returned   to    Spain    in    1536.       In 

former  years  he  had  fought  under  King  Charles  I.,  in  his  wars  in  Italy, 

when  the  study  of  navigation  served  him  as  a  favourite  pastime.     Since 

his  return  from  the  Moluccas  his  constant  attention  was  given  to  the 

project  of  a  new  expedition  to  the  Far  West,  for  which  he  unremittingly 

solicited  the  royal  sanction  and  assistance.     But  the  King  had  grown 

old  and  weary  of  the  world,  and   whilst  he  did  not  openly  discourage 

Urdanetals   pretensions   he   gave    him    no    effective    aid.     At   length, 

in    1553,    two   years    before    Charles    abdicated,    Urdaneta,   convinced 

of  the  futility  of  his  importunity   at  the  Spanish   Court,   and  equally 

unsuccessful   with   his    scheme    in   other   quarters,    retired   to    Mexico, 

where  he  took  the  habit  of  an  Augustine  monk.     Ten  years  afterwards 

King  Philip,  inspired  by  the  religious  sentiment  which  pervaded  his 

whole  policy,  urged  his  Viceroy  in  Mexico  to  fit  out  an   expedition  to 

conquer  and  christianize  the  Philippine  Islands.     Urdaneta,  now  a  priest,   j 

was  not  overlooked.     Accompanied  by  five  priests  of  his  Order,  he  was 

entrusted  with  the  spiritual  care  of  the   races  to   be  subdued  by  an 

expedition  composed  of  four  ships  and  one  frigate  well  armed,  carrying 

400  soldiers  and  sailors,  commanded  by  a  Basque  navigator,  Miguel 

Lopez  de  Legaspi.     This  remarkable  man  was  destined  to  acquire  the 

fame  of  having  established  Spanish  dominion  in  these  Islands.     He  was 

of  noble  birth  and  a  native  of  the  Province  of  Guipuzcoa  in   Spain. 

Having  settled  in   the  City  of  Mexico,  of  which  place  he  was  elected 

Mayor,  he  there  practised  as  a  notary.     Of  undoubted  piety,  he  enjoyed 

reputation  for  his  justice  and  loyalty ;  hence  he  was  appointed  General 

of  the  forces  equipped  for  the  voyage. 

The   favourite   desire   to   possess   the    valuable    Spice    Islands    still 
lurked  in  the  minds  of  many  Spaniards.     Amongst  them  was  Urdaneta, 

3 


. 


34  The  Legaspi  Expedition 

who  laboured  in  vain  to  persuade  the  Viceroy  of  the  superior 
advantages  to  be  gained  by  annexing  New  Guinea  instead  of  the 
Philippines,  whence  the  conquest  of  the  Moluccas  would  be  but  a 
facile  task.  However,  the  Viceroy  was  inexorable  and  resolved  to 
fulfil  the  royal  instructions  to  the  letter,  so  the  expedition  set  sail 
from  the  Mexican  port  of  Navidad  for  the  Philippine  Islands  on 
November  21,  1564. 

The  Ladrone  Islands  were  passed  on  January  9,  1565,  and  on  the 
13th  of  the  following  month  the  Philippines  were  sighted.  A  call  for 
provisions  was  made  at  several  small  islands,  including  Camiguin,  whence 
the  expedition  sailed  to  Bojol  Island.  A  boat  despatched  to  the  port  of 
Butuan  returned  in  a  fortnight  with  the  news  that  there  was  much  gold, 
wax,  and  cinnamon  in  that  district.  A  small  vessel  was  also  sent  to 
Cebu,  and  on  its  return  reported  that  the  natives  showed  hostility, 
having  decapitated  one  of  the  crew  whilst  he  was  bathing. 

Nevertheless,  General  Legaspi  resolved  to  put  in  at  Cebu,  which  was 
a  safe  harbour ;  and  on  the  way  there  the  ships  anchored  off  Limasana 
Island  (to  the  south  of  Leyte).  Thence,  running  south-west,  the  port  of 
Dapitan  (Mindanao  Is.)  was  reached. 

Prince  Pagbuaya,  who  ruled  there,  was  astonished  at  the  sight  of 
such  formidable  ships,  and  commissioned  one  of  his  subjects,  specially 
chosen  for  his  boldness,  to  take  note  of  their  movements,  and  report 
to  him.  His  account  was  uncommonly  interesting.  He  related  that 
enormous  men  with  long,  pointed  noses,  dressed  in  fine  robes,  ate  stones 
(hard  biscuits),  drank  fire,  and  blew  smoke  out  of  their  mouths  and 
through  their  nostrils.  Their  power  was  such  that  they  commanded 
thunder  and  lightning  (discharge  of  artillery),  and  that  at  meal  times 
they  sat  down  at  a  clothed  table.  From  their  lofty  port,  their  bearded 
faces,  and  rich  attire,  they  might  have  been  the  very  gods  manifesting 
themselves  to  the  natives ;  so  the  Prince  thought  it  wise  to  accept  the 
friendly  overtures  of  such  marvellous  strangers.  Besides  obtaining  ample 
provisions  in  barter  for  European  wares,  Legaspi  procured  from  this 
chieftain  much  useful  information  respecting  the  condition  of  Cebu.  He 
learnt  that  it  was  esteemed  a  powerful  kingdom,  of  which  the  magni- 
ficence was  much  vaunted  amongst  the  neighbouring  states  ;  that  the 
roadstead  was  one  of  great  safety,  and  the  most  favourably  situated 
amongst  the  islands  of  the  painted  faces.1 

The  General  resolved,  therefore,  to  filch  it  from  its  native  king  and 
annex  it  to  the  Crown  of  Castile. 

He  landed  in  Cebu  on  April  27,  1565,  and  negotiations  were  entered 
into  with  the  natives  of  that  island.  Remembering,  by  tradition,  the 
pretensions   of  the    Maghallanes1    party,   they   naturally    opposed   this 

1  The  Visayos,  inhabiting  the  central  group  of  the  Archipelago,  tattooed  them- 
selves ;  a  cutaneous  disease  also  disfigured  the  majority  ;  hence  for  many  years  their 
islands  were  called  by  the  Spaniards  J.y/«6'  de  los  pintados. 


Legaspi  reaches  Cebii ;  dethrones  King  Tupas        35 

renewed  menace  to  their  independence.  The  Spaniards  occupied  the 
town  by  force  and  sacked  it,  but  for  months  were  so  harassed  by  the 
surrounding  tribes  that  a  council  was  convened  to  discuss  the  prudence 
of  continuing  the  occupation.  The  General  decided  to  remain ; 
little  by  little  the  natives  yielded  to  the  new  condition  of  things,  and 
thus  the  first  step  towards  the  final  conquest  was  achieved.  The  natives 
were  declared  Spanish  subjects,  and  hopeful  with  the  success  thus  far 
attained,  Legaspi  determined  to  send  despatches  to  the  King  by  the 
priest  Andres  de  Urdaneta,  who  safely  arrived  at  Navidad  on  October  3, 
1565,  and  proceeded  thence  to  Spain.  In  a  letter  written  by  Legaspi 
in  1567  he  alluded,  for  the  first  time,  to  the  whole  archipelago  as 
the  Islas  Filipinas. 

The  pacification  of  Cebii  and  the  adjacent  islands  was  steadily  and 
successfully  pursued  by  Legaspi ;  the  confidence  of  the  natives  was 
assured,  and  their  dethroned  King  Tupas  accepted  christian  baptism, 
whilst  his  daughter  married  a  Spaniard. 

In  the  midst  of  the  invaders1  felicity  the  Portuguese  arrived  to 
dispute  the  possession,  but  they  were  compelled  to  retire.  A  fortress 
was  constructed  and  plots  of  land  were  marked  out  for  the  building  of 
the  Spanish  settlers1  residences  ;  and  finally,  in  1570,  Cebii  was  declared 
a  city,  after  Legaspi  had  received  from  his  royal  master  the  title  of 
Gov.-General  of  all  the  lands  which  he  might  be  able  to  conquer. 

In  May,  1570,  Captain  Juan  Salcedo,  Legaspfs  grandson,  was! 
despatched  to  the  Island  of  Luzon  to  reconnoitre  the  territory  and> 
bring  it  under  Spanish  dominion. 

The  historv  of  these  early  times  is  very  confused,  and  there  are  many 
contradictions  in  the  authors  of  the  Philippine  chronicles,  none  of  which 
seem  to  have  been  written  contemporaneously  with  the  first  events.  It 
appears,  however,  that  Martin  de  Goiti  and  a  few  soldiers  accompanied 
Salcedo  to  the  north.  They  were  well  received  by  the  native  chiefs  or 
petty  kings  Lacandola,  Rajah  of  Tondo  (known  as  Rajah  Matanda, 
which  means  "in  native  dialect  the  aged  Rajah),  and  his  nephew  the 
young  Rajah   Soliman  of  Manila. 

The  sight  of  a  body  of  European  troops  armed  as  was  the  custom 
in  the  16th  century,  must  have  profoundly  impressed  and  overawed 
these  chieftains,  otherwise  it  seems  almost  incredible  that  they  should 
have  consented,  without  protest,  or  attempt  at  resistance,  to  (for  ever) 
give  up  their  territory,  yield  their  independence,  pay  tribute,1  and  become 
the  tools  of  invading  foreigners  for  the  conquest  of  their  own  race 
without  recompense  whatsoever. 

1  Legaspi  and  Guido  Lavezares,  under  oath,  made  promises  of  rewards  to  the 
Lacandola  family  and  a  remission  of  tribute  in  perpetuity,  but  they  were  not 
fulfilled.  In  the  following  century— year  1660— it  appears  that  the  descendants 
of  the  Rajah  Lacandola  still  upheld  the  Spanish  authority,  and  having  become  sorely 
impoverished  thereby,  the  heir  of  the  family  petitioned  the  Governor  (Sabiniano 
Manrique  de  Lara)  to  make  good  the  honour  of  his  first  predecessors.     Eventually 


36  Spanish  Sovereignty  proclaimed  in  Manila 

A  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  and  ratified  by  an  exchange  of  drops  of 
blood  between  the  parties  thereto.  Soliman,  however,  soon  repented 
of  his  poltroonery,  and  roused  the  war-cry  among  some  of  his  tribes. 
To  save  his  capital  (then  called  Maynila)  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
invaders  he  set  fire  to  it.  Lacandola  remained  passively  watching  the 
issue.  Soliman  was  completely  routed  by  Salcedo,  and  pardoned  on  his 
ao-ain  swearing  fealty  to  the  King  of  Spain.  Goiti  remained  in  the 
vicinity  of  Manila  with  his  troops,  whilst  Salcedo  fought  his  way  to 
the  Bombon  Lake  (Taal)  district.  The  present  Batangas  Province  was 
subdued  by  him  and  included  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Mindoro  Island. 
During  the  campaign  Salcedo  was  severely  wounded  by  an  arrow  and 
returned  to  Manila. 

Legaspi  was  in  the  Island  of  Panay  when  Salcedo  (some  writers  say 
Goiti)  arrived  to  advise  him  of  what  had  occurred  in  Luzon.  They  at 
once  proceeded  together  to  Cavite,  where  Lacandola  visited  Legaspi  on 
board,  and,  prostrating  himself,  averred  his  submission.  Then  Legaspi 
continued  his  journey  to  Manila,  and  was  received  there  with  acclama- 
tion. He  took  formal  possession  of  the  surrounding  territory,  declared 
Manila  to  be  the  capital  of  the  Archipelago,  and  proclaimed  the 
sovereignty  of  the  King  of  Spain  over  the  whole  group  of  islands. 
Gaspar  de  San  Agustin,_ writing  of  this  period,  says:  "He  (Legaspi) 
"  ordered  them  (the  natives)  to  finish  the  building  of  the  fort  in  con- 
struction at  the  mouth  of  the  river  (Pasig)  so  that  His  Majesty's 
"  artillery  might  be  mounted  therein  for  the  defence  of  the  fort  and  the 
"  town.  Also  he  ordered  them  to  build  a  large  house  inside  the  battle- 
"  ment  walls  for  Legaspi's  own  residence — another  large  house  and 
"church  for  the  priests,  etc.  .  .  .  Besides  these  two  large  houses,  he 
"  told  them  to  erect  a  hundred  and  fifty  dwellings  of  moderate  size  for 
"  the  remainder  of  the  Spaniards  to  live  in.  All  this  they  promptly 
"  promised  to  do,  but  they  did  not  obey,  for  the  Spaniards  were  them- 
"  selves  obliged  to  terminate  the  work  of  the  fortifications." 

The  City  Council  of  Manila  was  constituted  on  June  24,  1571.  On 
August  20,  1572,  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legaspi  succumbed  to  the  fatigues 
of  his  arduous  life,  leaving  behind  him  a  name  which  will  always  hold 
a  prominent  place  in  Spanish  colonial  history.  He  was  buried  in  Manila 
in  the  Augustine  Chapel  of  San  Fausto,  where  hung  the  Royal  Standard 
and  the  hero's  armorial  bearings  until  the  British  troops  occupied  the 
city  in  1763.     A  street  in  Manila  and  others  in  provincial  towns  bear 

the  Lacandolas  were  exempted  from  the  payment  of  tribute  and  poll-tax  for  ever,  as 
recompense  for  the  filching  of  their  domains. 

In  1884,  when  the  fiscal  reforms  were  introduced  which  abolished  the  tribute  and 
established  in  lieu  thereof  a  document  of  personal  identity  (cedula  personal),  for 
which  a  tax  was  levied,  the  last  vestige  of  privilege  disappeared. 

Descendants  of  Lacandola  are  still  to  be  met  with  in  several  villages  near  Manila. 
They  do  not  seem  to  have  materially  profited  by  their  transcendent  ancestry — one  of 
them  I  found  serving  as  a  waiter  in  a  French  restaurant  in  the  capital  in  1885. 


Goiti  and  Salcedo  subdue  the  natives  37 

his  name.  Near  the  Luneta  Esplanade,  Manila,  there  is  a  very  beautiful 
Legaspi  (and  Urdaneta)  monument,  erected  shortly  after  the  Rebellion 
of  1896. 

"Death  makes  no  conquest  of  this  conqueror, 
For  now  he  lives  in  fame,  though  not  in  life." 

Richard  111.,  Act  3,  Sc.  1. 

In  the  meantime  Salcedo  continued  his  task  of  subjecting  the  tribes 
in  the  interior.  The  natives  of  Taytay  and  Cainta,  in  the  Spanish 
military  district  of  Morong,  (now  Rizal  Province)  submitted  to  him 
on  August  15,  1571.  He  returned  to  the  Laguna  de  Bay  to  pacify 
the  villagers,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Camarines  Norte  to  explore  the 
Bicol  River.  Bolinao  and  the  provinces  of  Pangasinan  and  Ilocos 
yielded  to  his  prowess,  and  in  this  last  province  he  had  well  established 
himself  when  the  defence  of  the  capital  obliged  him  to  return  to  Manila. 

At  the  same  time  Martin  de  Goiti  was  actively  employed  in 
overrunning  the  Pampanga  territory  with  the  double  object  of 
procuring  supplies  for  the  Manila  camp  and  coercing  the  inhabitants  on 
his  way  to  acknowledge  their  new  liege  lord.  It  is  recorded  that  in 
this  expedition  Goiti  was  joined  by  the  Rajahs  of  Tondo  and  Manila. 
Yet  Lacandola  appears  to  have  been  regarded  more  as  a  servant  of  the 
Spaniards  nolens  volens  than  as  a  free  ally,  for,  because  he  absented 
himself  from  Goiti's  camp  "  without  licence  from  the  Maestre  de 
Cam-po?  he  was  suspected  by  some  writers  of  having  favoured  opposition 
to  the  Spaniards1  incursions  in  the  Marshes  of  Hagonoy  (Pampanga 
coast,  N.  boundary  of  Manila  Bay). 

The  district  which  constituted  the  ancient  province  of  Taal  y 
Balayan,  subsequently  denominated  Province  of  Batangas,  was  formerly 
governed  by  a  number  of  caciques,  the  most  notable  of  whom  were 
Gatpagil  and  Gatjinlintan.  They  were  usually  at  war  with  their 
neighbours.  Gatjinlintan,  the  cacique  of  the  Batangas  River  (Pansipit  ?) 
at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  was  famous  for  his  valour.  Gatsungayan, 
who  ruled  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  was  celebrated  as  a  hunter  of 
deer  and  wild  boar.  These  men  were  half-castes  of  Borneo  and  Aeta 
extraction,  who  formed  a  distinct  race  called  by  the  natives  Daghagang. 
None  of  them  would  submit  to  the  King  of  Spain  or  become  Christians, 
hence  their  descendants  were  offered  no  privileges. 

The  Aetas  collected  tribute.  Gabriel  Montoya,  a  Spanish  soldier 
of  Legaspi's  legion,  partially  conquered  those  races,  and  supported  the 
mission  of  an  Austin  friar  amongst  them.  This  was  probably  Fray 
Diego  Moxica,  who  undertook  the  mission  of  Batangas  on  its  separation 
from  the  local  administration  of  Mindoro  Island  in  1581.  The  first 
Governor  of  San  Pablo  or  Sampaloc  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain 
was  appointed  by  the  soldier  Montoya,  and  was  called  Bartolome 
Maghayin  ;  the  second  was  Cristobal  Somangalit  and  the  third  was 
Bernabe  Pindan,  all  of  whom  had  adopted   Christianity.     Bay,  on  the 


38  Native  Local  Government  initiated 

borders  of  the  lake  of  that  name,  and  four  leagues  from  San  Pablo,  was 
originally  ruled  by  the  cacique  Agustin  Maglansahgan.  Calilayan, 
now  called  Tayabas,  was  founded  by  the  woman  Ladia,  and  subsequently 
administered  by  a  native  Alcalde^  who  gave  such  satisfaction  that  he 
was  three  times  appointed  the  King's  lieutenant  and  baptized  as 
Francisco  de  San  Juan. 

San  Pablo,  the  centre  of  a  once  independent  district,  is  situated 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  San  Cristobal  and  Banajao,  from  which 
over  fourteen  streams  of  fresh  water  flow  through  the  villages. 

The  system  established  b}^  Juan  Salcedo  was  to  let  the  conquered 
lands  be  governed  by  the  native  caciques  and  their  male  successors  so 
long  as  they  did  so  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Castile.  Territorial 
possession  seems  to  have  been  the  chief  aim  of  the  earliest  European  in- 
vaders, and  records  of  having  improved  the  condition  of  the  people  or  of 
having  opened  up  means  of  communication  and  traffic  as  they  went  on 
conquering,  or  even  of  having  explored  the  natural  resources  of  the 
colony  for  their  own  benefit,  are  extremely  rare. 


39 


CHAPTER  III 

PHILIPPINE   DEPENDENCIES,   UP  TO   1898 

The  Ladrones,  Carolines  and  Pelew  Islands. 

In  1521  Maghallanes  cast  anchor  off'  the  Ladrone  Islands  (situated 
between  17°  and  20°  N.  lat.  by  146°  E.  long.)  on  his  way  to  the 
discovery  of  those  Islands  afterwards  denominated  the  Philippines. 
This  group  was  named  by  him  Islas  de  las  Velas.1  Legaspi  called 
them  the  Ladrones.2  Subsequently  several  navigators  sighted  or  touched 
at  these  Islands,  and  the  indistinct  demarcation  which  comprised  them 
acquired  the  name  of  Saint  Lazarus1  Archipelago. 

In  1662  the  Spanish  vessel  San  Danrian,  on  her  course  from  Mexico 
to  Luzon,  anchored  here.  On  board  was  a  missionary,  Fray  Diego  Luis 
de  San  Victores,  who  was  so  impressed  with  the  dejected  condition  of 
the  natives,  that  on  reaching  Manila  he  made  it  his  common  theme  of 
conversation.  In  fact,  so  importunately  did  he  pursue  the  subject  with 
his  superiors  that  he  had  to  be  constrained  to  silence.  In  the  following 
year  the  Governor,  Diego  Salcedo,  replied  to  his  urgent  appeal  for 
a  mission  there  in  terms  Avhich  permitted  no  further  solicitation  in  that 
quarter.  But  the  friar  was  persistent  in  his  project,  and  petitioned  the 
Archbishop's  aid.  The  prelate  submitted  the  matter  to  King  Philip  IV., 
and  the  friar  himself  wrote  to  his  father,  who  presented  a  memorial 
to  His  Majesty  and  another  to  the  Queen  beseeching  her  influence. 
Consequently  in  1666  a  Royal  Decree  was  received  in  Manila  sanctioning 
a  mission  to  the  Ladrones. 

Fray  Diego  took  his  passage  in  the  galleon  San  Diego,  and  having 
arrived  safely  in  the  Viceregal  Court  of  Mexico,  he  pressed  his  views 
on  the  Viceroy,  who  declared  that  he  had  no  orders.  Then  the  priest 
appealed  to  the  Viceroy's  wife,  who,  it  is  said,  was  entreating  her 
husband's  help  on  bended  knee,  when  an  earthquake  occurred  which 
considerably  damaged  the  city.  It  was  a  manifestation  from  heaven, 
the  wily  priest  avowed,  and  the  Viceroy,  yielding  to  the  superstition 
of  the  age,  complied  with  the  friar's  request. 

Therefore,  in  March,  1668,  Fray  Diego  started  from  Acapulco  in 
1    Velas,  Spanish  for  sails.  2  Ladrones,  Spanish  for  thieves. 


40  First  Mission  to  the  Ladrone  Islands 

charge  of  a  Jesuit  mission  for  the  Ladrones,  where  they  subsequently 
received  a  pension  of  P.3,000  per  annum  from  Queen  Maria  Ana,  who, 
meanwhile,  had  become  a  widow  and  Regent.  To  commemorate  this 
royal  munificence,  these  Islands  have  since  been  called  by  the  Spaniards 
"  Islas  Marianas,"  although  the  older  name — Ladrones — is  better  known 
to  the  world. 

When  the  mission  was  fairly  established,  troops  were  sent  there, 
consisting  of  twelve  Spaniards  and  nineteen  Philippine  natives,  with 
two  pieces  of  artillery. 

The  acquiescence  of  the  Ladrone  natives  was  being  steadily  gained 
by  the  old  policy  of  conquest,  under  the  veil  of  Christianity,  when  they 
suddenly  rebelled  against  the  stranger's  religion,  which  brought  with 
it  restraint  of  liberty  and  a  social  dominion  practically  amounting  to 
slavery.  Fortunately,  Nature  came  again  to  the  aid  of  Fray  Diego,  for, 
whilst  the  natives  were  in  open  revolt,  a  severe  storm  levelled  their  huts 
to  the  ground,  and  the  priest  having  convinced  them  that  it  was  a 
visitation  from  heaven,  peace  was  concluded. 

Fray  Diego  left  the  mission  for  Visayas,  where  he  was  killed.  After 
his  departure  the  natives  again  revolted  against  servile  subjection,  and 
many  priests  were  slain  from  time  to  time — some  in  the  exercise  of  their 
sacerdotal  functions,  others  in  open  warfare. 

In  1778  a  Governor  was  sent  there  from  Mexico  with  thirty 
soldiers,  but  he  resigned  his  charge  after  two  years1  service,  and 
others  succeeded  him. 

The  Islands  are  very  poor.  The  products  are  Rice,  Sago,  Cocoanuts, 
and  Cane-sugar  to  a  small  extent ;  there  are  also  pigs  and  fowls  in 
abundance.  The  Spaniards  taught  the  natives  the  use  of  fire.  They 
were  a  warlike  people ;  every  man  had  to  carry  arms.  Their  language 
is  Chamorro,  much  resembling  the  Visayan  dialect.  The  population, 
for  a  hundred  years  after  the  Spanish  occupation,  diminished.  Women 
purposely  sterilised  themselves.  Some  threw  their  new-born  offspring 
into  the  sea,  hoping  to  liberate  them  from  a  world  of  woe,  and  that 
they  would  regenerate  in  happiness.  In  the  beginning  of  the  17th 
century  the  population  was  further  diminished  by  an  epidemic  disease. 
During  the  first  century  of  Spanish  rule,  the  Government  were  never 
able  to  exact  the  payment  of  tribute.  Up  to  the  Spanish  evacuation 
the  revenue  of  these  Islands  was  not  nearly  sufficient  to  cover  the  entire 
cost  of  administration.  About  twenty  years  ago  Governor  Pazos  was 
assassinated  there  by  a  rebellious  group. 

There  were  nine  towns  with  parish  priests.  All  the  churches 
were  built  of  stone,  and  roofed  with  reed  thatching,  except  that  of 
the  capital,  which  had  an  iron  roof.  Six  of  the  towns  had  Town 
Halls  made  of  bamboo  and  reed  grass ;  one  had  a  wooden  building, 
and  in  two  of  them  (including  the  capital)  the  Town  Halls  were 
of  stone. 


The  Caroline  and  Pelew  Islands  41 

The  Seat  of  Government  was  at  Agana  (called  in  old  official  docu- 
ments the  "  City  of  San  Ignacio  de  Agaiia ,1).  It  is  situated  in  the 
Island  of  Guam,  in  the  creek  called  the  Port  of  Apra.  Ships  have 
to  anchor  about  two  miles  off  Punta  Piti,  where  passengers,  stores,  and 
mails  are  conveyed  to  a  wooden  landing-stage.  Five  hundred  yards 
from  here  was  the  Harbour-master's  office,  built  of  stone,  with  a  tile 
roof.  From  Punta  Piti  there  was  a  bad  road  of  about  five  miles.  The 
situation  of  Agaiia  seems  to  be  ill-suited  for  communication  with  vessels, 
and  proposals  were  ineffectually  made  by  two  Governors,  since  1835,  to 
establish  the  capital  town  elsewhere.  The  central  Government  took  no 
heed  of  their  recommendations.  In  Agana  there  was  a  Government 
House,  a  Military  Hospital  and  Pharmacy,  an  Artillery  Depot  and  Infantry 
Barracks,  a  well-built  Prison,  a  Town  Hall,  the  Administrator's  Office 
(called  by  the  natives  "  the  shop "),  and  the  ruins  of  former  public 
buildings.  It  is  a  rather  pretty  town,  but  there  is  nothing  notable 
to  be  seen. 

The  natives  are  as  domesticated  as  the  Philippine  Islanders,  and  have 
much  better  features.  Spanish  and  a  little  English  are  spoken  by  many 
of  them,  as  these  Islands  in  former  years  were  the  resort  of  English- 
speaking  whalemen.  For  the  Elementary  Education  of  the  natives, 
there  was  the  College  of  San  Juan  de  Letran  for  boys,  and  a  girls1 
school  in  Agana ;  and  in  7  of  the  towns  there  was,  in  1888,  a  total  of 
4  schools  for  boys,  5  schools  for  girls,  and  9  schools  for  both  sexes, 
under  the  direction  of  20  masters  and  6  mistresses. 

When  the  Ladrone  Islands  (Marianas)  were  a  dependency  of  the 
Spanish-Philippine  General-Government,  a  subsidized  mail  steamer  left 
Manila  for  Agana,  and  two  or  three  other  ports,  every  three  months. 

tJ?  t^  t£  "V  tS  ^s 

An  island  was  discovered  by  one  of  the  Spanish  galleon  pilots  in 
1686,  and  called  Carolina,  in  honour  of  Charles  II.  of  Spain,  but  its 
bearings  could  not  be  found  again  for  years. 

In  1696  two  canoes,  with  29  Pelew  Islanders,  drifted  to  the  coast 
of  Samar  Island,  and  landed  at  the  Town  of  Guivan.  They  were  60 
days  on  the  drift,  and  five  of  them  died  of  privations.  They  were 
terror-stricken  when  they  saw  a  man  on  shore  making  signs  to  them. 
When  he  went  out  to  them  in  a  boat,  and  boarded  one  of  the  canoes, 
they  all  jumped  out  and  got  into  the  other  ;  then  when  the  man  got 
into  that,  they  were  in  utter  despair,  considering  themselves  prisoners. 

They  were  conducted  to  the  Spanish  priest  of  Guivan,  whom  they 
supposed  would  be  the  King  of  the  Island,  and  on  whom  would 
depend  their  lives  and  liberty.  They  prostrated  themselves,  and 
implored  his  mercy  and  the  favour  of  sparing  their  lives,  whilst  the 
priest  did  all  he  could,  by  signs,  to  reassure  them. 

It  happened  that  there  had  been  living  here,  for  some  years,  two 
other   strange    men    brought   to   this   shore  by  currents  and  contrary 


42  Pelew  Islanders 


winds.  These  came  forward  to  see  the  novelty,  and  served  as 
interpreters,  so  that  the  newcomers  were  all  lodged  in  native  houses 
in   twos  and  threes,   and  received  the  best  hospitality. 

They  related  that  their  Islands  numbered  32,  and  only  produced 
fowls  and  sea-birds.  One  man  made  a  map,  by  placing  stones  in  the 
relative  position  of  the  Islands.  When  asked  about  the  number  of  the 
inhabitants,  one  took  a  handful  of  sand  to  demonstrate  that  they  were 
countless.  There  was  a  King,  they  explained,  who  held  his  court  in 
the  Island  of  Lamurrec,  to  whom  the  chiefs  were  subject.  They  much 
respected  and  obeyed  him.  Among  the  castaways  was  a  chief,  with 
his  wife — the  daughter  of  the  King. 

The  men  had  a  leaf-fibre  garment  around  their  loins,  and  to  it  was 
attached  a  piece  of  stuff  in  front,  which  was  thrown  over  the  shoulders 
and  hung  loose  at  the  back.  The  women  were  dressed  the  same  as 
the  men,  except  that  their  loin  vestment  reached  to  their  knees.  The 
King's  daughter  wore,  moreover,  tortoise-shell  ornaments. 

They  were  afraid  when  they  saw  a  cow  and  a  dog,  their  Island 
having  no  quadrupeds.  Their  sole  occupation  consisted  in  providing 
food  for  their  families.  Their  mark  of  courtesy  was  to  take  the  hand 
of  the  person  whom  they  saluted  and  pass  it  softly  over  the  face. 

The  priest  gave  them  pieces  of  iron,  which  they  prized  as  if  they 
had  been  of  gold,  and  slept  with  them  under  their  heads.  Their  only 
arms  were  lances,  with  human  bones  for  points.  They  seemed  to  be 
a  pacific  people,  intelligent  and  well-proportioned  physically.  Both 
sexes  wore  long  hair  down  to  their  shoulders. 

Very  content  to  find  so  much  luxury  in  Samar,  they  offered  to 
return  and  bring  their  people  to  trade.  The  Jesuits  considered  this 
a  capital  pretext  for  subjecting  their  Islands,  and  the  Government 
approved  of  it.  At  the  instance  of  the  Pope,  the  King  ordered 
the  Gov. -General,  Domingo  Zabalburu,  to  send  out  expeditions  in 
quest  of  these  Islands  ;  and,  between  1708  and  1710,  several  unsuccessful 
efforts  were  made  to  come  across  them.  In  1710,  two  islands  were 
discovered,  and  named  San  Andres.  Several  canoes  arrived  alongside 
of  the  ship,  and  the  occupants  accepted  the  Commander's  invitation  to 
come  on  board.  They  were  much  astonished  to  see  the  Spaniards 
smoke,  and  admired  the  iron  fastenings  of  the  vessel.  When  they  got 
near  shore,  they  all  began  to  dance,  clapping  their  hands  to  beat  time. 
They  measured  the  ship,  and  wondered  where  such  a  large  piece  of 
wood  could  have  come  from.  They  counted  the  crew,  and  presented 
them  with  cocoanuts,  fish,  and  herbs  from  their  canoes.  The  vessel 
anchored  near  to  the  shore,  but  there  was  a  strong  current  and  a  fresh 
wind  blowing,  so  that  it  was  imprudent  to  disembark.  However,  two 
priests  insisted  upon  erecting  a  cross  on  the  shore,  and  were  accompanied 
by  the  quarter-master  and  an  officer  of  the  troops.  The  weather 
compelled  the  master  to  weigh  anchor,  and  the  vessel  set  sail,  leaving 


Caroline  Islanders  43 


on  land  the  four  Europeans,  who  were  ultimately  murdered.  For  a 
quarter  of  a  century  these  Islands  were  lost  again  to  the  Spaniards. 

In  1721  two  Caroline  prahus  were  wafted  to  the  Ladrone  Islands, 
where  D.  Luiz  Sanchez  was  Governor.  The  Caroline  Islanders  had  no 
idea  where  they  had  landed,  and  were  quite  surprised  when  they  beheld 
the  priest.  He  forcibly  detained  these  unfortunate  people,  and  handed 
them  over  to  the  Governor,  whom  they  entreated,  with  tears — but  all 
in  vain — to  be  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes.  There  they  remained 
prisoners,  until  it  suited  the  Governor's  convenience  to  send  a  vessel 
with  a  priest  to  their  Island.  The  priest  went  there,  and  thence  to 
Manila,  where  a  fresh  expedition  was  fitted  out.  It  was  headed  by 
a  missionary,  and  included  a  number  of  soldiers  whom  the  natives 
massacred  soon  after  their  arrival.  All  further  attempt  to  subdue  the 
Caroline  Islands  was  necessarily  postponed. 

The  natives,  at  that  time,  had  no  religion  at  all,  or  were,  in  a 
vague  sense,  polytheists.  Their  wise  men  communicated  with  the 
souls  of  the  defunct.  They  were  polygamists,  but  had  a  horror  of 
adultery.  Divorce  was  at  once  granted  by  the  chiefs  on  proof  of 
infidelity.  They  were  cannibals.  In  each  island  there  was  a  chief, 
regarded  as  a  semi-spiritual  being,  to  whom  the  natives  were  profoundly 
obedient.  Huts  were  found  used  as  astrological  schools,  where  also  the 
winds  and  currents  were  studied.  They  made  cloth  of  plantain-fibre 
— hatchets  with  stone  heads.  Between  sunset  and  sunrise  they  slept. 
When  war  was  declared  between  two  villages  or  tribes,  each  formed 
three  lines  of  warriors,  1st,  young  men  ;  2nd,  tall  men  ;  3rd,  old  men  ; 
then  the  combatants  pelted  each  other  with  stones  and  lances.  A  man 
hors  de  combat  was  replaced  by  one  of  the  back  file  coming  forward. 
When  one  party  acknowledged  themselves  vanquished,  it  was  an 
understood  privilege  of  the  victors  to  shower  invectives  on  their  retiring 
adversaries.  They  lived  on  fruits,  roots  and  fish.  There  were  no 
quadrupeds  and  no  agriculture. 

Many  Spanish  descendants  were  found,  purely  native  in  their 
habits,  and  it  was  remembered  that  about  the  year  1566,  several 
Spaniards  from  an  expedition  went  ashore  on  some  islands,  supposed  to 
be  these,  and  were  compelled  to  remain  there. 

The  Carolines  ("  Islas  Carolinas w)  and  Pelews  ("  Islas  Palaos r>) 
comprise  some  48  groups  of  islands  and  islets,  making  a  total  of  about 
500.  Their  relative  position  to  the  Ladrone  Islands  is — of  the  former, 
S.S.W.  stretching  to  S.E.  ;  of  the  latter,  S.W.  Both  groups  lie  due 
E.  of  Mindanao  Island  (vide  map).  The  principal  Pelew  Islands  are 
Babel-Druap  and  Kosor — Yap  and  Ponape  (Ascencion  Is.)  are  the  most 
important  of  the  Carolines.  The  centres  of  Spanish  Government  were 
respectively  in  Yap  and  Babel-Druap,  with  a  Vice-Governor  of  the 
Eastern  Carolines  in  Ponape— all  formerly  dependent  on  the  General- 
Government   in    Manila.     The  Carolines  and  Pelews  were  included  in 


44  Spain's  possession  of  the  Carolines  disputed 


the  Bishopric  of  Cebu,  and  were  subject,  judicially,  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Manila. 

These  Islands  were  subsequently  many  times  visited  by  ships  of  other 
nations,  and  a  barter  trade  gradually  sprang  up  in  dried  cocoanut 
kernels  (coprah)  for  the  extraction  of  oil  in  Europe  and  America. 
Later  on,  when  the  natives  were  thoroughly  accustomed  to  the  foreigners, 
British,  American,  and  German  traders  established  themselves  on  shore, 
and  vessels  continued  to  arrive  with  European  and  American  manu- 
factures in  exchange  for  coprah,  trepang,  ivory-nuts,  tortoise-shell,  etc. 

Anglo-American  missionaries  have  settled  there,  and  a  great  number 
of  natives  profess  Christianity  in  the  Protestant  form.  Religious  books 
in  native  dialect,  published  in  Honolulu  (Sandwich  Is.)  by  the  Hawaiian 
Evangelical  Association,  are  distributed  by  the  American  missionaries. 
I  have  one  before  me  now,  entitled  "  Kapas  Fel,  Puk  Eu,11  describing 
incidents  from  the  Old  Testament.  A  few  of  the  natives  can  make 
themselves  understood  in  English.  Besides  coprah  (the  chief  export) 
the  Islands  produce  Rice,  Yams,  Bread-fruit  (rima\  Sugar-cane,  etc. 
Until  1886  there  was  no  Government,  except  that  of  several  petty  kings 
or  chiefs,  each  of  whom  still  rules  over  his  own  tribe,  although  the 
Protestant  missionaries  exercised  a  considerable  social  influence. 

In  1885  a  Spanish  naval  officer,  named  Cap  riles,  having  been  appointed 
Governor  of  the  Islands,  arrived  at  Yap,  ostensibly  with  the  object  of 
landing  to  hoist  the  Spanish  flag  as  a  signal  of  possession,  for  it  was 
known  in  official  quarters  that  the  Germans  were  about  to  claim 
sovereignty.  However,  three  days  were  squandered  (perhaps  intention- 
ally) in  trivial  formalities,  and  although  two  Spanish  men-o'-war — the 
Manila  and  the  San  Quintin — were  already  anchored  in  the  Port  of  Yap, 
the  German  warship  litis  entered,  landed  marines,  and  hoisted  their 
national  flag,  whilst  the  Spaniards  looked  on.  Then  the  German 
Commander  went  on  board  the  San  Quintin  to  tell  the  Commander  that 
possession  of  the  Islands  had  been  taken  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  of 
Germany.  Neither  Capriles,  the  appointed  Governor,  nor  Espana,  the 
Commander  of  the  San  Quintin,  made  any  resistance  ;  and  as  we  can  hardly 
attribute  their  inactivity  to  cowardice,  presumably  they  followed  their 
Government's  instructions.  Capriles  and  Espana  returned  to  Manila, 
and  were  both  rewarded  for  their  inaction  ;  the  former  being  appointed 
to  the  Government  of  Mindoro  Island.  In  Manila  an  alarming  report 
was  circulated  that  the  Germans  contemplated  an  attack  upon  the 
Philippines.  Earthworks  were  thrown  up  outside  the  city  wall ;  cannons 
were  mounted,  and  the  cry  of  invasion  resounded  all  over  the  Colony. 
Hundreds  of  families  fled  from  the  capital  and  environs  to  adjacent 
provinces,  and  the  personal  safety  of  the  German  residents  was  menaced 
by  individual  patriotic  enthusiasts. 

In  Madrid,  popular  riots  followed  the  publication  of  the  incident. 
The  German  Embassy  was  assaulted,  and  its  escutcheon  was  burnt  in 


Murder  of  the  Governor  of  the  Carolines  45 

the  streets  by  the  indignant  mob,  although,  probably,  not  five  per  cent, 
of  the  rioters  had  any  idea  where  the  Caroline  Islands  were  situated,  or 
anything  about  them.  Spain  acted  so  feebly,  and  Germany  so  vigorously, 
in  this  affair,  that  many  asked — was  it  not  due  to  a  secret  understanding 
between  the  respective  Ministries,  disrupted  only  by  the  weight  of 
Spanish  public  opinion  ?  Diplomatic  notes  were  exchanged  between 
Madrid  and  Berlin,  and  Germany,  anxious  to  withdraw  with  apparent 
dignity  from  an  affair  over  which  it  was  probably  never  intended  to 
waste  powder  and  shot,  referred  the  question  to  the  Pope,  who  arbitrated 
in  favour  of  Spain. 

But  for  these  events,  it  is  probable  that  Spain  would  never  have 
done  anything  to  demonstrate  possession  of  the  Caroline  Islands,  and 
for  16  months  after  the  question  was  solved  by  Pontific  mediation, 
there  was  a  Spanish  Governor  in  Yap — Sr.  Elisa — a  few  troops 
and  officials,  but  no  Government.  No  laws  were  promulgated,  and 
everybody  continued  to  do  as  heretofore. 

In  Ponape  (Ascencion  Is.)  Sr.  Posadillo  was  appointed  Governor.  A 
few  troops  were  stationed  there  under  a  sub-lieutenant,  whilst  some 
Capuchin  friars — European  ecclesiastics  of  the  meanest  type — were  sent 
there  to  compete  with  the  American  Protestant  missionaries  in  the 
salvation  of  natives1  souls.  A  collision  naturally  took  place,  and  the 
Governor — well  known  to  all  of  us  in  Manila  as  crack-brained  and 
tactless — sent  the  chief  Protestant  missionary,  Mr.  E.  T.  Doane,  a 
prisoner  to  Manila  on  June  16,  1887.1  He  was  sent  back  free  to  Ponape 
by  the  Gov.-General,  but,  during  his  absence,  the  eccentric  Posadillo 
exercised  a  most  arbitrary  authority  over  the  natives.  The  chiefs  were 
compelled  to  serve  him  as  menials,  and  their  subjects  were  formed  into 
gangs,  to  work  like  convicts  ;  native  teachers  were  suspended  from  their 
duties  under  threat,  and  the  Capuchins  disputed  the  possession  of  land, 
and  attempted  to  coerce  the  natives  to  accept  their  religion. 

On  July  1  the  natives  did  not  return  to  their  bondage,  and  all  the 
soldiers,  led  by  the  sub-lieutenant,  were  sent  to  bring  them  in  by  force. 
A  fight  ensued,  and  the  officer  and  troops,  to  the  last  man,  were  killed 
or  mortally  wounded  by  clubs,  stones  and  knives.  The  astonished 
Governor  fortified  his  place,  which  was  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  The 
tribes  of  the  chiefs  Nott  and  Jockets  were  up  in  arms.  There  was  the 
hulk  Da.  Maria  de  Molina  anchored  in  the  roadstead,  and  the  Capuchins 
fled  to  it  on  the  first  alarm.  The  Governor  escaped  from  his  house  on 
the  night  of  July  4  with  his  companions,  and  rushed  to  the  sea,  probably 
intending  to  swim  out  to  the  hulk.  But  who  knows  ?  He  and  all  his 
partisans  were  chased  and  killed  by  the  natives. 

On  September  21  the  news  of  the  tragedy  reached  Manila  by  the 
man-o'-war  San  Quintin.     About  six  weeks  afterwards,  three  men-o'-war 

1  Mr.  Doane  is  reported  to  have  died  in  Honolulu  about  June,  1890. 


46  Spanish  evacuation  of  the  Pacific  Islands 

were  sent  to  Ponape  with  infantry,  artillery,  a  mountain  battery,  and  a 
section  of  Engineers — a  total  of  about  558  men — but  on  their  arrival 
they  met  an  American  warship — the  Essex — -which  had  hastened  on  to 
protect  American  interests.  The  Spaniards  limited  their  operations  to 
the  seizure  of  a  few  accused  individuals,  whom  they  brought  to  Manila, 
and  the  garrison  of  Yap  was  increased  to  100  men,  imder  a  Captain  and 
subordinate  officers.  The  prisoners  were  tried  in  Manila  by  court- 
martial,  and  I  acted  as  interpreter.  It  was  found  that  they  had  only 
been  loyal  to  the  bidding  of  their  chiefs,  and  were  not  morally  culpable, 
whilst  the  action  of  the  late  Governor  of  Ponape  met  with  general 
reprobation. 

Again,  in  July,  1890,  a  party  of  54  soldiers,  under  Lieutenant 
Porras,  whilst  engaged  in  felling  timber  in  the  forest,  was  attacked  by 
the  Malatana  (Caroline)  tribe,  who  killed  the  officer  and  27  of  his  men. 
The  news  was  telegraphed  to  the  Home  Government,  and  caused  a  great 
sensation  in  Madrid.  A  conference  of  Ministers  was  at  once  held,  and 
the  Canovas  del  Castillo  Ministry  cabled  to  the  Gov.-General  Weyler 
discretionary  power  to  punish  these  islanders.  Within  a  few  months 
troops  were  sent  from  Manila  for  that  purpose.  Instead,  however,  of 
chastising  the  Kanakas,  the  Government  forces  were  repulsed  by  them 
with  great  slaughter.  The  commissariat  arrangements  were  most 
deficient :  my  friend  Colonel  Gutierrez  Soto,  who  commanded  the 
expedition,  was  so  inadequately  supported  by  the  War  Department 
that,  yielding  to  despair,  and  crestfallen  by  reason  of  the  open  and 
adverse  criticism  of  his  plan  of  campaign,  he  shot  himself. 

Under  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1898)  the  Island  of  Guam  (Ladrone 
group)  was  ceded  by  Spain  to  the  United  States,  together  with  the 
Philippine  Islands.  The  remainder  of  the  Ladrone  group,  the  Caroline 
and  the  Pelew  Islands  were  sold  by  Spain  to  Germany  in  June,  1899. 


47 


CHAPTER   IV 

ATTEMPTED   CONQUEST   BY   CHINESE 

On  the  death  of  General  Legaspi,  the  Government  of  the  Colony  was 
assumed  by  the  Royal  Treasurer,  Guido  de  Lavezares,  in  conformity 
with  the  sealed  instructions  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  Mexico,  which 
were  now  opened.  During  this  period,  the  possession  of  the  Islands  was 
unsuccessfully  disputed  by  a  rival  expedition  under  the  command  of  a 
Chinaman,  Li-ma-hong,  whom  the  Spaniards  were  pleased  to  term  a 
pirate,  forgetting,  perhaps,  that  they  themselves  had  only  recently 
wrested  the  country  from  its  former  possessors  by  virtue  of  might 
against  right.  On  the  coasts  of  his  native  country  he  had  indeed  been  a 
pirate.  For  the  many  depredations  committed  by  him  against  private 
traders  and  property,  the  Celestial  Emperor,  failing  to  catch  him  by 
cajolery,  outlawed  him. 

Born  in  the  port  of  Tiuchiu,  Li-ma-hong  at  an  early  age  evinced  a 
martial  spirit  and  joined  a  band  of  corsairs  which  for  a  long  time  had 
been  the  terror  of  the  China  coasts.  On  the  demise  of  his  chief  he  was 
unanimously  elected  leader  of  the  buccaneering  cruisers.  At  length, 
pursued  in  all  directions  by  the  imperial  ships  of  war,  he  determined 
to  attempt  the  conquest  of  the  Philippines.  Presumably  the  same 
incentives  which  impelled  the  Spanish  mariners  to  conquer  lands  and 
overthrow  dynasties — the  vision  of  wealth,  glory  and  empire, — awakened 
a  like  ambition  in  the  Chinese  adventurer.  It  was  the  spirit  of  the  age.1 
In  his  sea- wanderings  he  happened  to  fall  in  with  a  Chinese  trading  junk 
returning  from  Manila  with  the  proceeds  of  her  cargo  sold  there.  This 
he  seized,  and  the  captive  crew  were  constrained  to  pilot  his  fleet  towards 
the  capital  of  Luzon.  From  them  he  learnt  how  easily  the  natives  had 
been  plundered  by  a  handful  of  foreigners — the  probable  extent  of  the 
opposition  he  might  encounter — the  defences  established — the  wealth 
and  resources  of  the  district,  and  the  nature  of  its  inhabitants. 

1  Guido  de  Lavezares  deposed  a  Sultau  in  Borneo  in  order  to  aid  another  to  the 
throne,  and  even  asked  permission  of  King  Philip  II.  to  conquer  China,  which 
of  course  was  not  conceded  to  him.  Vide  also  the  history  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Aztec  (Mexican)  and  Incas  (Peruvian)  dynasties  by  the  Spaniards,  in  W.  H.  Prescott's 
"  Conquest  of  Mexico"  and  "Conquest  of  Peru." 


48  Li-ma-hong's  attack  on  Manila 

lHis  fleet  consisted  of  62  war  ships  or  armed  junks,  well  found, 
having  on  board  2,000  sailors,  2,000  soldiers,  1,500  women,  a  number  of 
artisans,  and  all  that  could  be  conveniently  carried  with  which  to  gain 
and  organize  his  new  kingdom.^  On  its  way  the  squadron  cast  anchor  off 
the  Province  of  Ilocos  Sur,  where  a  few  troops  were  sent  ashore  to  get 
provisions.  Whilst  returning  to  the  junks,  they  sacked  the  village  and 
set  fire  to  the  huts.  The  news  of  this  outrage  was  hastily  communicated 
to  Juan  Salcedo,  who  had  been  pacifying  the  Northern  Provinces  since 
July,  1572,  and  was  at  the  time  in  Villa  Fernandina  (now  called  Vigan). 
Li-ma-hong  continued  his  course  until  calms  compelled  his  ships  to 
anchor  in  the  roads  of  Caoayan  (Ilocos  coast),  where  a  few  Spanish 
soldiers  were  stationed  under  the  orders  of  Juan  Salcedo,  who  still  was  in 
the  immediate  town  of  Vigan.  Under  his  direction  preparations  were 
made  to  prevent  the  enemy  entering  the  river,  but  such  was  not 
S\  Li-ma-hong's  intention.  He  again  set  sail ;  whilst  Salcedo,  naturally 
supposing  his  course  Mould  be  towards  Manila,  also  started  at  the 
j  same  time  for  the  capital  with  all  the  fighting  men  he  could  collect, 
1  leaving  only  30  men  to  garrison  Vigan  and  protect  the  State  interests 
^.there. 
^*On  November  29,  1574,  the  squadron  arrived  in  the  Bay  of  Manila, 
and  Li-ma-hong  sent  forward  his  Lieutenant  Sioco — a  Japanese — at  the 
head  of  600  fighting  men  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  Spaniards.  A 
strong  gale,  however,  destroyed  several  of  his  junks,  in  which  about 
200  men  perished. 

With  the  remainder  he  reached  the  coast  at  Paranaque,  a  village 
seven  miles  south  of  Manila.  Thence,  with  tow-lines,  the  400  soldiers 
hauled  their  junks  up  to  the  beach  of  the  capital. 

Already  at  the  village  of  Malate  the  alarm  was  raised,  but  the 
Spaniards  could  not  give  credit  to  the  reports,  and  no  resistance  was 
offered  until  the  Chinese  were  within  the  gates  of  the  city.  Martin  de 
Goiti,  the  Maestre  de  Campo,1  second  in  command  to  the  Governor,  was 
the  first  victim  of  the  attack. 

The  flames  and  smoke  arising  from  his  burning  residence  were  the 
first  indications  which  the  Governor  received  of  what  was  going  on. 
The  Spaniards  took  refuge  in  the  Fort  of  Santiago,  which  the  Chinese 
were  on  the  point  of  taking  by  storm,  when  their  attention  was  drawn 
elsewhere  by  the  arrival  of  fresh  troops  led  by  a  Spanish  sub-lieutenant. 
Under  the  mistaken  impression  that  these  were  the  vanguard  of  a 
formidable  corps,  Sioco  sounded  the  retreat.  A  bloody  hand-to-hand 
combat  followed,  and  with  great  difficulty  the  Chinese  collected  their 
dead  and  regained  their  junks. 

In  the  meantime  Li-ma-hong,  with  the  reserved  forces,  was  lying  in 
the  roadstead  of  Cavite,  and  Sioco  hastened  to  report  to  him  the  result 

1  Maestre  de  Gampo  (obsolete  grade)  about  equivalent  to  the  modern  General  of 
Brigade.     This  officer  was  practically  the  military  governor. 


Li-ma-hong  settles  in  Pangasindn  49 

of  the  attack,  which  had  cost  the  invader  over  one  hundred  dead  and 
more  than  that  number  wounded.  Thereupon  Li-ma-hong  resolved  to 
rest  his  troops  and  renew  the  conflict  in  two  days'"  time  under  his 
personal  supervision.  The  next  day  Juan  Salcedo  arrived  by  sea  with 
reinforcements  from  Vigan,  and  preparations  were  unceasingly  made  for 
the  expected  encounter.  Salcedo  having  been  appointed  to  the  office  of 
Maestre  de  Campo,  vacant  since  the  death  of  Goiti,  the  organization  of 
the  defence  was  entrusted  to  his  immediate  care. 

By  daybreak  on  December  3  the  enemy's  fleet  hove-to  off  the  capital, 
where  Li-ma-hong  harangued  his  troops,  whilst  the  cornets  and  drums  of 
the  Spaniards  were  sounding  the  alarm  for  their  fighting  men  to  assemble 
in  the  fort. 

Then  1,500  chosen  men,  well  armed,  were  disembarked  under  the 
leadership  of  Sioco,  who  swore  to  take  the  place  or  die  in  the  attempt. 
Sioco  separated  his  forces  into  three  divisions.  The  city  was  set  fire  to, 
and  Sioco  advanced  towards  the  fort,  into  which  hand-grenades  were 
thrown,  whilst  Li-ma-hong  supported  the  attack  with  his  ships'1  cannon. 

Sioco,  with  his  division,  at  length  entered  the  fort,  and  a  hand- 
to-hand  fight  ensued.  For  a  while  the  issue  was  doubtful.  Salcedo 
fought  like  a  lion.  Even  the  aged  Governor  was  well  to  the  front  to 
encourage  the  deadly  struggle  for  existence.  The  Spaniards  finally 
gained  the  victory ;  the  Chinese  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  and 
their  leader  having  been  killed,  they  fled  in  complete  disorder.  Salcedo, 
profiting  by  the  confusion,  now  took  the  offensive  and  followed  up  the 
enemy,  pursuing  them  along  the  sea-shore,  where  they  were  joined  by  the 
third  division,  which  had  remained  inactive.  The  panic  of  the  Chinese 
spread  rapidly,  and  Li-ma-hong,  in  despair,  landed  another  contingent  of 
about  500  men,  whilst  he  still  continued  afloat ;  but  even  with  this 
reinforcement  the  vwrale  of  his  army  could  not  be  restored. 

The  Chinese  troops  therefore,  harassed  on  all  sides,  made  a  pre- 
cipitate retreat  on  board  the  fleet,  and  Li-ma-hong  set  sail  again  for 
the  west  coast  of  the  island.  Foiled  in  the  attempt  to  possess  himself 
of  Manila,  Li-ma-hong  determined  to  set  up  his  capital  in  other  parts. 
In  a  few  days  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Agno  River,  in  the 
province  of  Pangasinan,  where  he  proclaimed  to  the  natives  that  he 
had  gained  a  signal  victory  over  the  Spaniards.  The  inhabitants 
there,  having  no  particular  choice  between  two  masters,  received 
Li-ma-hong  with  welcome,  and  he  thereupon  set  about  the  foundation 
of  his  new  capital  some  four  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river. 
Months  passed  before  the  Spaniards  came  in  force  to  dislodge  the 
invader.  Feeling  themselves  secure  in  their  new  abode,  the  Chinese 
had  built  many  dwellings,  a  small  fortress,  a  pagoda,  etc.  At  length 
an  expedition  was  despatched  under  the  command  of  Juan  Salcedo. 
This  was  composed  of  about  250  Spaniards  and  1,600  natives  well 
equipped  with  small  arms,  ammunition  and  artillery.     The  flower  of 

4 


50  lA-ma-hong  evacuates  the  Islands 

the  Spanish  Colony,  accompanied  by  two  priests  and  the  Rajah  of 
Tondo,  set  out  to  expel  the  formidable  foe.  Li-ma-hong  made  a  bold 
resistance,  and  refused  to  come  to  terms  with  Salcedo.  |  In  the  mean- 
time, the  Viceroy  of  Fokien,  having  heard  of  Li-ma-hong's  daring 
exploits,  had  commissioned  a  ship  of  war  to  discover  the  whereabouts 
of  his  imperial  master's  old  enemy.  The  envoy  was  received  with 
delight  by  the  Spaniards,  who  invited  him  to  accompany  them  to 
Manila  to  interview  the  Governor.! 

Li-ma-hong  still  held  out,  but  perceiving  that  an  irresistible 
onslaught  was  being  projected  against  him  by  Salcedo's  party,  he  very 
cunningly  and  quite  unexpectedly  slipped  away,  and  sailed  out  of  the 
river  with  his  ships  by  one  of  the  mouths  unknown  to  his  enemies.1  In 
order  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards,  Li-ma-hong  ingeniously 
feigned  an  assault  in  an  opposite  quarter.  Of  course,  on  his  escape,  he 
had  to  abandon  the  troops  employed  in  this  manoeuvre.  These,  losing 
all  hope,  and  having  indeed  nothing  but  their  lives  to  fight  for,  fled 
to  the  mountains.  Hence  it  is  popularly  supposed  that  from  these 
fugitives  descends  the  race  of  people  in  the  hill  district  north  of 
that  province  still  distinguishable  by  their  oblique  eyes  and  known 
by  the  name  of  Igorrote-Chinese. 

"  Aide-toi  et  Dieu  f aider  a "  is  an  old  French  maxim,  but  the 
Spaniards  chose  to  attribute  their  deliverance  from  their  Chinese  rivals 
to  the  friendly  intervention  of  Saint  Andrew.  This  Saint  was  declared 
thenceforth  to  be  the  Patron  Saint  of  Manila,  and  in  his  honour  High 
Mass  was  celebrated  in  the  Cathedral  at  8  a.m.  on  the  30th  of  each 
November.  In  Spanish  times  it  was  a  public  holiday  and  gala-day, 
when  all  the  highest  civil,  military  and  religious  authorities  attended 
the  Funcion  votiva  de  San  Andres.  This/opportunity  to  assert  the 
supremacy  of  ecclesiastical  power  was  not  lost  to  the  Church,  and  for 
many  years  it  was  the  custom,  after  hearing  Mass,  to  spread  the  Spanish 
national  flag  on  the  floor  of  the  Cathedral  for  the  metropolitan  Arch- 
bishop to  walk  over  it.  )  However,  a  few  years  prior  to  the  Spanish 
evacuation  the  Gov.-General  refused  to  witness  this  antiquated  formula  and 
it  subsequently  became  the  practice  to  carry  the  Royal  Standard  before 
the  altar.  Both  before  and  after  the  Mass,  the  bearer  (Alfercz  Real), 
wearing  his  hat  and  accompanied  by  the  Mayor  of  the  City,  stood  on 
the  altar  floor,  raised  his  hat  three  times,  and  three  times  dipped  the 
flag  before  the  Image  of  Christ,  then,  facing  the  public,  he  repeated 
this  ceremony.  On  Saint  Andrew's  Eve  the  Royal  Standard  was  borne 
in  procession  from  the  Cathedral  through  the  principal  streets  of  the 
city,  escorted  by  civil  functionaries  and  followed  by  a  band  of  music. 
This  ceremony  was  known  as  the  Pasco  del  Real  Pendon. 

f  1  According  to  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  in  his  "  Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,"  Vol. 
L,  p.  431,  Li-ma-hong  made  his  escape  by  cutting  a  canal  for  his  ships  to  pass 
through^  but  this  would  appear  to  be  highly  improbable  under  the  circumstances. 


Rivalry  of  Lay  and  Monastic  Authorities  51 

According   to   Juan    de  la   Concepcion,  the    Rajahs1    Soliman  and 
Lacandola  took  advantage  of  these  troubles  to  raise  a  rebellion  against  -J 
the   Spaniards.     The   natives,   too,    of  Mindoro    Island    revolted    and 
maltreated  the  priests,  but  all  these  disturbances  were  speedily  quelled 
by  a  detachment  of  soldiers. 

The  Governor  willingly  accepted  the  offer  of  the  commander  of  the 
Chinese  man-o'-war  to  convey  ambassadors  to  his  country  to  visit 
the  Viceroy  and  make  a  commercial  treaty.  Therefore  two  priests, 
Martin  Rada  and  Gerrfnimo  Martin,  were  commissioned  to  carry  a 
letter  of  greeting  and  presents  to  this  personage,  who  received  them 
with  great  distinction,  but  objected  to  their  residing  in  the  country. 

After  the  defeat  of  Li-ma-hong,  Juan  Salcedo  again  set  out  to  the 
Northern  Provinces  of  Luzon  Island,  to  continue  his  task  of  reducing 
the  natives  to  submission.  On  March  11,  1576,  he  died  of  fever  near 
Vigan  (then  called  Villa  Fernandina),  capital  of  the  Province  of  Ilocos 
Sur.  A  year  afterwards,  what  could  be  found  of  his  bones  were  placed 
in  the  ossuary  of  his  illustrious  grandfather,  Legaspi,  in  the  Augustine 
Chapel  of  Saint  Fausto,  Manila.  His  skull,  however,  which  had  been 
carried  off'  by  the  natives  of  Ilocos,  could  not  be  recovered  in  spite  of 
all  threats  and  promises.  In  Vigan  there  is  a  small  monument  raised 
to  commemorate  the  deeds  of  this  famous  warrior,  and  there  is  also  a^^ 
street  bearing  his  name  in  Vigan  and  another  in  Manila. 

For  several  years  following  these  events,  the  question  of  prestige 
in  the  civil  affairs  of  the  Colony  was  acrimoniously  contested  by  the 
Gov.-General,  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  ecclesiastics. 

The  Governor  was  censured  by  his  opponents  for  alleged  undue 
exercise  of  arbitrary  authority.  The  Supreme  Court,  established  on  the 
Mexican  model,  was  reproached  with  seeking  to  overstep  the  limits  of 
its  functions.  Every  legal  quibble  was  adjusted  by  a  dilatory  process, 
impracticable  in  a  colony  yet  in  its  infancy,  where  summary  justice  was 
indispensable  for  the  maintenance  of  order  imperfectly  understood  by 
the  masses.  But  the  fault  lay  less  with  the  justices  than  with  the 
constitution  of  the  Court  itself.  Nor  was  this  state  of  affairs  improved 
by  the  growing  discontent  and  immoderate  ambition  of  the  clergy, 
who  unremittingly  urged  their  pretensions  to  immunity  from  State 
control,  affirming  the  supramundane  condition  of  their  office. 

An  excellent  code  of  laws,  called  the  Leyes  de  Indias,  in  force  in 
Mexico,  was  adopted  here,  but  modifications  in  harmony  with  the 
special  conditions  of  this  Colony  were  urgently  necessary,  whilst  all 
the  branches  of  government  called  for  reorganization  or  reform.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  Bishop  of  Manila,  Domingo  Salazar,2  took  the 

1  Some  authors  assert  that  only  Soliman  rebelled. 

2  Domingo  Salazar,  the  first  Bishop  of  Manila,  took  possession  in  1581.  He 
and  one  companion  were  the  only  Dominicans  in  the  Islands  until  1587. 


52  The  Austin  Friars  appeal  to  the  King 

initiative  in  commissioning  an  Austin  friar,  Alonso  Sanchez,  to  repair 
firstly  to  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico  and  afterwards  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
to  expose  the  grievances  of  his  party. 

Alonso  Sanchez  left  the  Philippines  with  his  appointment  as 
procurator-general  for  the  Augustine  Order  of  monks.  As  the  execution 
of  the  proposed  reforms,  which  he  was  charged  to  lay  before  His  Majesty, 
would,  if  conceded,  be  entrusted  to  the  control  of  the  Government  of 
Mexico,  his  first  care  was  to  seek  the  partisanship  of  the  Viceroy  of 
that  Colony  ;  and  in  this  he  succeeded.  Thence  he  continued  his  journey 
to  Seville,  where  the  Court  happened  to  be,  arriving  there  in  September, 
1587.  He  was  at  once  granted  an  audience  of  the  King,  to  present  his 
credentials  and  memorials  relative  to  Philippine  affairs  in  general,  and 
ecclesiastical,  judicial,  military  and  native  matters  in  particular.  The 
King  promised  to  peruse  all  the  documents,  but  suffering  from  gout,  and 
having  so  many  and  distinct  State  concerns  to  attend  to,  the  negotiations 
were  greatly  delayed.  Finally,  Alonso  Sanchez  sought  a  minister  who  had 
easy  access  to  the  royal  apartments,  and  this  personage  obtained  from 
the  King  permission  to  examine  the  documents  and  hand  to  him  a  succinct 
resume  of  the  whole  for  His  Majesty's  consideration.  A  commission 
was  then  appointed,  including  Sanchez,  and  the  deliberations  lasted  five 
months. 

At  this  period,  public  opinion  in  the  Spanish  Universities  was  very 
divided  with  respect  to  Catholic  missions  in  the  Indies.  Some  maintained 
that  the  propaganda  of  the  faith  ought  to  be  purely  Apostolic,  such  as 
Jesus  Christ  taught  to  His  disciples,  inculcating  doctrines  of  humility  and 
poverty  without  arms  or  violence ;  and  if,  nevertheless,  the  heathens 
refused  to  welcome  this  mission  of  peace,  the  missionaries  should  simply 
abandon  them  in  silence  without  further  demonstration  than  that  of 
shaking  the  dust  off  their  feet. 

Others  held,  and  amongst  them  was  Sanchez,  that  such  a  method 
was  useless  and  impracticable,  and  that  it  was  justifiable  to  force  their 
religion  upon  primitive  races  at  the  point  of  the  sword  if  necessary, 
using  any  violence  to  enforce  its  acceptance. 

Much  ill-feeling  was  aroused  in  the  discussion  of  these  two  and 
distinct  theories.  Juan  Volante,  a  Dominican  friar  of  the  Convent 
of  Our  Lady  of  Atocha,  presented  a  petition  against  the  views  of  the 
Sanchez  faction,  declaring  that  the  idea  of  ingrafting  religion  with  the 
aid  of  arms  wras  scandalous.  Juan  Volante  was  so  importunate  that  he 
had  to  be  heard  in  Council,  but  neither  party  yielded.  At  length,  the 
intervention  of  the  Bishops  of  Manila,  Macao  and  Malacca  and  several 
captains  and  governors  in  the  Indies  influenced  the  King  to  put  an  end 
to  the  controversy,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  lead  to  no  good. 

The  King  retired  to  the  Monastery  of  the  Escorial,  and  Sanchez  was 
cited  to  meet  him  there  to  learn  the  royal  will.  About  the  same  time 
the  news  reached  the  King  of  the  loss  of  the  so-called  Invincible  Armada, 


Philip  II.'s  Decree  of  important  Reforms  53 

sent  under  the  command  of  the  incompetent  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  to 
annex  England.  Notwithstanding  this  severe  blow  to  the  vain  ambition 
of  Philip,  the  affairs  of  the  Philippines  were  delayed  but  a  short  time. 
On  the  basis  of  the  recommendation  of  the  junta,  the  Royal  Assent  was 
given  to  an  important  decree,  of  which  the  most  significant  articles  are 
the  following,  namely  : — The  tribute  was  fixed  by  the  King  at  ten 
reales  (5.?.)  per  annum,  payable  by  the  natives  in  gold,  silver  or  grain, 
or  part  in  one  commodity  and  part  in  the  other.  Of  this  tribute,  eight 
reales  were  to  be  paid  to  the  Treasury,  one-half  real  to  the  bishop 
and  clergy  (sanctorum  tax),  and  one-and-a-half  reales  to  be  applied  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  soldiery.  Full  tribute  was  not  to  be  exacted 
from  the  natives  still  unsubjected  to  the  Crown.  Until  their  confidence 
and  loyalty  should  be  gained  by  friendly  overtures,  they  were  to 
pay  a  small  recognition  of  vassalage,  and  subsequently  the  tribute  in 
common  with  the  rest. 

Instead  of  one-fifth  value  of  gold  and  hidden  treasure  due  to  His 
Majesty  (real  quijito),  he  would  thenceforth  receive  only  one-tenth  of  such 
value,  excepting  that  of  gold,  which  the  natives  would  be  permitted  to 
extract  free  of  rebate. 

A  customs  duty  of  three  per  cent,  ad  valorem  was  to  be  paid  on 
merchandise  sold,  and  this  duty  was  to  be  spent  on  the  army. 

Export  duty  was  to  be  paid  on  goods  shipped  to  New  Spain 
(Mexico),  and  this  impost  was  also  to  be  exclusively  spent  on  the  armed 
forces.     These  goods  were  chiefly  Chinese  manufactures. 

The  number  of  European  troops  in  the  Colony  was  fixed  at  400 
men-at-arms,  divided  into  six  companies,  each  under  a  captain,  a  sub- 
lieutenant, a  sergeant,  and  two  corporals.  Their  pay  was  to  be  as 
follows,  namely: — Captain  P.35,  sub-lieutenant  P.20,  sergeant  P.10, 
corporal  P.7,  rank  and  file  P.6  per  month  ;  besides  which,  an  annual 
gratuity  of  P.10,000  was  to  be  proportionately  distributed  to  all. 

Recruits  from  Mexico,  for  military  service  in  the  Islands,  were  not 
to  enlist  under  the  age  of  15  years. 

The  Captain-General  was  to  have  a  body-guard  of  24  men 
(Halberdiers)  with  the  pay  of  those  of  the  line,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  a  Captain  to  be  paid  P.15  per  month. 

Salaries  due  to  State  employees  were  to  be  punctually  paid  when 
due ;  and  when  funds  were  wanted  for  that  purpose,  they  were  to  be 
supplied  from  Mexico. 

The  King  made  a  donation  of  P.  12,000,  which,  with  another  like 
sum  to  be  contributed  by  the  Spaniards  themselves,  would  serve  to 
liquidate  their  debts  incurred  on  their  first  occupation  of  the  Islands 

The  Governor  and  Bishop  were  recommended  to  consider  the  project 
of  a  refuge  for  young  Spanish  women  arrived  from  Spain  and  Mexico, 
and  to  study  the  question  of  dowries  for  native  women  married  to  poor 
Spaniards. 


54  PMUp  II.'s  Decree  of  important  Reforms 

The  offices  of  Secretaries  and  Notaries  were  no  longer  to  be  sold,  but 
conferred  on  persons  who  merited  such  appointments. 

The  governors  were  instructed  not  to  make  grants  of  land  to  their 
relations,  servants  or  friends,  but  solely  to  those  who  should  have  resided 
at  least  three  years  in  the  Islands,  and  have  worked  the  lands  so  conceded. 
Any  grants  which  might  have  already  been  made  to  the  relations  of  the 
governors  or  magistrates  were  to  be  cancelled. 

The  rent  paid  by  the  Chinese  for  the  land  they  occupied  was  to  be 
applied  to  the  necessities  of  the  capital. 

The  Governor  and  Bishop  were  to  enjoin  the  judges  not  to  permit 
costly  lawsuits,  but  to  execute  summary  justice  verbally,  and  so  far  as 
possible,  fines  were  not  to  be  inflicted. 

The  City  of  Manila  was  to  be  fortified  in  a  manner  to  ensure  it 
against  all  further  attacks   or  risings. 

Four  penitentiaries  were  to  be  established  in  the  Islands  in  the  most 
convenient  places,  with  the  necessary  garrisons,  and  six  to  eight  galleys 
and  frigates  well  armed  and  ready  for  defence  against  the  English  corsairs 
who  might  come  by  way  of  the  Moluccas. 

In  the  most  remote  and  unexplored  parts  of  the  Islands,  the 
Governor  was  to  have  unlimited  powers  to  act  as  he  should  please, 
without  consulting  His  Majesty;  but  projected  enterprises  of  conversion, 
pacification,  etc.,  at  the  expense  of  the  Royal  Treasury,  were  to  be 
submitted  to  a  Council  comprising  the  Bishop,  the  captains,  etc.  The 
Governor  was  authorized  to  capitulate  and  agree  with  the  captain  and 
others  who  might  care  to  undertake  conversions  and  pacifications  on 
their  own  account,  and  to  concede  the  title  of  Maestre  de  Campo  to  such 
persons,  on  condition  that  such  capitulations  should  be  forwarded  to  His 
Majesty  for  ratification. 

Only  those  persons  domiciled  in  the  Islands  would  be  permitted  to 
trade  with  them. 

A  sum  of  P.  1,000  was  to  be  taken  from  the  tributes  paid  into  the  Royal 
Treasury  for  the  foundation  of  the  Hospital  for  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
annual  sum  of  P.600,  appropriated  by  the  Governor  for  its  support,  was 
confirmed.  Moreover,  the  Royal  Treasury  of  Mexico  was  to  send 
clothing  to  the  value  of  400   ducats  for  the  Hospital  use. 

The  Hospital  for  the  natives  was  to  receive  an  annual  donation  of 
P.600  for  its  support,  and  an  immediate  supply  of  clothing  from 
Mexico  to  the  value   of  P.200. 

Slaves  held  by  the  Spaniards  were  to  be  immediately  set  at 
liberty.  No  native  was  thenceforth  to  make  slaves.  All  new-born 
natives  were  declared  free.  The  bondage  of  all  existing  slaves  from 
ten  years  of  age  was  to  cease  on  their  attaining  twenty  years  of 
age.  Those  above  twenty  years  of  age  were  to  serve  five  years 
longer,  and  then  become  free.  At  any  time,  notwithstanding  the 
foregoing  conditions,  they  would  be  entitled  to  purchase  their  liberty, 


Manila  Cathedral. — Mendicant  Friars  55 

the  price  of  which  was  to  be  determined  by  the  Governor  and 
the  Bishop.1 

There  being  no  tithes  payable  to  the  Church  by  Spaniards  or  natives, 
the  clergy  were  to  receive  for  their  maintenance  the  half-real  above 
mentioned  in  lieu  thereof,  from  the  tribute  paid  by  each  native  sub- 
jected to  the  Crown.  When  the  Spaniards  should  have  crops,  they 
were  to  pay  tithes   to  the  clergy  (diezmos  prediales). 

A  grant  was  made  of  12,000  ducats  for  the  building  and  ornaments 
of  the  Cathedral  of  Manila,  and  an  immediate  advance  of  2,000  ducats 
on  account  of  this  grant  was  made  from  the  funds  to  be  remitted 
from  Mexico. 

Forty  Austin  friars  were  to  be  sent  at  once  to  the  Philippines,  to  be 
followed  by  missionaries  from  other  corporations.  The  King  allowed 
P. 500  to  be  paid  against  the  P.  1,000  passage  money  for  each  priest, 
the  balance  to  be  defrayed  out  of  the  common  funds  of  the  clergy, 
derived  from  their  share  of  the  tribute. 

Missionaries  in  great  numbers  had  already  flocked  to  the  Philippines 
and  roamed  wherever  they  thought  fit,  without  licence  from  the  Bishop, 
whose  authority  they  utterly  repudiated. 

Affirming  that  they  had  the  direct  consent  of  His  Holiness  the  Pope, 
they  menaced  with  excommunication  whosoever  attempted  to  impede 
them  in  their  free  peregrination.  Five  years  after  the  foundation  of 
Manila,  the  city  and  environs  were  infested  with  niggardly  mendicant 
friars,  whose  slothful  habits  placed  their  supercilious  countrymen  in 
ridicule  before  the  natives.  They  were  tolerated  but  a  short  time  in 
the  Islands ;  not  altogether  because  of  the  ruin  they  would  have 
brought  to  European  moral  influence  on  the  untutored  tribes,  but 
because  the  Bishop  was  highly  jealous  of  all  competition  against  the 
Augustine  Order  which  he  assisted.  Consequent  on  the  representations 
of  Alonso  Sanchez,  His  Majesty  ordained  that  all  priests  who  went  to 
the  Philippines  were,  in  the  first  place,  to  resolve  never  to  quit  the 
Islands  without  the  Bishop's  sanction,  which  was  to  be  conceded  with 
great  circumspection  and  only  in  extreme  cases,  whilst  the  Governor  was 
instructed  not  to  afford  them  means  of  exit  on  his  sole  authority. 

Neither  did  the  Bishop  regard  with  satisfaction  the  presence  of  the 
Commissary  of  the  Inquisition,  whose  secret  investigations,  shrouded 
with  mystery,  curtailed  the  liberty  of  the  loftiest  functionary,  sacred 
or  civil.  At  the  instigation  of  Alonso  Sanchez,  the  junta  recommended 
the    King    to    recall    the    Commissary    and    extinguish    the    office,    but 

1  Bondage  in  the  Philippines  was  apparently  not  so  necessary  for  the  interests  of 
the  Church  as  it  was  in  Cuba,  where  a  commission  of  friars,  appointed  soon  after 
the  discovery  of  the  Island,  to  deliberate  on  the  policy  of  partially  permitting 
slavery  there,  reported  "  that  the  Indians  would  not  labour  without  compulsion 
"  and  that,  unless  they  laboured,  they  could  not  be  brought  into  communication 
"with  the  whites,  nor  be  converted  to  Christianity."  Vide  W.  H.  Prescott's 
"  Hist,  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  torn.  II.,  Chap,  i.,  p.  104,  ed.  1878. 


56  Archbislwpric  of  Manila  founded 

he  refused  to  do  so.  In  short,  the  chief  aims  of  the  Bishop  were 
to  enhance  the  power  of  the  friars,  raise  the  dignity  of  the  Colonial 
mitre,  and  secure  a  religious  monopoly  for  the  Augustine  Order. 

Gomez  Perez  Dasmarinas  was  the  next  Governor  appointed  to  these 
Islands,  on  the  recommendation  of  Alonso  Sanchez.  In  the  Royal 
Instructions  Avhich  he  brought  with  him  were  embodied  all  the  above- 
mentioned  civil,  ecclesiastical  and  military  reforms.  At  the  same  time, 
King  Philip  abolished  the  Supreme  Court.  He  wished  to  put  an  end  to 
the  interminable  lawsuits  so  prejudicial  to  the  development  of  the 
Colony.  Therefore  the  President  and  Magistrates  were  replaced  by 
Justices  of  the  Peace,  and  the  former  returned  to  Mexico  in  1591. 
This  measure  served  only  to  widen  the  breach  between  the  Bishop  and 
the  Civil  Government.  Dasmarinas  compelled  him  to  keep  within  the 
sphere  of  his  sacerdotal  functions,  and  tolerated  no  rival  in  State 
concerns.  There  was  no  appeal  on  the  spot  against  the  Governor's 
authority.  This  restraint  irritated  and  disgusted  the  Bishop  to  such 
a  degree  that,  at  the  age  of  78  years,  he  resolved  to  present  himself  at 
the  Spanish  Court.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  explained  to  the  King  the 
impossibility  of  one  Bishop  attending  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  a  people 
dispersed  over  so  many  Islands.  For  seven  years  after  the  foundation  of 
Manila  as  capital  of  the  Archipelago,  its  principal  church  was  simply 
a  parish  church.  In  1578  it  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  Cathedral, 
at  the  instance  of  the  King.  Three  years  after  this  date  the  Cathedral 
of  Manila  was  solemnly  declared  to  be  a  "  Suffragan  Cathedral  of 
Mexico,  under  the  advocation  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Immaculate  Con- 
ception11; Domingo  Salazar  being  the  first  Bishop  consecrated.  He  now- 
proposed  to  raise  the  Manila  See  to  an  Archbishopric,  with  three 
Suffragan  Bishops.  The  King  gave  his  consent,  subject  to  approval 
from  Rome,  and  this  following  in  due  course,  Salazar  was  appointed 
first  Archbishop  of  Manila,  but  he  died  before  the  Papal  Bull  arrived, 
dated  August  14,  1595,  officially  authorizing  his  investiture. 

In  the  meantime,  Alonso  Sanchez  had  proceeded  to  Rome  in  May, 
1589.  Amongst  many  other  Pontifical  favours  conceded  to  him,  he 
obtained  the  right  for  himself,  or  his  assigns,  to  use  a  die  or  stamp 
of  any  form  with  one  or  more  images,  to  be  chosen  by  the  holder, 
and  to  contain  also  the  figure  of  Christ,  the  Very  Holy  Virgin,  or 
the  Saints  Peter  or  Paul.  On  the  reverse  was  to  be  engraven  a  bust 
portrait  of  His  Holiness,  with  the  following  indulgences  attached  thereto, 
viz.  : — "  To  him  who  should  convey  the  word  of  God  to  the  infidels, 
"  or  give  them  notice  of  the  holy  mysteries — each  time  300  years1 
"  indulgence.  To  him  who,  by  industry,  converted  any  one  of  these, 
"  or  brought  him  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church — full  indulgence  for  all 
"sins.11  A  number  of  minor  indulgences  were  conceded  for  services 
to  be  rendered  to  the  Pontificate,  and  for  the  praying  so  many  Pater 
Nosters  and  Ave  Marias.     This  Bull  was  dated  in  Rome  July  28,  1591. 


The  Supreme  Court  is  re-established  57 

Popes  Gregory  XIV.  and  Innocent  IX.  granted  other  Bulls  relating 
to  the  rewards  for  using  beads,  medals,  crosses,  pictures,  blessed  images, 
etc.,  with  which  one  could  gain  nine  plenary  indulgences  every  day 
or  rescue  nine  souls  from  purgatory  ;  and  each  day,  twice  over,  all  the 
full  indulgences  yet  given  in  and  out  of  Rome  could  be  obtained  for 
living  and  deceased  persons. 

Sanchez  returned  to  Spain  (where  he  died),  bringing  with  him  the 
body  of  Saint  Policarp,  relics  of  Saint  Potenciana,  and  157  Marytrs  ; 
amongst  them,  27  popes,  for  remission  to  the  Cathedral  of  Manila. 

The  Supreme  Court  was  re-established  with  the  same  faculties  as 
those  of  Mexico  and  Lima  in  1598,  and  since  then,  on  seven  occasions, 
when  the  Governorship  has  been  vacant,  it  has  acted  pro  tern,.  The 
following  interesting  account  of  the  pompous  ceremonial  attending 
the  reception  of  the  Royal  Seal,  restoring  this  Court,  is  given  by 
Concepcion.1  He  says  :— "  The  Royal  Seal  of  office  was  received  from 
"  the  ship  with  the  accustomed  solemnity.  It  was  contained  in  a  chest 
"  covered  with  purple  velvet  and  trimmings  of  silver  and  gold,  over 
"which  hung  a  cloth  of  silver  and  gold.  It  was  escorted  by  a  majestic 
"accompaniment,  marching  to  the  sounds  of  clarions  and  cymbals  and 
"other  musical  instruments.  The  cortege  passed  through  the  noble 
"  city  with  rich  vestments,  with  leg  trimmings  and  uncovered  heads. 
"  Behind  these  followed  a  horse,  gorgeously  caparisoned  and  girthed, 
"  upon  whose  back  the  President  placed  the  coffer  containing  the  Royal 
"  Seal.  The  streets  were  beautifully  adorned  with  exquisite  drapery. 
"  The  High  Bailiff,  magnificently  robed,  took  the  reins  in  hand  to  lead 
"  the  horse  under  a  purple  velvet  pall,  bordered  with  gold.  The 
"  magistrates  walked  on  either  side  ;  the  aldermen  of  the  city,  richly  clad, 
"  carried  their  staves  of  office  in  the  august  procession,  which  concluded 
"  with  a  military  escort,  standard  bearers,  etc.,  and  proceeded  to  the 
"  Cathedral,  where  it  was  met  by  the  Dean,  holding  a  Cross.  As  the 
"  company  entered  the  sacred  edifice,  the  Te  Deum  was  intoned  by  a 
"  band  of  music." 

In  1886  a  Supreme  Court,  exactly  similar  to,  and  independent  of, 
that  of  Manila,  was  established  in  the  City  of  Cebu.  The  question 
of  precedence  in  official  acts  having  been  soon  after  disputed  between 
the  President  of  the  Court  and  the  Brigadier-Governor  of  Visayas,  it  was 
decided  in  favour  of  the  latter,  on  appeal  to  the  Gov. -General.  In 
the  meantime,  the  advisability  of  abolishing  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Cebu,  was  warmly  debated  by  the  public. 

*  ***** 

For  many  years  after  the  conquest,  deep  religious  sentiment  pervaded 
the  State  policy,  and  not  a  few  of  the  Governors-General  acquired  fame 
for  their  demonstrations  of  piety.     Nevertheless,  the  conflictive  ambition 

'"Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,"  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Vol.  III.,  Chap,  ix., 
p.  365,  published  at  Manila,  1788. 


58  Church  and  State  Authorities'  Contentions 

of  the  State  and  Church  representatives  was  a  powerful  hindrance  to  the 
progress  of  the  Colony. 

The  quarrel  between  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Coiruera  (1635-44)  and 
the  Archbishop  arose  from  a  circumstance  of  little  concern  to  the 
Colony.  The  Archbishop  ordered  a  military  officer,  who  had  a  slave, 
either  to  sell  or  liberate  her.  The  officer,  rather  than  yield  to  either 
condition,  wished  to  marry  her,  but  failing  to  obtain  her  consent,  he 
stabbed  her  to  death.  He  thereupon  took  asylum  in  a  convent,  whence 
he  was  forcibly  removed,  and  publicly  executed  in  front  of  Saint 
Augustine's  Church  by  order  of  the  Governor.  The  Archbishop 
protested  against  the  act,  which,  in  those  days,  was  qualified  as  a 
violation  of  sanctuary. 

The  churches  were  closed  whilst  the  dispute  lasted.  The  Jesuits, 
always  opposed  to  the  Austin  friars,  sided  with  the  Governor.  The 
Archbishop  therefore  prohibited  them  to  preach  outside  their  churches 
in  any  public  place,  under  pain  of  excommunication  and  4,000 
ducats  fine,  whilst  the  other  priests  agreed  to  abstain  from  attending 
their  religious  or  literary  reunions.  Finally,  a  religious  council  was 
called,  but  a  coalition  having  been  formed  against  the  Archbishop,  he 
was  excommunicated — his  goods  distrained — his  salary  stopped,  and  he 
was  suspended  in  his  archiepiscopal  functions  under  a  penalty  of  4,000 
ducats  fine.  At  this  crisis,  he  implored  mercy  and  the  intervention  of 
the  Supreme  Court.  The  magistrates  decided  against  the  prelate's 
appeal,  and  allowed  him  twelve  hours  to  comply,  under  pain  of  continued 
excommunication  and  a  further  fine  of  1,000  ducats.  The  Archbishop 
thereupon  retired  to  the  Convent  of  Saint  Francis,  where  the  Governor 
visited  him.  The  Archbishop  subsequently  made  the  most  abject 
submission  in  an  archiepiscopal  decree  which  fully  sets  forth  the 
admission  of  his  guilt.  Such  a  violent  settlement  of  disputes  did  not 
long  remain  undisturbed,  and  the  Archbishop  again  sought  the  first 
opportunity  of  opposing  the  lay  authority.  In  this  he  can  only  be 
excused — if  excuse  it  be — as  the  upholder  of  the  traditions  of  cordial 
discord  between  the  two  great  factions — Church  and  State.  The 
Supreme  Court,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Governor,  resolved  therefore 
to  banish  the  Archbishop  from  Manila.  With  this  object,  50  soldiers 
were  deputed  to  seize  the  prelate,  who  was  secretly  forewarned  of  their 
coming  by  his  co-conspirators.  On  their  approach  he  held  the  Host  in 
his  hand,  and  it  is  related  that  the  sub-lieutenant  sent  in  charge  of  the 
troops  was  so  horrified  at  his  mission  that  he  placed  the  hilt  of  his 
sword  upon  the  floor  and  fell  upon  the  point,  but  as  the  sword  bent  he 
did  not  kill  himself.  The  soldiers  waited  patiently  until  the  Archbishop 
was  tired  out  and  compelled,  by  fatigue,  to  replace  the  Host  on  the 
altar.  Then  they  immediately  arrested  him,  conducted  him  to  a  boat 
under  a  guard  of  five  men,  and  landed  him  on  the  desert  Island  of 
Corregidor.     The  churches  were  at  once  reopened  ;  the  Jesuits  preached 


Church  and  State  Authorities'  Contentions  59 

where  they  chose ;  terms  were  dictated  to  the  contumacious  Archbishop, 
who  accepted  everything  unconditionally,  and  was  thereupon  permitted 
to  resume  his  office.  The  acts  of  Corcuera  were  inquired  into  by  his 
successor,  who  caused  him  to  be  imprisoned  for  five  years ;  but  it  is 
to  be  presumed  that  Corcuera  was  justified  in  what  he  did,  for  on 
his  release  and  return  to  Spain,  the  King  rewarded  him  with  the 
Governorship  of  the  Canary  Islands. 

It  is  chronicled  that  Sabiniano  Manrique  de  Lara  (1653-63),  who 
arrived  in  the  galleon  San  Francisco  Xavier  with  the  Archbishop 
Poblete,  refused  to  disembark  until  this  dignitary  had  blessed  the  earth 
he  was  going  to  tread.  It  was  he  too  who  had  the  privilege  of 
witnessing  the  expurgation  of  the  Islands  of  the  excommunications 
and  admonitions  of  Rome.  The  Archbishop  brought  peace  and 
goodwill  to  all  men,  being  charged  by  His  Holiness  to  sanctify  the 
Colony. 

The  ceremony  was  performed  with  great  solemnity,  from  an  elevation, 
in  the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people.  Later  on,  the  pious 
Governor  Lara  was  accused  of  perfidy  to  his  royal  master,  and  was 
fined  P.60,000,  but  on  being  pardoned,  he  retired  to  Spain,  where  he 
took  holy  orders. 

His  successor,  Diego  Salcedo  (1663-68),  was  not  so  fortunate  in  his 
relations  with  Archbishop  Poblete,  for  during  five  years  he  warmly 
contested  his  intervention  in  civil  affairs.  Poblete  found  it  hard  to 
yield  the  exercise  of  veto  in  all  matters  which,  by  courtesy,  had  been 
conceded  to  him  by  the  late  Governor  Lara.  The  Archbishop  refused 
to  obey  the  Royal  Decrees  relating  to  Church  appointments  under  the 
Royal  patronage,  such  preferments  being  in  the  hands  of  the  Gov.- 
General  as  vice-royal  patron.  These  decrees  were  twice  notified  to  the 
Archbishop,  but  as  he  still  persisted  in  his  disobedience,  Salcedo  signed 
an  order  for  his  expulsion  to  Mariveles.  This  brought  the  prelate  to  his 
senses,  and  he  remained  more  submissive  in  future.  It  is  recorded  that 
the  relations  between  the  Governor  and  the  Archbishop  became  so 
strained  that  the  latter  was  compelled  to  pay  a  heavy  fine— to  remain 
standing  whilst  awaiting  an  audience — to  submit  to  contumely  during 
the  interviews — and  when  he  died,  the  Governor  ordered  royal  feasts  to 
celebrate  the  joyful  event,  whilst  he  prohibited  the  de  profundis  Mass, 
on  the  ground  that  such  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  secular 
festivities. 

The  King,  on  being  apprised  of  this,  permitted  the  Inquisition  to  take 
its  course.  Diego  Salcedo  was  surprised  in  his  Palace,  and  imprisoned 
by  the  bloodthirsty  agents  of  the  Santo  Oficio.  Some  years  afterwards, 
he  was  shipped  on  board  a  galleon  as  a  prisoner  to  the  Inquisitors  of 
Mexico,  but  the  ship  had  to  put  back  under  stress  of  weather,  and 
Salcedo  returned  to  his  dungeon.  There  he  suffered  the  worst 
privations,  until  he  was  again  embarked  for  Mexico.     On  this  voyage 


60  Murder  of  Gov. -General  Bustillo 

he  died  of  grief  and  melancholy.  The  King  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  ecclesiastics,  and  ordered  Salcedo's  goods,  as  well  as  those  of  his 
partisans,  to  be  confiscated. 

Manuel  de  Leon  (1669-77)  managed  to  preserve  a  good  under- 
standing with  the  clergy,  and,  on  his  decease,  he  bequeathed  all  his 
possessions  to  the  Obras  Pias  (q.v.). 

Troubles  with  the  Archbishop  and  friars  were  revived  on  the 
Government  being  assumed  by  Juan  de  Nargas  (1678-84).  In  the 
last  year  of  his  rule,  the  Archbishop  was  banished  from  Manila.  It  is 
difficult  to  adequately  appreciate  the  causes  of  this  quarrel,  and  there 
is  doubt  as  to  which  was  right — the  Governor  or  the  Archbishop.  On 
his  restoration  to  his  See,  he  was  one  of  the  few  prelates — perhaps  the 
only  one — who  personally  sought  to  avenge  himself.  During  the  dispute, 
a  number  of  friars  had  supported  the  Government,  and  these  he 
caused  to  stand  on  a  raised  platform  in  front  of  a  church,  and 
publicly  recant  their  former  acts,  declaring  themselves  miscreants. 
Juan  de  Nargas  had  just  retired  from  the  Governorship  after  seven 
years'1  service,  and  the  Archbishop  called  upon  him  likewise  to  abjure 
his  past  proceedings  and  perform  the  following  penance: — To  wear 
a  penitent's  garb — to  place  a  rope  around  his  neck,  and  carry  a  lighted 
candle  to  the  doors  of  the  cathedral  and  the  churches  of  the  Parian, 
San  Gabriel  and  Binondo,  on  every  feast  day  during  four  months. 
Nargas  objected  to  this  degradation,  and  claimed  privilege,  arguing 
that  the  Archbishop  had  no  jurisdiction  over  him,  as  he  was  a  Cavalier 
of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  James.  But  the  Archbishop  only  desisted 
in  his  pretensions  to  humiliate  Nargas  when  the  new  Governor  threatened 
to  expel  him  again. 

Fernando  Bustamente  Bustillo  y  Rueda  (1717-19)  adopted  very 
stringent  measures  to  counteract  the  Archbishop's  excessive  claims 
to  immunity.  Several  individuals  charged  with  heinous  crimes  had 
taken  church  asylum  and  defied  the  civil  power  and  justice.  The 
Archbishop  was  appealed  to,  to  hand  them  over  to  the  civil  authorities, 
or  allow  them  to  be  taken.  He  refused  to  do  either,  supporting  the 
claim  of  immunity  of  sanctuary.  At  the  same  time  it  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  Governor  that  a  movement  had  been  set  on  foot 
against  him  by  those  citizens  who  favoured  the  Archbishop's  views,  and 
that  even  the  friars  had  so  debased  themselves  as  to  seek  the  aid  of  the 
Chinese  residents  against  the  Governor.  Jose  Torralba  (q.v.),  the  late 
acting-Governor,  was  released  from  confinement  by  the  Governor,  and 
reinstated  by  him  as  judge  in  the  Supreme  Court,  although  he  was 
under  an  accusation  of  embezzlement  to  the  extent  of  P. 700,000.  The 
Archbishop  energetically  opposed  this  act.  He  notified  to  Torralba  his 
excommunication  and  ecclesiastical  pains,  and,  on  his  own  authority, 
attempted  to  seize  his  person  in  violation  of  the  privileges  of  the 
Supreme  Court.     Torralba,  with  his  sword  and  shield  in  hand,  expelled 


The  Monks  in  open  riot  61 

the  Archbishop's  messenger  by  force.  Then,  as  judge  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  he  hastened  to  avenge  himself  of  his  enemies  by  issuing  warrants 
against  them.  They  fled  to  Church  asylum,  and,  with  the  moral 
support  of  the  Archbishop,  laughed  at  the  magistrates.  There  the 
refugees  provided  themselves  with  arms,  and  prepared  for  rebellion. 
When  the  Archbishop  was  officially  informed  of  these  facts,  he  still 
maintained  that  nothing  could  violate  their  immunity.  The  Governor 
then  caused  the  Archbishop  to  be  arrested  and  confined  in  a  fortress, 
with  all  the  ecclesiastics  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  conspiracy 
against  the  Government. 

Open  riot  ensued,  and  the  priests  marched  to  the  Palace,  amidst 
hideous  clamourings,  collecting  the  mob  and  citizens  on  the  way.  It 
was  one  of  the  most  revolting  scenes  and  remarkable  events  in 
Philippine  history.  Priests  of  the  Sacred  Orders  of  Saint  Francis, 
Saint  Dominic,  and  Saint  Augustine  joined  the  Recoletos  in  shouting 
"  Viva  la  Iglesia,""  "  Viva  nuestro  Rey  Don  Felipe  Quinto." 1  The 
excited  rabble  rushed  to  the  Palace,  and  the  Guard  having  fled,  they 
easily  forced  their  way  in.  One  priest  who  impudently  dared  to 
advance  towards  the  Governor,  was  promptly  ordered  by  him  to  stand 
back.  The  Governor,  seeing  himself  encircled  by  an  armed  mob  of 
laymen  and  servants  of  Christ  clamouring  for  his  downfall,  pulled  the 
trisnrer  of  his  gun,  but  the  flint  failed  to  strike  fire.  Then  the  crowd 
took  courage  and  attacked  him,  whilst  he  defended  himself  bravely 
with  a  bayonet,  until  he  was  overwhelmed  by  numbers.  From  the 
Palace  he  was  dragged  to  the,  common  jail,  and  stabbed  and  maltreated 
on  the  way.  His  son,  hearing  of  this  outrage,  arrived  on  horseback, 
but  was  run  through  by  one  of  the  rebels,  and  fell  to  the  ground.  He 
got  up  and  tried  to  cut  his  way  through  the  infuriated  rioters,  but 
was  soon  surrounded  and  killed,  and  his  body  horribly  mutilated. 

The  populace,  urged  by  the  clerical  party,  now  fought  for  the 
liberty  of  the  Archbishop.  The  prison  doors  were  broken  open,  and 
the  Archbishop  was  amongst  the  number  of  offenders  liberated.  The 
prelate  came  in  triumph  to  the  Palace,  and  assumed  the  Government 
in  October,  1719.  The  mob,  during  their  excesses,  tore  down  the  Royal 
Standard,  and  maltreated  those  whom  they  met  of  the  unfortunate 
Governor's  faithful  friends.  A  mock  inquiry  into  the  circumstances 
of  the  riot  was  made  in  Manila  in  apparent  judicial  form.  Another 
investigation  was  instituted  in  Mexico,  which  led  to  several  of  the 
minor  actors  in  this  sad  drama  being  made  the  scapegoat  victims  of 
the  more  exalted  criminals.  The  Archbishop  held  the  Government 
for  nine  years,  and  was  then  transferred  to  the  Mexican  Bishopric 
of  Mechoacan. 

Pedro    Manuel  de   Arandia  (1754-59)  is   said   to   have  expired  of 

J  "Long  live  the  Church/'  "  Long  live  our  King  Philip  V." 


62  The  Friars  defy  the  Civil  authority 

melancholy,  consequent,  in  a  measure,  on  his  futile  endeavours  to  govern 
at  peace  with  the  friars,  who  always  secured  the  favour  of  the  King. 

On  four  occasions  the  Supreme  State  authority  in  the  Colony  has 
been  vested  in  the  prelates.  Archbishop  Manuel  Rojo,  acting-Governor 
at  the  time  of  the  British  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763,  is  said  to  have 
died  of  grief  and  shame  in  prison  (1764)  through  the  intrigues  of  the 
violent  Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  (q.v.). 

Jose  Raon  was  Gov. -General  in  1768,  when  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits  was  decreed.  After  the  secret  determination  was  made  known  to 
him,  he  was  accused  of  having  divulged  it,  and  of  having  concealed 
his  instructions.  He  was  thereupon  placed  under  guard  in  his  own 
residence,  where  he  expired  {vide  Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar). 

Domingo  Moriones  y  Murillo  (1877-80),  it  is  alleged,  had  grave 
altercations  with  the  friars,  and  found  it  necessary  to  remind  the 
Archbishop  Payo  that  the  supreme  power  in  the  Philippines  belonged 
to  the  State — not  to  the  Church  representative. 

From  the  earliest  times  of  Spanish  dominion,  it  had  been  the 
practice  of  the  natives  to  expose  to  view  the  corpses  of  their  relations 
and  friends  in  the  public  highways  and  villages  whilst  conveying  them 
to  the  parish  churches,  where  they  were  again  exhibited  to  the  common 
gaze,  pending  the  pleasure  of  the  parish  priest  to  perform  the  last 
obsequies.  This  outrage  on  public  decorum  was  proscribed  by  the 
Director-General  of  Civil  Administration  in  a  circular  dated  October, 
18,  1887,  addressed  to  the  Provincial  Governors,  enjoining  them  to 
prohibit  such  indecent  scenes  in  future.  Thereupon  the  parish  priests 
simply  showed  their  contempt  for  the  civil  authorities  by  simulating 
their  inability  to  elucidate  to  the  native  petty  governors  the  true 
intent  and  meaning  of  the  order.  At  the  same  time,  the  Archbishop  of 
Manila  issued  instructions  on  the  subject  to  his  subordinates  in  very 
equivocal  language.  The  native  local  authorities  then  petitioned  the 
Civil  Governor  of  Manila  to  make  the  matter  clear  to  them.  The  Civil 
Governor  forthwith  referred  the  matter  back  to  the  Director-General 
of  Civil  Administration.  This  functionary,  in  a  new  circular  dated 
November  4,  confirmed  his  previous  mandate  of  October  18,  and 
censured  the  action  of  the  parish  priests,  who  "  in  improper  language 
and  from  the  pulpit,"  had  incited  the  native  headmen  to  set  aside  his 
authority.  The  author  of  the  circular  sarcastically  added  the  pregnant 
remark,  that  he  was  penetrated  with  the  conviction  that  the  Archbishop's 
sense  of  patriotism  and  rectitude  would  deter  him  from  subverting  the 
law.  This  incident  seriously  aroused  the  jealousy  of  the  friars  holding 
vicarages,  and  did  not  improve  the  relations  between  Church  and  State. 


63 


CHAPTER  V 

EARLY   RELATIONS   WITH   JAPAN 

Two  decades  of  existence  in  the  16th  century  was  but  a  short  period  in 
which  to  make  known  the  conditions  of  this  new  Colony  to  its  neigh- 
bouring States,  when  its  only  regular  intercourse  with  them  was  through 
the  Chinese  who  came  to  trade  with  Manila.  Japanese  mariners, 
therefore,  appear  to  have  continued  to  regard  the  north  of  Luzon  as 
"  no-manVland  "  ;  for  years  after  its  nominal  annexation  by  the  Spaniards 
they  assembled  there,  whether  as  merchants  or  buccaneers  it  is  difficult 
to  determine.  Spanish  authority  had  been  asserted  by  Salcedo  along  the 
west  coast  about  as  far  as  lat.  18°  N.,  but  in  1591  the  north  coast  was 
only  known  to  Europeans  geographically.  So  far,  the  natives  there  had 
not  made  the  acquaintance  of  their  new  masters. 

A  large  Spanish  galley  cruising  in  these  waters  met  a  Japanese  vessel 
off  Cape  Bojeador  (N.  W.  point),  and  fired  a  shot  which  carried  away  the 
stranger's  mainmast,  obliging  him  to  heave-to.  Then  the  galley-men, 
intending  to  board  the  stranger,  made  fast  the  sterns,  whilst  the  Spaniards 
rushed  to  the  bows  ;  but  the  Japanese  came  first,  boarded  the  galley,  and 
drove  the  Spaniards  aft,  where  they  would  have  all  perished  had  they  not 
cut  away  the  mizzenmast  and  let  it  fall  with  all  sail  set.  Behind  this  barri- 
cade they  had  time  to  load  their  arquebuses  and  drive  back  the  Japanese, 
over  whom  they  gained  a  victory.  The  Spaniards  then  entered  the  Rio 
Grande  de  Cagayan,  where  they  met  a  Japanese  fleet,  between  which 
they  passed  peacefully.  On  shore  they  formed  trenches  and  mounted 
cannons  on  earthworks,  but  the  Japanese  scaled  the  fortifications  and 
pulled  down  the  cannons  by  the  mouths. 

These  were  recovered,  and  the  Spanish  captain  had  the  cannon 
mouths  greased,  so  that  the  Japanese  tactics  should  not  be  repeated. 
A  battle  was  fought  and  the  defeated  Japanese  set  sail,  whilst  the 
Spaniards  remained  to  obtain  the  submission  of  the  natives  by  force  or 
by  persuasion. 

The  Japanese  had  also  come  to  Manila  to  trade,  and  were  located  in 
the  neighbouring  village  of  Dilao,1  where  the  Franciscan  friars  undertook 

1  Now  the  suburb  of  Paco.  Between  1606  and  1608,  owing  to  a  rising  of  the 
Japanese  settlers,  their  dwellings  in  Dilao  were  sacked  and  the  settlement  burnt. 


64  Japan  demands  surrender  of  the  Islands 

their  conversion  to  Christianity,  whilst  the  Dominican  Order  considered 
the  spiritual  care  of  the  Chinese  their  especial  charge. 

The  Portuguese  had  been  in  possession  of  Macao  since  the  year  1557, 
and  traded  with  various  Chinese  ports,  whilst  in  the  Japanese  town  of 
Nagasaki  there  was  a  small  colony  of  Portuguese  merchants.  These 
were  the  indirect  sources  whence  the  Emperor  of  Japan  learnt  that 
Europeans  had  founded  a  colony  in  Luzon  Island ;  and  in  1593  he  sent 
a  message  to  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines  calling  upon  him  to 
surrender  and  become  his  vassal,  threatening  invasion  in  the  event  of 
refusal.  The  Spanish  colonies  at  that  date  were  hardly  in  a  position 
to  treat  with  haughty  scorn  the  menaces  of  the  Japanese  potentate, 
for  they  were  simultaneously  threatened  with  troubles  with  the  Dutch 
in  the  Moluccas,  for  which  they  were  preparing  an  armament  {vide 
Chap.  vi.).  The  want  of  men,  ships,  and  war  material  obliged  them 
to  seek  conciliation  with  dignity.  The  Japanese  Ambassador,  Farranda 
Kiemon,  was  received  with  great  honours  and  treated  with  the  utmost 
deference  during  his  sojourn  in  Manila. 

The  Governor  replied  to  the  Emperor,  that  being  but  a  lieger  of  the 
King  of  Spain — a  mighty  monarch  of  unlimited  resources  and  power — 
he  was  unable  to  acknowledge  the  Emperor's  suzerainty ;  for  the  most 
important  duty  imposed  upon  him  by  his  Sovereign  was  the  defence 
of  his  vast  domains  against  foreign  aggression  ;  that,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  was  desirous  of  entering  into  amicable  and  mutually  advantageous 
relations  with  the  Emperor,  and  solicited  his  conformity  to  a  treaty  of 
commerce,  the  terms  of  which  would  be  elucidated  to  him  by  an  envoy. 

A  priest,  Juan  Cobo,  and  an  infantry  captain  were  thereupon 
accredited  to  the  Japanese  Court  as  Philippine  Ambassadors.  On  their 
arrival  they  were,  without  delay,  admitted  in  audience  by  the  Emperor ; 
the  treaty  of  commerce  was  adjusted  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties ; 
and  the  Ambassadors,  with  some  Japanese  nobles,  set  sail  for  Manila  in 
Japanese  ships,  which  foundered  on  the  voyage,  and  all  perished. 

Neither  the  political  nor  the  clerical  party  in  Manila  was,  however, 
dismayed  by  this  first  disaster,  and  the  prospect  of  penetrating  Japan 
was  followed  up  by  a  second  expedition. 

Between  the  friars  an  animated  discussion  arose  when  the  Jesuits 
protested  against  members  of  any  other  Order  being  sent  to  Japan. 
Saint  Francis  Xavier  had,  years  before,  obtained  a  Papal  Bull  from 
Pope  Gregory  XIII.,  awarding  Japan  to  his  Order,  which  had  been  the 
first  to  establish  missions  in  Nagasaki.  Jesuits  were  still  there  in 
numbers,  and  the  necessity  of  sending  members  of  rival  religious  bodies 
is  not  made  clear  in  the  historical  records.  The  jealous  feud  between 
those  holy  men  was  referred  to  the  Governor,  who  naturally  decided 
against  the  Jesuits,  in  support  of  the  King's  policy  of  grasping  territory 
under  the  cloak  of  piety.  A  certain  Fray  Pedro  Bautista  was  chosen 
as   Ambassador,    and    in    his   suite    were    three    other    priests.     These 


Fray  Pedro  Bautista?  s  Mission  to  Japan  65 

embarked  in  a  Spanish  frigate,  whilst  Farranda  Kiemon,  who  had 
remained  in  Manila  the  honoured  guest  of  the  Government,  took  his 
leave,  and  went  on  board  his  own  vessel.  The  authorities  bade  farewell 
to  the  two  embassies  with  ostentatious  ceremonies,  and  amidst  public 
rejoicings  the  two  ships  started  on  their  journey  on  May  26,  1593. 
After  30  days'  navigation  one  ship  arrived  safely  at  Nagasaki,  and  the 
other  at  a  port  35  miles  further  along  the  coast. 

Pedro  Bautista,  introduced  by  Fernanda  Kiemon,  was  presented  to 
the  Emperor  Taycosama,  who  welcomed  him  as  an  Ambassador  authorized 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce,  and  conclude  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  for  mutual  protection.  The  Protocol  was  agreed  to  and  signed 
by  both  parties,  and  the  relations  between  the  Emperor  and  Pedro 
Bautista  became  more  and  more  cordial.  The  latter  solicited,  and 
obtained,  permission  to  reside  indefinitely  in  the  country  and  send  the 
treaty  on  by  messenger  to  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines ;  hence  the 
ships  in  which  the  envoys  had  arrived  remained  about  ten  months  in 
port.  A  concession  was  also  granted  to  build  a  church  at  Meaco,  near 
Osaka,  and  it  was  opened  in  1594,  when  Mass  was  publicly  celebrated. 

In  Nagasaki  the  Jesuits  were  allowed  to  reside  unmolested  and 
practise  their  religious  rites  amongst  the  Portuguese  population  of  traders 
and  others  who  might  have  voluntarily  embraced  Christianity.  Bautista 
went  there  to  consult  with  the  chief  of  the  Jesuit  Mission,  who  ener- 
getically opposed  what  he  held  to  be  an  encroachment  upon  the 
monopoly  rights  of  his  Order,  conceded  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  and 
confirmed  by  royal  decrees.  Bautista,  however,  showed  a  permission 
which  he  had  received  from  the  Jesuit  General,  by  virtue  of  which  he  was 
suffered  to  continue  his  course  pending  that  dignitary's  arrival. 

The  Portuguese  merchants  in  Nagasaki  were  not  slow  to  comprehend 
that  Bautista's  coming  with  priests  at  his  command  was  but  a  prelude 
to  Spanish  territorial  conquest,  which  would  naturally  retard  their 
hoped-for  emancipation  from  the  Spanish  yoke.1  Therefore,  in  their 
own  interests,  they  forewarned  the  Governor  of  Nagasaki,  who  pro- 
hibited Bautista  from  continuing  his  propaganda  against  the  established 
religion  of  the  country  in  contravention  of  the  Emperor's  commands ; 
but  as  Bautista  took  no  heed  of  this  injunction,  he  was  expelled  from 
Nagasaki  for  contumacy. 

It  was  now  manifest  to  the  Emperor  that  he  had  been  basely 
deceived,  and  that  under  the  pretext  of  concluding  a  commercial  and 
political  treaty,  Bautista  and  his  party  had,  in  effect,  introduced  them- 
selves into  his  realm  with  the  clandestine  object  of  seducing  his  subjects 
from  their  allegiance,  of  undermining  their  consciences,  perverting  them 
from  the  religion  of  their  forefathers,  and  that  all  this  would  bring 
about   the   dismemberment    of  his   Empire  and  the  overthrow  of  his 

1  Portugal  was  forcibly  annexed  to  the  Spanish  Crown  from  1581  to  1640. 

5 


66  Martyrdom  of  Fray  Pedro  Bautista 

dynasty.  Not  only  had  Taycosama  abstained  from  persecuting  foreigners 
for  the  exercise  of  their  religious  rites,  but  he  freely  licensed  the  Jesuits 
to  continue  their  mission  in  Nagasaki  and  wherever  Catholics  happened 
to  congregate.  He  had  permitted  the  construction  of  their  temples, 
but  he  could  not  tolerate  a  deliberate  propaganda  which  foreshadowed 
his  own  ruin.1 

Pedro  Bautista's  designs  being  prematurely  obstructed,  he  took  his 
passage  back  to  Manila  from  Nagasaki  in  a  Japanese  vessel,  leaving 
behind  him  his  interpreter,  Fray  Jerome,  with  the  other  Franciscan 
monks.  An  Imperial  Decree  was  then  issued  to  prohibit  foreign  priests 
from  interfering  with  the  religion  of  Japanese  subjects ;  but  this  law 
having  been  set  at  naught  by  Bautista's  colleagues,  one  was  arrested  and 
imprisoned,  and  warrants  were  issued  against  the  others  ;  meanwhile 
the  Jesuits  in  Nagasaki  were  in  no  way  restrained. 

The  Governor  of  Nagasaki  caused  the  Franciscan  propagandists  to 
be  conducted  on  board  a  Portuguese  ship  and  handed  over  to  the  charge 
of  the  captain,  under  severe  penalties  if  he  aided  or  allowed  their  escape, 
but  they  were  free  to  go  wherever  they  chose  outside  the  Japanese 
Empire.  The  captain,  however,  permitted  one  to  return  ashore,  and 
for  some  time  he  wandered  about  the  country  in  disguise. 

Pedro  Bautista  had  reached  Manila,  where  the  ecclesiastical  dignitaries 
prevailed  upon  the  Governor  to  sanction  another  expedition  to  Japan, 
and  Bautista  arrived  in  that  country  a  second  time  with  a  number  of 
Franciscan  friars.  The  Emperor  now  lost  all  patience,  and  determined 
not  only  to  repress  these  venturesome  foreigners,  but  to  stamp  out  the 
last  vestige  of  their  revolutionary  machinations.  Therefore,  by  Imperial 
Decree,  the  arrest  was  ordered  of  all  the  Franciscan  friars,  and  all 
natives  who  persisted  in  their  adhesion  to  these  missionaries''  teachings. 
Twenty-six  of  those  taken  were  tried  and  condemned  to  ignominious 
exhibition  and  death — the  Spaniards,  because  they  had  come  into  the 
country  and  had  received  royal  favours  under  false  pretences,  repre- 
senting themselves  as  political  ambassadors  and  suite — the  Japanese, 
because  they  had  forsworn  the  religion  of  their  ancestors  and  bid  fair 
to  become  a  constant  danger  and  source  of  discord  in  the  realm. 
Amongst  these  Spaniards  was  Pedro  Bautista.  After  their  ears  and 
noses  had  been  cut  off,  they  were  promenaded  from  town  to  town  in  a 
cart,  finally  entering  Nagasaki  on  horseback,  each  bearing  the  sentence 
of  death  on  a  breast-board. 

On  a  high  ground,  near  the  city  and  the  port,  in  front  of  the  Jesuits1 
church,  these  26  persons  were  crucified  and  stabbed  to  death  with  lances, 
in  expiation  of  their  political  offences.  It  was  a  sad  fate  for  men  who 
conscientiously  believed  that  they  were  justified  in  violating  rights  and 

1  Philip  II. 's  persecution  of  religious  apostates  during  the  ffWan  of  the 
Flanders  "  was  due  as  much  to  the  fact  that  Protestantism  was  becoming  a  political 
force,  threatening  Spain's  dominion,  as  to  Catholic  sentiment. 


Jesuit  and  Franciscan  Jealousy  67 

laws  of  nations  for  the  propagation  of  their  particular  views ;  but  can  one 
complain  ?  Would  Buddhist  missionaries  in  Spain  have  met  with  milder 
treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Inquisitors  ? l 

Each  Catholic  body  was  supposed  to  designate  the  same  road  to 
heaven — each  professed  to  teach  the  same  means  of  obtaining  the  grace 
of  God ;  yet,  strange  to  say,  each  bore  the  other  an  implacable  hatred — 
an  inextinguishable  jealousy  !  If  conversion  to  Christianity  were  for  the 
glory  of  God  only,  what  could  it  have  mattered  whether  souls  of  Japanese 
were  saved  by  Jesuits  or  by  others  ?  For  King  Philip  it  was  the  same 
whether  his  political  tools  were  of  one  denomination  or  the  other,  but 
many  of  the  Jesuits  in  Japan  happened  to  be  Portuguese. 

The  Jesuits  in  Manila  probably  felt  that  in  view  of  their  opposition 
to  the  Franciscan  missions,  public  opinion  might  hold  them  morally 
responsible  for  indirectly  contributing  to  the  unfortunate  events  related; 
therefore,  to  justify  their  acts,  they  formally  declared  that  Pedro 
Bautista  and  his  followers  died  excommunicated,  because  they  had 
disobeyed  the  Bull  of  Pope  Gregory  XIII. 

The  general  public  were  much  excited  when  the  news  spread  through 
the  city,  and  a  special  Mass  was  said,  followed  by  a  religious  procession 
through  the  streets.  The  Governor  sent  a  commission  to  Japan,  under 
the  control  of  Luis  de  Navarrete,  to  ask  for  the  dead  bodies  and  chattels 
of  the  executed  priests.  The  Emperor  showed  no  rancour  whatsoever ; 
on  the  contrary,  his  policy  was  already  carried  out ;  and  to  welcome  the 
Spanish  lay  deputies,  he  gave  a  magnificent  banquet  and  entertained 
them  sumptuously.  Luis  de  Navarrete  having  claimed  the  dead  bodies 
of  the  priests,  the  Emperor  at  once  ordered  the  guards  on  the  execution 
ground  to  retire,  and  told  Navarrete  that  he  could  dispose  as  he  pleased 
of  the  mortal  remains.  Navarrete  therefore  hastened  to  Nagasaki,  but 
before  he  could  reach  there,  devout  Catholics  had  cut  up  the  bodies,  one 
carrying  away  a  head,  another  a  leg,  and  so  forth.  It  happened,  too,  that 
Navarrete  died  of  disease  a  few  days  after  his  arrival  in  Nagasaki. 
His  successor,  Diego  de  Losa,  recovered  the  pieces  of  the  deceased  priests, 
which  he  put  into  a  box  and  shipped  for  Manila,  but  the  vessel  and  box 
of  relics  were  lost  on  the  way. 

Diego  de  Losa  returned  to  Manila,  the  bearer  of  a  polite  letter  and 
very  acceptable  presents  from  the  Emperor  to  the  Governor  of  the 
Philippines. 

The  letter  fully  expatiated  on  recent  events,  and  set  forth  a  well- 
reasoned  justification  of  the  Emperor's  decrees  against  the  priests,  in 
terms  which  proved  that  he  was  neither  a  tyrant  nor  a  wanton  savage, 

1  Religious  intolerance  in  Spain  was  confirmed  in  1822  by  the  New  Penal  Code 
of  that  date  ;  the  text  reads  thus  :  "  Todo  el  que  conspirase  directamente  y  de 
"  hecho  a  establecer  otra  religion  en  las  Espanas,  6  a  que  la  Nacion  Espanola  deje 
"  de  profesar  la  religion  Apostdlica  Romana  es  traidor  y  sufrira  la  pena  de 
"muerte."  Articulo  227  del  Cddigo  Penal  presentado  a  las  Cortes  en  22  de  Abril 
de  1821  y  sancionado  en  1822. 


68  Emperor  Taycosama  explains  his  policy 

but  an  astute  politician.  The  letter  stated,  that  under  the  pretext  of 
being  ambassadors,  the  priests  in  question  had  come  into  the  country 
and  had  taught  a  diabolical  law  belonging  to  foreign  countries,  and 
which  aimed  at  superseding  the  rites  and  laws  of  his  own  religion, 
confused  his  people,  and  destroyed  his  Government  and  kingdom ; 
for  which  reason  he  had  rigorously  proscribed  it.  Against  these 
prohibitions,  the  religious  men  of  Luzon  preached  their  law  publicly  to 
humble  people,  such  as  servants  and  slaves.  Not  being  able  to  permit 
this  persistence  in  law-breaking,  he  had  ordered  their  death  by  placing 
them  on  crosses ;  for  he  was  informed  that  in  the  kingdom  where 
Spaniards  dominated,  this  teaching  of  their  religious  doctrine  was  but 
an  artifice  and  stratagem  by  means  of  which  the  civil  power  was 
deceitfully  gained.  He  astutely  asks  the  Gov.-General  if  he  would  con- 
sent to  Japanese  preaching  their  laws  in  his  territory,  perturbing  public 
peace  with  such  novelties  amongst  the  lower  classes  ? 

Certainly  it  would  be  severely  repressed,  argued  the  Emperor,  adding 
that  in  the  exercise  of  his  absolute  power  and  for  the  good  of  his 
subjects,  he  had  avoided  the  occurrence  in  his  dominions  of  what  had 
taken  place  in  those  regions  where  the  Spaniards  deposed  the  legitimate 
kings,  and  constituted  themselves  masters  by  religious  fraud. 

He  explains  that  the  seizure  of  the  cargo  of  a  Spanish  ship  was  only 
a  reprisal  for  the  harm  which  he  had  suffered  by  the  tumult  raised  when 
the  edict  was  evaded.  But  as  the  Spanish  Governor  had  thought  fit  to 
send  another  ambassador  from  so  far,  risking  the  perils  of  the  sea,  he  was 
anxious  for  peace  and  mutual  good-feeling,  but  only  on  the  precise  con- 
dition that  no  more  individuals  should  be  sent  to  teach  a  law  foreign  to 
his  realm,  and  under  these  unalterable  conditions  the  Governor's  subjects 
were  at  liberty  to  trade  freely  with  Japan  ;  that  by  reason  of  his  former 
friendship  and  royal  clemency,  he  had  refrained  from  killing  all  the 
Spaniards  with  the  priests  and  their  servants,  and  had  allowed  them  to 
return  to  their  country. 

As  to  religion  itself,  Taycosama  is  said  to  have  remarked  that 
among  so  many  professed,  one  more  was  of  little  consequence, — hence 
his  toleration  in  the  beginning,  and  his  continued  permission  to  the 
Jesuits  to  maintain  their  doctrines  amongst  their  own  sectarians. 
Moreover,  it  is  said  that  a  map  was  shown  to  Taycosama,  marking 
the  domains  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  that  in  reply 
to  his  inquiry  :  "  How  could  one  man  have  conquered  such  vast 
territory  ? " — a  certain  Father  Guzman  (probably  a  Portuguese)  answered: 
"  By  secretly  sending  religious  men  to>  teach  their  doctrine,  and  when  a 
"  sufficient  number  of  persons  were  so  converted,  the  Spanish  soldiery, 
"  with  their  aid,  annexed  their  country  and  overthrew  their  kings." 
Such  an  avowal  naturally  impressed  Taycosama  profoundly.1 

1  "  Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas/'  by  Juan  de  la  Conception,  Vol.  III.,  Chap.  viii. 


Executions  of  Spanish  missionaries  69 

In  Seville  there  was  quite  a  tumult  when  the  details  of  the  executions 
in  Japan  were  published. 

In  the  meantime,  the  lamentable  end  of  the  Franciscan  missionaries 
did  not  deter  others  from  making  further  attempts  to  follow  their 
example.  During  the  first  20  years  of  the  17th  century,  priests  suc- 
ceeded in  entering  Japan,  under  the  pretence  of  trading,  in  spite  of  the 
extreme  measures  adopted  to  discover  them  and  the  precautions  taken  to 
uproot  the  new  doctrine,  which  it  was  feared  would  become  the  forerunner 
of  sedition.  Indeed,  many  Japanese  nobles  professing  Christianity 
had  already  taken  up  their  residence  in  Manila,  and  were  regarded 
by  the  Emperor  as  a  constant  danger  to  his  realm,  hence  he  was  careful 
to  avoid  communication  with  the  Philippines.  During  the  short 
reigns  of  Dayfusama  and  his  son  Xogusama,  new  decrees  were  issued, 
not  against  foreign  Christians,  but  against  those  who  made  apostates 
amongst  the  Japanese ;  and  consequently  two  more  Spanish  priests 
were  beheaded. 

In  September,  1622,  a  large  number  of  Spanish  missionaries  and 
Christian  Japanese  men  and  children  were  executed  in  Nagasaki. 
Twenty-five  of  them  were  burnt  and  the  rest  beheaded,  their  remains 
being  thrown  into  the  sea  to  avoid  the  Christians  following  their  odious 
custom  of  preserving  parts  of  corpses  as  relics.  Two  days  afterwards, 
four  Franciscan  and  two  Dominican  friars  with  five  Japanese  were  burnt 
in  Omura.  Then  followed  an  edict  stating  the  pains  and  penalties,  civil 
deprivations,  etc.,  against  all  who  refused  to  abandon  their  apostasy  and 
return  to  the  faith  of  their  forefathers.  Another  edict  was  issued 
imposing  death  upon  those  who  should  conduct  priests  to  Japan,  and 
forfeiture  of  the  ships  in  which  they  should  arrive  and  the  merchandise 
with  which  they  should  come.  To  all  informers  against  native  apostates 
the  culprits1  estates  and  goods  were  transferred  as  a  reward. 

A  Spanish  deputation  Avas  sent  to  the  Emperor  of  Japan  in  1622, 
alleging  a  desire  to  renew  commercial  relations,  but  the  Emperor  was 
so  exasperated  at  the  recent  defiance  of  his  decrees  that  he  refused  to 
accept  the  deputies1  presents  from  the  Philippine  Government,  and  sent 
them  and  the  deputation  away. 

Still  there  were  friars  in  Manila  eager  to  seek  martyrdom,  but  the 
Philippine  traders,  in  view  of  the  danger  of  confiscation  of  their  ships 
and  merchandise  if  they  carried  missionaries,  resolved  not  to  despatch 
vessels  to  Japan  if  ecclesiastics  insisted  on  taking  passage.  The  Govern- 
ment supported  this  resolution  in  the  interests  of  trade,  and  formally 
prohibited  the  transport  of  priests.  The  Archbishop  of  Manila,  on  his 
part,  imposed  ecclesiastical  penalties  on  those  of  his  subordinates  who 
should  clandestinely  violate  this  prohibition. 

Supplicatory  letters  from  Japan  reached  the  religious  communities 
in  Manila,  entreating  them  to  send  more  priests  to  aid  in  the  spread  of 
Christianity ;    therefore   the   chiefs   of  the  Orders   consulted   together, 


70  Missions  to  Japan  are  interdicted 

bought  a  ship,  and  paid  high  wages  to  its  officers  to  carry  four 
Franciscan,  four  Dominican  and  two  Recoleto  priests  to  Japan.  When 
the  Governor,  Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tua,  heard  of  the  intended  expedition, 
he  threatened  to  prohibit  it,  affirming  that  he  would  not  consent  to  any 
more  victims  being  sent  to  Japan.  Thereupon  representatives  of  the 
religious  Orders  waited  upon  him,  to  state  that  if  he  persisted  in  his 
prohibition,  upon  his  conscience  would  fall  the  enormous  charge  of 
having  lost  the  souls  which  they  had  hoped  to  save.  The  Governor 
therefore  retired  from  the  discussion,  remitting  the  question  to  the 
Archbishop,  who  at  once  permitted  the  ship  to  leave,  conveying  the  ten 
priests  disguised  as  merchants.  Several  times  the  vessel  was  nearly 
wrecked,  but  at  length  arrived  safely  in  a  Japanese  port.  The  ten  priests 
landed,  and  were  shortly  afterwards  burnt  by  Imperial  order. 

In  Rome  a  very  disputed  inquiry  had  been  made  into  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Franciscan  mission  ;  but,  in  spite  of  the  severe  ordeal  of 
the  diaboli  advocatus,  cononization  was  conceded  to  Pedro  Bautista  and 
his  companions. 

In  1629  the  Papal  Bull  of  Urban  VIII.,  dated  September  14,  1627, 
was  published  in  Manila,  amidst  public  feasts  and  popular  rejoicing. 
The  Bull  declared  the  missionaries  of  Japan  to  be  Saints  and  Martyrs 
and  Patron  Saints  of  the  second  class.  Increased  animation  in  favour  of 
missions  to  Japan  became  general  in  consequence.  Ten  thousand  pesos 
were  collected  to  fit  out  a  ship  to  carry  12  priests  from  Manila,  besides 
24  priests  who  came  from  Pangasinan  to  embark  privately.  The  ship, 
however,  was  wrecked  off  the  Ilocos  Province  coast  (Luzon  Is.),  but  the 
crew  and  priests  were  saved. 

A  large  junk  was  then  secretly  prepared  at  a  distance  from  Manila 
for  the  purpose  of  conveying  another  party  of  friars  to  Japan  ;  but,  just 
as  they  were  about  to  embark,  the  Governor  sent  a  detachment  of 
soldiers  with  orders  to  prevent  them  doing  so,  and  he  definitely  prohibited 
further  missionary  expeditions. 

In  1633  the  final  extinction  of  Christians  was  vigorously  commenced 
by  the  Emperor  To-Kogunsama  ;  and  in  the  following  year  79  persons 
were  executed.  The  same  Emperor  sent  a  ship  to  Manila  with  a  present 
of  150  lepers,  saying  that,  as  he  did  not  permit  Christians  in  his  country, 
v  and  knowing  that  the  priests  had  specially  cared  for  these  unfortunate 
beings,  he  remitted  them  to  their  care.  The  first  impulse  of  the 
Spaniards  was  to  sink  the  ship  with  cannon  shots,  but  finally  it  was 
agreed  to  receive  the  lepers,  who  were  conducted  with  great  pomp 
through  the  city  and  lodged  in  a  large  shed  at  Dilao  (now  the  suburb 
of  Paco).  This  gave  rise  to  the  foundation  of  the  Saint  Lazarus1 
(Lepers'1)  Hospital,  existing  at  the  present  day.1     The  Governor  replied 

1  This  hospital  was  rebuilt  with  a  legacy  left  by  the  Gov. -General  Don 
Manuel  de  Leon  in  1677-  It  was  afterwards  subsidized  by  the  Government,  and  was 
under  the  care  of  the  Franciscan  friars  up  to  the  close  of  the  Spanish  dominion. 


Missions  to  Japan  are  abandoned  71 

to  the  Emperor  that  if  any  more  were  sent  he  would  kill  them  and  their 
conductors. 

The  Emperor  then  convoked  a  great  assembly  of  his  vassal  kings 
and  nobles,  and  solemnly  imposed  upon  them  the  strict  obligation  to 
fulfil  all  the  edicts  against  the  entry  and  permanence  of  Christians,  under 
severe  penalties,  forfeiture  of  property,  deprivation  of  dignities,  or  death. 
So  intent  was  this  Prince  on  effectually  annihilating  Christianity  within 
his  Empire,  that  he  thenceforth  interdicted  all  trade  with  Macao  ;  and 
when  in  1640  his  decree  was  disregarded  by  four  Portuguese  traders,  who, 
describing  themselves  as  ambassadors,  arrived  with  a  suite  of  46  Orientals, 
they  were  all  executed. 

In  the  same  year  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines  called  a  Congress 
of  local  officials  and  ecclesiastics,  amongst  whom  it  was  agreed  that  to 
send  missionaries  to  Japan  was  to  send  them  directly  to  death,  and  it  was 
thenceforth  resolved  to  abandon  Catholic  missions  in  that  country. 

Secret  missions  and  consequent  executions  still  continued  until  about 
the  year  1642,  when  the  Dutch  took  Tanchiu — in  Formosa  Island — 
from  the  Spaniards,  and  intercepted  the  passage  to  Japan  of  priests  and 
merchants  alike.  The  conquest  of  Japan  was  a  feat  which  all  the  artifice 
of  King  Philip  IV.'s  favourites  and  their  monastic  agents  could  not 
compass. 

In  1862,  during  the  Pontificate  of  Pius  IX.,  620  missionaries  who  had 
met  with  martyrdom  in  Japan,  in  the  17th  century,  were  canonized  with 
great  pomp  and  appropriate  ceremony  in  Rome. 


72 


CHAPTER   VI 

CONFLICTS  WITH   THE   DUTCH 

Consequent  on  the  union  of  the  Crowns  of  Portugal  and  Spain 
(1581-1640),  the  feuds,  as  between  nations,  diplomatically  subsided, 
although  the  individual  antagonism  was  as  rife  as  ever. 

Spanish  and  Portuguese  interests  in  the  Moluccas,  as  elsewhere, 
were  thenceforth  officially  mutual.  In  the  Molucca  group,  the  old 
contests  between  the  once  rival  kingdoms  had  estranged  the  natives 
from  their  ancient  compulsory  alliances.  Anti-Portuguese  and  Philo- 
Portuguese  parties  had  sprung  up  amongst  the  petty  sovereignties, 
but  the  Portuguese  fort  and  factory  established  in  Ternate  Island  were 
held  for  many  years,  despite  all  contentions.  But  another  rivalry, 
as  formidable  and  more  detrimental  than  that  of  the  Portuguese  in 
days  gone  by,  now  menaced  Spanish  ascendancy. 

From  the  close  of  the  16th  century  up  to  the  year  of  the  "Family 
Compact "  Wars  (1763),  Holland  and  Spain  were  relentless  foes.  To 
recount  the  numerous  combats  between  their  respective  fleets  during 
this  period,  would  itself  require  a  volume.  It  will  suffice  here  to  show 
the  bearing  of  these  political  conflicts  upon  the  concerns  of  the 
Philippine  Colony.  The  Treaty  of  Antwerp,  which  was  wrung  from 
the  Spaniards  in  1609,  28  years  after  the  union  of  Spain  and 
Portugal,  broke  the  scourge  of  their  tyranny,  whilst  it  failed  to  assuage 
the  mutual  antipathy.  One  of  the  consequences  of  the  "  Wars  of  the 
Flanders,11  which  terminated  with  this  treaty,  was  that  the  Dutch  were 
obliged  to  seek  in  the  Far  East  the  merchandise  which  had  hitherto 
been  supplied  to  them  from  the  Peninsula.  The  short-sighted  policy 
of  the  Spaniards  in  closing  to  the  Dutch  the  Portuguese  markets, 
which  were  now  theirs,  brought  upon  themselves  the  destruction  of 
the  monopolies  which  they  had  gained  by  the  Union.  The  Dutch 
were  now  free,  and  their  old  tyrant's  policy  induced  them  to  establish 
independently  their  own  trading  headquarters  in  the  Molucca  Islands, 
whence  they  could  obtain  directly  the  produce  forbidden  to  them  in  the 
home  ports.  Hence,  from  those  islands,  the  ships  of  a  powerful 
Netherlands  Trading  Company  sallied  forth  from  time  to  time  to  meet 
the  Spanish  galleons  from  Mexico  laden  with  silver  and  manufactured 


Expedition  against  the  Dutch  in  the  Moluccas        73 

goods.  Previous  to  this,  and  during  the  Wars  of  the  Flanders,  Dutch 
corsairs  hovered  about  the  waters  of  the  Moluccas,  to  take  reprisals 
from  the  Spaniards.  These  encounters  frequently  took  place  at  the 
eastern  entrance  of  the  San  Bernadino  Straits,  where  the  Dutch  were 
accustomed  to  heave-to  in  anticipation  of  the  arrival  of  their  prizes. 
In  this  manner,  constantly  roving  about  the  Philippine  waters,  they 
enriched  themselves  at  the  expense  of  their  detested  adversary,  and,  in 
a  small  degree,  avenged  themselves  of  the  bloodshed  and  oppression 
which  for  over  sixty  years  had  desolated  the   Low  Countries. 

The  Philippine  Colony  lost  immense  sums  in  the  seizure  of  its 
galleons  from  Mexico,  upon  which  it  almost  entirely  depended  for 
subsistence.  Being  a  dependency  of  New  Spain,  its  whole  intercourse 
with  the  civilized  world,  its  supplies  of  troops  and  European 
manufactured  articles,  were  contingent  upon  the  safe  arrival  of  the 
galleons.  Also  the  dollars  with  which  they  annually  purchased  cargoes 
from  the  Chinese  for  the  galleons  came  from  Mexico.  Consequently, 
the  Dutch  usually  took  the  aggressive  in  these  sea-battles,  although 
they  were  not  always  victorious.  When  there  were  no  ships  to  meet, 
they  bombarded  the  ports  where  others  were  being  built.  The 
Spaniards,  on  their  part,  from  time  to  time  fitted  out  vessels  to  run 
down  to  the  Molucca  Islands  to  attack  the  enemy  in  his  own  waters. 

During  the  Governorship  of  Gomez  Perez  Dasmarifias  (1590-93), 
the  native  King  of  Siao  Island — one  of  the  Molucca  group — came  to 
Manila  to  offer  homage  and  vassalage  to  the  representative  of  the  King 
of  Spain  and  Portugal,  in  return  for  protection  against  the  incursions  of 
the  Dutch  and  the  raids  of  the  Ternate  natives.  Dasmarifias  received 
him  and  the  Spanish  priests  who  accompanied  him  with  affability,  and, 
being  satisfied  with  his  credentials,  he  prepared  a  large  expedition  to 
go  to  the  Moluccas  to  set  matters  in  order.  The  fleet  was  composed 
of  several  frigates,  1  ship,  6  galleys,  and  100  small  vessels,  all  well 
armed.  The  fighting  men  numbered  100  Spaniards,  400  Pampanga 
and  Tagalog  arquebusiers,  1,000  Visaya  archers  and  lancers,  besides  100 
Chinese  to  row  the  galleys.  This  expedition,  which  was  calculated  to 
be  amply  sufficient  to  subdue  all  the  Moluccas,  sailed  from  Cavite  on 
October  6,  1593.  The  sailing  ships  having  got  far  ahead  of  the  galleys, 
they  hove-to  off  Punta  de  Aziifre  (N.  of  Maricaban  Is.)  to  wait  for 
them.  The  galleys  arrived  ;  and  the  next  day  they  were  able  to  start 
again  in  company.  Meanwhile,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  by  the  Chinese 
galleymen  to  murder  all  the  Spaniards.  Assuming  these  Chinese 
to  be  volunteers,  their  action  would  appear  to  be  extremely  vile. 
If,  however,  as  is  most  probable,  they  were  pressed  into  this  military 
service  to  foreigners,  it  seems  quite  natural,  that  being  forced  to 
bloodshed  without  alternative,  they  should  first  fight  for  their  own 
liberty,  seeing  that  they  had  come  to  the  Islands  to  trade. 

All  but  the  Chinese  were  asleep,  and  they  fell  upon  the  Spaniards  in 


74  The  Spanish  leader  is  murdered  by  Chinese 

a  body.  Eighteen  of  the  troops  and  four  slaves  escaped  by  jumping 
into  the  sea.  The  Governor  was  sleeping  in  his  cabin,  but  awoke  on 
hearing  the  noise.  He  supposed  the  ship  had  grounded,  and  was 
coming  up  the  companion  en  deshabille,  when  a  Chinaman  clove  his 
head  with  a  cutlass.  The  Governor  reached  his  state-room,  and  taking 
his  Missal  and  the  Image  of  the  Virgin  in  his  hand,  he  died  in  six  hours. 
The  Chinese  did  not  venture  below,  where  the  priests  and  armed  soldiers 
were  hidden.  They  cleared  the  decks  of  all  their  opponents,  made  fast 
the  hatches  and  gangways,  and  waited  three  days,  when,  after  putting 
ashore  those  who  were  still  alive,  they  escaped  to  Cochin  China,  where 
the  King  and  Mandarins  seized  the  vessel  and  all  she  carried.  On 
board  were  found  12,000  pesos  in  coin,  some  silver,  and  jewels  belonging 
to  the  Governor  and  his  suite.  Thus  the  expedition  was  brought  to 
an  untimely  end.  The  King  of  Siao,  and  the  missionaries  accompanying 
him,  had  started  in  advance  for  Otong  (Panay  Is.)  to  wait  for  the 
Governor,  and  there  they  received  the  news  of  the  disaster. 

Amongst  the  most  notable  of  the  successful  expeditions  of  the 
Spaniards,  was  that  of  Pedro  Bravo  de  Acuna,  in  1606,  which  consisted 
of  19  frigates,  9  galleys,  and  8  small  craft,  carrying  a  total  of  about 
2,000  men,  and  provisions  for  a  prolonged  struggle.  The  result  was 
that  they  subdued  a  petty  sultan,  friendly  to  the  Dutch,  and  established 
a  fortress  on  his  island. 

About  the  year  1607  the  Supreme  Court  (the  Governorship  being 
vacant  from  1606  to  1608),  hearing  that  a  Dutch  vessel  was  hovering 
off  Ternate,  sent  a  ship  against  it,  commanded  by  Pedro  de  Heredia. 
A  combat  ensued.  The  Dutch  commander  was  taken  prisoner  with 
several  of  his  men,  and  lodged  in  the  fort  at  Ternate,  but  was  ransomed 
on  payment  of  P. 50,000  to  the  Spanish  commander.  Heredia  returned 
joyfully  to  Manila,  where,  much  to  his  surprise,  he  was  prosecuted  by 
the  Supreme  Court  for  exceeding  his  instructions,  and  expired  of 
melancholy.  The  ransomed  Dutch  leader  was  making  his  way  back 
to  his  headquarters  in  a  small  ship,  peacefully,  and  without  threatening 
the  Spaniards  in  any  way,  when  the  Supreme  Court  treacherously  sent 
a  galley  and  a  frigate  after  him  to  make  him  prisoner  a  second  time. 
Overwhelmed  by  numbers  and  arms,  and  little  expecting  such  perfidious 
conduct  of  the  Spaniards,  he  was  at  once  arrested  and  brought  to 
Manila.  The  Dutch  returned  22  Spanish  prisoners  of  war  to  Manila 
to  ransom  him,  but  whilst  these  were  retained,  the  Dutch  commander 
was  nevertheless   imprisoned  for  life. 

Some  years  afterwards  a  Dutch  squadron  anchored  off  the  south 
point  of  Bataan  Province,  not  far  from  Punta  Mariveles,  at  the 
entrance  to  Manila  Bay.  Juan  de  Silva,  the  Governor  (1609-16), 
was  in  great  straits.  Several  ships  had  been  lost  by  storms,  others 
were  away,  and  there  was  no  adequate  floating  armament  with  which 
to    meet   the    enemy.       However,   the    Dutch    lay-to   for   five   or   six 


The  Spanish  victory  of  Playa  Honda  75 

months,  waiting  to  seize  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  traders1  goods  on 
their  way  to  the  Manila  market.  They  secured  immense  booty,  and 
were  in  no  hurry  to  open  hostilities.  This  delay  gave  de  Silva  time  to 
prepare  vessels  to  attack  the  foe.  In  the  interval  he  dreamt  that  Saint 
Mark  had  offered  to  help  him  defeat  the  Dutch.  On  awaking,  he 
called  a  priest,  whom  he  consulted  about  the  dream,  and  they  agreed 
that  the  nocturnal  vision  was  a  sign  from  Heaven  denoting  a  victory. 
The  priest  went  (from  Cavite)  to  Manila  to  procure  a  relic  of  this 
glorious  intercessor,  and  returned  with  his  portrait  to  the  Governor, 
who  adored  it.  In  haste  the  ships  and  armament  were  prepared.  On 
Saint  Mark's  day,  therefore,  the  Spaniards  sallied  forth  from  Cavite 
with  six  ships,  carrying  70  guns,  and  two  galleys  and  two  launches, 
also  well  armed,  besides  a  number  of  small,  light  vessels  to  assist  in  the 
formation  of  line  of  battle. 

All  the  European  fighting  men  in  Manila  and  Cavite  embarked — 
over  1,000  Spaniards — the  flower  of  the  Colony,  together  with  a  large 
force  of  natives,  who  were  taught  to  believe  that  the  Dutch  were  infidels. 
On  the  issue  of  this  day's  events  perchance  depended  the  possession  of 
the  Colony.  Manila  and  Cavite  were  garrisoned  by  volunteers. 
Orations  were  offered  in  the  churches.  The  Miraculous  Image  of  Our 
Lady  of  the  Guide  was  taken  in  procession  from  the  Hermitage,  and 
exposed  to  public  view  in  the  Cathedral.  The  Saints  of  the  different 
churches  and  sanctuaries  were  adored  and  exhibited  daily.  The 
Governor  himself  took  the  supreme  command,  and  dispelled  all 
wavering  doubt  in  his  subordinates  by  proclaiming  Saint  Mark's 
promise  of  intercession.  On  his  ship  he  hoisted  the  Royal  Standard, 
on  which  was  embroidered  the  Image  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  with  the 
motto  "  Mostrate  esse  Matrem?  and  over  a  beautifully  calm  sea  he  led 
the  way  to  battle  and  to  victory. 

A  shot  from  the  Spanish  heavy  artillery  opened  the  bloody  combat. 
The  Dutch  were  completely  vanquished,  after  a  fierce  struggle,  which 
lasted  six  hours.  Their  three  ships  were  destroyed,  and  their  flags, 
artillery,  and  plundered  merchandise,  to  the  value  of  P.300,000,  were 
seized.  This  famous  engagement  was  thenceforth  known  as  the  Battle 
of  Playa  Honda. 

Again,  in  1611,  under  de  Silva,  a  squadron  sailed  to  the  Moluccas 
and  defeated  the  Dutch  off  Gilolo  Island. 

In  1617  the  Spaniards  had  a  successful  engagement  off  the 
Zambales  coast  with  the  Dutch,  who  lost  three  of  their  ships. 

In  July,  1620,  three  Mexican  galleons  were  met  by  three  Dutch 
vessels  off"  Cape  Espiritu  Santo  (Samar  Is.),  at  the  entrance  of  the 
San  Bernadino  Straits,  but  managed  to  escape  in  the  dark.  Two  ran 
ashore  and  broke  up ;  the  third  reached  Manila.  After  this,  the 
Gov. -General,  Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tua,  ordered  the  course  of  the 
State  ships  to  be  varied  on  each  voyage. 


76  Koxinga  threatens  to  attack  the  Colony 

In  1625  the  Dutch  again  appeared  off  the  Zambales  coast,  and 
Gerdnimo  de  Silva  went  out  against  them.  The  Spaniards,  having  lost 
one  man,  relinquished  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  the  Commander 
was  brought  to  trial  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

In  1626,  at  the  close  of  the  Governorship  of  Fernando  de  Silva,  a 
Spanish  Colony  was  founded  on  Formosa  Island,  but  no  supplies  were 
sent  to  it,  and  consequently  in  1642  it  surrendered  to  the  Dutch,  who 
held  it  for  20  years,  until  they  were  driven  out  by  the  Chinese 
adventurer  Koxinga.  And  thus  for  over  a  century  and  a  half  the 
strife  continued,  until  the  Dutch  concentrated  their  attention  on  the 
development  of  their  Eastern  Colonies,  which  the  power  of  Spain, 
growing  more  and  more  effete,  was  incompetent  to  impede. 
****** 

In  the  middle  of  the  17th  century  the  Tartars  invaded  China  and 
overthrew  the  Min  Dynasty — at  that  time  represented  by  the  Chinese 
Emperor  Yunglic.  He  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  the  Tartar 
Emperor  Kungchi,  to  whose  arbitrary  power  nearly  all  the  Chinese 
Empire  had  submitted.  Amongst  the  few  Mongol  chiefs  who  held  out 
against  Ta-Tsing  dominion  was  a  certain  Mandarin  known  by  the 
name  of  Koxinga,  who  retired  to  the  Island  of  Kinmuen,  where  he 
asserted  his  independence  and  defied  his  nation's  conqueror.  Securely 
established  in  his  stronghold,  he  invited  the  Chinese  to  take  refuge  in 
his  island  and  oppose  the  Tartar's  rule.  Therefore  the  Emperor  ordered 
that  no  man  should  inhabit  China  within  four  leagues  of  the  coast, 
except  in  those  provinces  which  were  undoubtedly  loyal  to  the  new 
Government.  The  coast  was  consequently  laid  bare  ;  vessels,  houses, 
plantations,  and  everything  useful  to  man,  were  destroyed  in  order 
to  cut  off  effectually  all  communications  with  lands  beyond  the  Tartar 
Empire.  The  Chinese  from  the  coast,  who  for  generations  had  earned 
a  living  by  fishing,  etc.,  crowded  into  the  interior,  and  their  misery  was 
indescribable. 

Koxinga,  unable  to  communicate  with  the  mainland  of  the  Empire, 
turned  his  attention  to  the  conquest  of  Formosa  Island,  at  the  time 
in  the  possession  of  the  Dutch.  According  to  Dutch  accounts  the 
European  settlers  numbered  about  600,  with  a  garrison  of  2,200.  The 
Dutch  artillery,  stores,  and  merchandise  were  valued  at  P.8,000,000, 
and  the  Chinese,  who  attacked  them  under  Koxinga,  were  about 
100,000  strong.  The  settlement  surrendered  to  the  invaders'  superior 
numbers,  and  Koxinga  established  himself  as  King  of  the  Island. 
Koxinga  had  become  acquainted  with  an  Italian  Dominican  missionary 
named  Vittorio  Riccio,  whom  he  created  a  Mandarin,  and  sent  him  as 
Ambassador  to  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines.  Riccio  therefore  arrived 
in  Manila  in  1662,  the  bearer  of  Koxinga's  despatches  calling  upon  the 
Governor  to  pay  tribute,  under  threat  of  the  Colony  being  attacked  by 
Koxinga  if  his  demand  were  refused. 


Vittorio  Riccio — Chinese  revolt  77 

The  position  of  Riccio  as  a  European  friar  and  Ambassador  of  a 
Mongol  adventurer  was  as  awkward  as  it  was  novel.  He  was  received 
with  great  honour  in  Manila,  where  he  disembarked,  and  rode  to  the 
Government  House  in  the  full  uniform  of  a  Chinese  envoy,  through 
lines  of  troops  drawn  up  to  salute  him  as  he  passed.  At  the  same  time, 
letters  from  Formosa  had  also  been  received  by  the  Chinese  in  Manila, 
and  the  Government  at  once  accused  them  of  conniving  at  rebellion. 
All  available  forces  were  concentrated  in  the  capital ;  and  to  increase  the 
garrison  the  Governor  published  a  decree,  dated  May  6,  1662,  ordering 
the  demolition  of  the  forts  of  Zamboanga,  Yligan  (Mindanao  Is.), 
Calamianes  and  Ternate x  (Moluccas). 

The  only  provincial  fort  preserved  was  that  of  Surigao  (then  called 
Caraga),  consequently  in  the  south  the  Mahometans  became  complete 
masters  on  land  and  at  sea  for  half  a  year. 

The  troops  in  Manila  numbered  100  cavalry  and  8,000  infantry. 
Fortifications  were  raised,  and  redoubts  were  constructed  in  which  to 
secrete  the  Treasury  funds.  When  all  the  armament  was  in  readiness, 
the  Spaniards  incited  the  Chinese  to  rebel,  in  order  to  afford  a  pretext 
for  their  massacre. 

Two  junk  masters  were  seized,  and  the  Chinese  population  was 
menaced ;  therefore  they  prepared  for  their  own  defence,  and  then 
opened  the  affray,  for  which  the  Government  was  secretly  longing,  by 
killing  a  Spaniard  in  the  market-place.  Suddenly  artillery  fire  was 
opened  on  the  Parian,  and  many  of  the  peaceful  Chinese  traders,  in  their 
terror,  hanged  themselves ;  many  were  drowned  in  the  attempt  to  reach 
the  canoes  in  which  to  get  away  to  sea ;  some  few  did  safely  arrive  in 
Formosa  Island  and  joined  Koxinga^  camp,  whilst  others  took  to  the 
mountains.  Some  8,000  to  9,000  Chinese  remained  quiet,  but  ready  for 
any  event,  when  they  were  suddenly  attacked  by  Spaniards  and  natives. 
The  confusion  was  general,  and  the  Chinese  seemed  to  be  gaining 
ground  ;  therefore  the  Governor  sent  the  Ambassador  Riccio  and  a  certain 
Fray  Joseph  de  Madrid  to  parley  with  them.  The  Chinese  accepted 
the  terms  offered  by  Riccio,  who  returned  to  the  Governor,  leaving  Fray 
Joseph  with  the  rebels ;  but  when  Riccio  went  back  with  a  general 
pardon  and  a  promise  to  restore  the  two  junk  masters,  he  found  that 
they  had  beheaded  the  priest.  A  general  carnage  of  the  Mongols 
followed,  and  Juan  de  la  Concepcion  says 2  that  the  original  intention 
of  the  Spaniards  was  to  kill  every  Chinaman,  but  that  they  desisted  in 
view  of  the  inconvenience  which  would  have  ensued  from  the  want  of 
tradesmen  and  mechanics.     Therefore  they  made  a  virtue  of  a  necessity, 

1  From  this  date  the  Molucca  Islands  were  definitely  evacuated  and  abandoned 
by  the  Spaniards,  although  as  many  men  and  as  much  material  and  money  had  been 
employed  in  garrisons  and  conveyance  of  subsidies  there  as  in  the  whole  Philippine 
Colony  up  to  that  period. 

2  "Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,"  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  48, 
published  at  Manila,  1788. 


78  Spanish  Governors-General 

and  graciously  pardoned  in  the  name  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  all  who 
laid  down  their  arms. 

Riccio  returned  to  Formosa  Island,  and  found  Koxinga  preparing 
for  warfare  against  the  Philippines,  but  before  he  could  carry  out  his 
intentions  he  died  of  fever.  The  chiefs  successor,  of  a  less  bellicose 
spirit,  sent  Riccio  a  second  time  to  Manila,  and  a  treaty  was  agreed  to, 
re-establishing  commercial  relations  with  the  Chinese.  Shortly  after 
Koxinga's  decease  a  rebellion  was  raised  in  Formosa ;  and  the  Island, 
falling  at  length  into  the  hands  of  a  Tartar  party,  became  annexed  to 
China  under  the  new  dynasty.  Then  Riccio  was  called  upon  to  relate 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  Koxinga's  affairs,  and  he  was  heard  in 
council.  Some  present  were  in  favour  of  invading  the  Philippines  in 
great  force  because  of  the  cruel  and  unwarranted  general  massacre  of  the 
Chinese  in  cold  blood ;  but  Riccio  took  pains  to  show  how  powerful 
Spain  was,  and  how  justified  was  the  action  of  the  Spaniards,  as  a 
measure  of  precaution,  in  view  of  the  threatened  invasion  of  Koxinga. 
The  Chinese  party  was  appeased,  but  had  the  Tartars  cared  to  take  up 
the  cause  of  their  conquered  subjects,  the  fate  of  the  Philippines  would 
have  been  doubtful. 

****** 

The  rule  of  the  Governors-General  of  the  Islands  was,  upon  the 
whole,  benignant  with  respect  to  the  natives  who  manifested  submission. 
Apart  from  the  unconcealed  animosity  of  the  monastic  party,  the  Gov.- 
General's  liberty  of  action  was  always  very  much  locally  restrained  by  the 
Supreme  Court  and  by  individual  officials.  The  standing  rule  was,  that 
in  the  event  of  the  death  or  deprivation  of  office  of  the  Gov.-General, 
the  Civil  Government  was  to  be  assumed  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the 
military  administration  by  the  senior  magistrate.  Latterly,  in  the  absence 
of  a  Gov.-General,  from  any  cause  whatsoever,  the  sub-inspector  of  the 
forces  became  Acting-Gov.-General. 

Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  the  authority  of  the  King's 
absolute  will  was  always  jealously  imposed,  and  the  Governors-General 
were  frequently  rebuked  for  having  exercised  independent  action,  taking 
the  initiative  in  what  they  deemed  the  best  policy.  But  Royal  Decrees 
could  not  enforce  honesty ;  the  peculations  and  frauds  on  the  part  of  the 
secular  authorities,  and  increasing  quarrels  and  jealousies  amongst  the 
several  religious  bodies,  seemed  to  annihilate  all  prospect  of  social  and 
material  progress  of  the  Colony.  As  early  as  the  reign  of  Philip  III. 
(1598-1621)  the  procurators  of  Manila  had,  during  three  years,  been 
unsuccessfully  soliciting  from  the  mother  country  financial  help  for  the 
Philippines  to  meet  official  discrepancies.  The  affairs  of  the  Colony  were 
eventually  submitted  to  a  special  Royal  Commission  in  Spain,  the  result 
being  that  the  King  was  advised  to  abandon  this  possession,  which  was 
not  only  unproductive,  but  had  become  a  costly  centre  of  disputes  and 
bad  feeling.     However,  Fray  Hernando  de  Moraga,  a  missionary  from  the 


Vicissitudes  of  Governors-General  79 

Philippines,  happened  to  be  in  the  Peninsula  at  the  time,  and  successfully 
implored  the  King  to  withhold  his  ratification  of  the  recommendation  of 
the  Commission.  His  Majesty  avowed  that  even  though  the  maintenance 
of  this  Colony  should  exhaust  his  Mexican  Treasury,  his  conscience 
would  not  allow  him  to  consent  to  the  perdition  of  souls  which  had  been 
saved,  nor  to  relinquish  the  hope  of  rescuing  yet  far  more  in  these 
distant  regions. 

During  the  first  two  centuries  following  the  foundation  of  the 
Colony,  it  was  the  custom  for  a  Royal  Commission  to  be  appointed  to 
inquire  into  the  official  acts  of  the  outgoing  Governor  before  he  could 
leave  the  Islands — Hacerle  la  residential  as  it  was  called. 

Whilst  on  the  one  hand  this  measure  effectually  served  as  a  check 
upon  a  Governor  who  might  be  inclined  to  adopt  unjustifiable  means 
of  coercion,  or  commit  defalcations,  it  was  also  attended  with  many 
abuses ;  for  against  an  energetic  ruler  an  antagonistic  party  was  always 
raised,  ready  to  join  in  the  ultimate  ruin  of  the  Governor  who  had 
aroused  their  susceptibilities  by  refusing  to  favour  their  nefarious 
schemes.  Hence  when  a  prima  facie  case  was  made  out  against  a 
Governor,  his  inexperienced  successor  was  often  persuaded  to  consent 
to  his  incarceration  whilst  the  articles  of  impeachment  were  being 
investigated. 

Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera  (1635-44)  had  been  Governor 
of  Panama  before  he  was  appointed  to  the  Philippines.  During  his 
term  of  office  here  he  had  usually  sided  with  the  Jesuits  on  important 
questions  taken  up  by  the  friars,  and  on  being  succeeded  by  Diego 
Fajardo,  he  was  brought  to  trial,  fined  P. 25,000,  and  put  into  prison. 
After  five  years1  confinement  he  was  released  by  Royal  Order  and 
returned  to  Spain,  where  the  King  partially  compensated  him  with  the 
Government  of  the  Canary  Islands. 

Juan  Vargas  (1678-84)  had  been  in  office  for  nearly  seven  years, 
and  the  Royal  Commissioner  who  inquired  into  his  acts  took  four  years 
to  draw  up  his  report.  He  filled  20  large  volumes  of  a  statement  of 
the  charges  made  against  the  late  Governor,  some  of  which  were  grave, 
but  the  majority  of  them  were  of  a  very  frivolous  character.  This  is 
the  longest  inquiry  of  the  kind  on  record. 

Acting-Governor  Jose  Torralba  (1715-17)  was  arrested  on  the 
termination  of  his  Governorship  and  confined  in  the  Fortress  of 
Santiago,  charged  with  embezzlement  to  the  amount  of  P.700,000.  He 
had  also  to  deposit  the  sum  of  P.  20,000  for  the  expenses  of  the  inquiry 
commission.  Several  other  officials  were  imprisoned  with  him  as 
accomplices  in  his  crimes.  He  is  said  to  have  sent  his  son  with  public 
funds  on  trading  expeditions  around  the  coasts,  and  his  wife  and  young 
children  to  Mexico  with  an  enormous  sum  of  money  defrauded  from 
the  Government.  Figures  at  that  date  show,  that  when  he  took  the 
Government,  there  was  a  balance  in  the  Treasury  of  P.238,849,  and 


80  Gov. -General  Fajardo  kills  his  wife 

when  he  left  it  in  two  years  and  a  half,  the  balance  was  P.33,226, 
leaving  a  deficit  of  P.205,623,  whilst  the  expenses  of  the  Colony 
were  not  extraordinary  during  that  period.  Amongst  other  charges, 
he  was  accused  of  having  sold  ten  Provincial  Government  licences 
(encomiendas),  many  offices  of  notaries,  scriveners,  etc.,  and  conceded 
27  months'1  gambling  licences  to  the  Chinese  in  the  Parian  without 
accounting  to  the  Treasury.  He  was  finally  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of 
P.  100,000,  the  costs  of  the  trial,  the  forfeiture  of  the  P.20,000  already 
deposited,  perpetual  deprivation  of  public  office,  and  banishment  from 
the  Philippine  Islands  and  Madrid.  When  the  Royal  Order  reached 
Manila  he  was  so  ill  that  his  banishment  was  postponed.  He  lived 
for  a  short  time  nominally  under  arrest,  and  was  permitted  to  beg  alms 
for  his  subsistence  within  the  city  until  he  died  in  the  Hospital  of 
San  Juan  de  Dios  in  1736. 

The  defalcations  of  some  of  the  Governors  caused  no  inconsiderable 
anxiety  to  the  Sovereign.  Pedro  de  Arandia,  in  his  dual  capacity  of 
Gov. -General  and  Chief  Justice  (1754-59),  was  a  corrupt  administrator 
of  his  country's  wealth.  He  is  said  to  have  amassed  a  fortune  of 
P.25,000  during  his  five  years1  term  of  office,  and  on  his  death  he  left  it 
all  to  pious  works  (vide  "  Obras  pias w). 

Governor  Berenguer  y  Marquina  (1788-93)  was  accused  of  bribery, 
but  the  King  absolved  him. 

In  the  last  century  a  Governor  of  Yloilo  is  said  to  have  absconded 
in  a  sailing-ship  with  a  large  sum  of  the  public  funds.  A  local  Governor 
was  then  also  ex-qfficio  administrator  ;  and,  although  the  system  was 
afterwards  reformed,  official  extortion  was  rife  throughout  the  whole 
Spanish  administration  of  the  Colony,  up  to  the  last. 

A  strange  drama  of  the  year  1622  well  portrays  the  spirit  of  the 
times — the  immunity  of  a  Gov.-General  in  those  days,  as  well  as  the 
religious  sentiment  which  accompanied  his  most  questionable  acts. 
Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tua  having  suspected  his  wife  of  infidelity,  went  to 
the  house  where  she  was  accustomed  to  meet  her  paramour.  Her  attire 
was  such  as  to  confirm  her  husband's  surmises.  He  called  a  priest  and 
instructed  him  to  confess  her,  telling  him  that  he  intended  to  take  her 
life.  The  priest,  failing  to  dissuade  Fajardo  from  inflicting  such  an 
extreme  penalty,  took  her  confession  and  proffered  her  spiritual 
consolation.  Then  Fajardo,  incensed  with  jealousy,  mortally  stabbed 
her.  No  inquiry  into  the  occurrence  seems  to  have  been  made,  and  he 
continued  to  govern  for  two  years  after  the  event,  when  he  died  of 
melancholy.  It  is  recorded  that  the  paramour,  who  was  the  son  of  a 
Cadiz  merchant,  had  formerly  been  the  accepted  fiance  of  Fajardo's 
wife,  and  that  he  arrived  in  Manila  in  their  company.  The  Governor 
gave  him  time  to  confess  before  he  killed  him,  after  which  (according 
to  one  account)  he  caused  his  house  to  be  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the 
land  on  which  it  stood  to  be  strewn  with  salt.     Juan  de  la  Conception, 


Spain  s  futile  attempt  to  capture  Macao  81 

however,  says  that  the  house  stood  for  one  hundred  years  after  the  event 
as  a  memorial  of  the  punishment. 

In  1640  Olivarez,  King  Philip  IV.\s  chief  counsellor,  had  succeeded 
by  his  arrogance  and  unprecedented  policy  of  repression  in  arousing  the 
latent  discontent  of  the  Portuguese.  A  few  years  previously  they  had 
made  an  unsuccessful  effort  to  regain  their  independent  nationality  under 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Duke  of  Braganza.  At  length,  when  a  call  was 
made  upon  their  boldest  warriors  to  support  the  King  of  Spain  in  his 
protracted  struggle  with  the  Catalonians,  an  insurrection  broke  out, 
which  only  terminated  when  Portugal  had  thrown  off,  for  ever,  the  scourge 
of  Spanish  supremacy. 

The  Duke  of  Braganza  was  crowned  King  of  Portugal  under  the 
title  of  John  IV.,  and  every  Portuguese  colony  declared  in  his  favour, 
except  Ceuta,  on  the  African  coast.  The  news  of  the  separation  of 
Portugal  from  Spain  reached  Manila  in  the  following  year.  The 
Gov.-General  at  that  time — Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera — at  once 
sent  out  an  expedition  of  picked  men  under  Juan  Claudio  with 
orders  to  take  Macao, — a  Portuguese  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Canton  River,  about  40  miles  west  of  Hongkong.  The  attempt 
miserably  failed,  and  the  blue-and-white  ensign  continued  to  wave 
unscathed  over  the  little  territory.  The  Governor  of  Macao,  who 
was  willing  to  yield,  was  denounced  a  traitor  to  Portugal,  and  killed 
by  the  populace.  Juan  Claudio,  who  was  taken  prisoner,  was  generously 
liberated  by  favour  of  the  Portuguese  Viceroy  of  Goa,  and  returned 
to  Manila  to  relate  his  defeat.1 

The  Convent  of  Santa  Clara  was  founded  in  Manila  in  1621  by 
Gerdnima  de  la  Asuncion,  who,  three  years  afterwards,  was  expelled 
from  the  management  by  the  friars  because  she  refused  to  admit  reforms 
in  the  conventual  regulations.  The  General  Council  subsequently 
restored  her  to  the  matronship  for  20  years.  Public  opinion  was  at  this 
time  vividly  aroused  against  the  superiors  of  the  convents,  who,  it  was 
alleged,  made  serious  inroads  on  society  by  inveigling  the  marriageable 
young  women  into  taking  the  veil  and  to  live  unnatural  lives.  The 
public  demanded  that  there  should  be  a  fixed  limit  to  the  number  of 
nuns  admitted.  An  ecclesiastic  of  high  degree  made  strenuous  efforts  to 
rescue  three  nuns  who  had  just  been  admitted,  but  the  abbess  persistently 
refused  to  surrender  them  until  her  excommunication  was  published  on 
the  walls  of  the  nunnery. 

In  1750  a  certain  Mother  Cecilia,  who  had  been  in  the  nunnery  of 
Santa  Catalina  since  she  was  16  years  of  age,  fell  in  love  with  a  Spaniard 
who  lived  opposite,  named  Francisco  Antonio  de  Figueroa,  and  begged 

1  Macao  is  held  by  the  Portuguese  since  1557.  During  the  Union  of  Spain  and 
Portugal  (1581- 1640),  the  Dutch  made  two  unsuccessful  attempts  to  seize  it  (1622 
and  1627).  This  colony  was  the  great  European-Chinese  emporium  prior  to 
Hong-Kong  (1841),  and  paid  crown  rent  to  China  up  to  1848. 

6 


82  The  High  Host  is  stolen — The  Inquisition 

to  be  relieved  of  her  vows  and  have  her  liberty  restored  to  her.  The 
Archbishop  was  willing  to  grant  her  request,  which  was,  however,  stoutly 
opposed  by  the  Dominican  friars.  On  appeal  being  made  to  the 
Governor,  as  viceregal  patron,  he  ordered  her  to  be  set  at  liberty. 
The  friars  nevertheless  defied  the  Governor,  who,  to  sustain  his  authority, 
was  compelled  to  order  the  troops  to  be  placed  under  arms,  and  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  artillery  to  hold  the  cannons  in  readiness  to  fire 
when  and  where  necessary.  In  view  of  these  preparations,  the  friars 
allowed  the  nun  to  leave  her  confinement,  and  she  was  lodged  in  the 
College  of  Santa  Potenciana  pending  the  dispute.  Public  excitement 
was  intense.  The  Archbishop  ordered  the  girl  to  be  liberated,  but  as 
his  subordinates  were  still  contumacious  to  his  bidding,  the  Bishop  of 
Cebu  was  invited  to  arbitrate  on  the  question,  but  he  declined  to  inter- 
fere, therefore  an  appeal  was  remitted  to  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico.  In 
the  meantime  the  girl  was  married  to  her  lover,  and  long  afterwards  a 
citation  arrived  from  Mexico  for  the  woman  to  appear  at  that  ecclesi- 
astical court.  She  went  there  with  her  husband,  from  whom  she  was 
separated  whilst  the  case  was  being  tried,  but  in  the  end  her  liberty  and 
marriage  were  confirmed. 

During  the  Government  of  Nino  de  Tabora  (1626-32),  the  High 
Host  and  sacred  vessels  were  stolen  from  the  Cathedral  of  Manila.  The 
Archbishop  was  in  consequence  sorely  distressed,  and  walked  barefooted 
to  the  Jesuits'1  convent  to  weep  with  the  priests,  and  therein  find  a  solace 
for  his  mental  affliction.  It  was  surmised  that  the  wrath  of  God  at  such 
a  crime  would  assuredly  be  avenged  by  calamities  on  the  inhabitants,  and 
confessions  were  made  daily.  The  friars  agreed  to  appease  the  anger  of 
the  Almighty  by  making  public  penance  and  by  public  prayer.  The 
Archbishop  subjected  himself  to  a  most  rigid  abstinence.  He  perpetually 
fasted,  ate  herbs,  drank  only  water,  slept  on  the  floor  with  a  stone  for  a 
pillow,  and  flagellated  his  own  body.  On  Corpus  Christi  day  a  religious 
procession  passed  through  the  public  thoroughfares  solemnly  exhorting 
the  delinquents  to  restore  the  body  of  Our  Saviour,  but  all  in  vain. 
The  melancholy  prelate,  weak  beyond  recovery  from  his  self-imposed 
privations,  came  to  the  window  of  his  retreat  as  the  cortege  passed  in 
front  of  it,  and  there  he  breathed  his  last. 

As  in  all  other  Spanish  colonies,  the  Inquisition  had  its  secret  agents 
or  commissaries  in  the  Philippines.  Sometimes  a  priest  would  hold 
powers  for  several  years  to  inquire  into  the  private  lives  and  acts  of 
individuals,  whilst  no  one  knew  who  the  informer  was.  The  Holy  Office 
ordered  that  its  Letter  of  Anathema,  with  the  names  in  full  of  all  persons 
who  had  incurred  pains  and  penalties  for  heresy,  should  be  read  in  public 
places  every  three  years,  but  this  order  was  not  fulfilled.  The  Letter  of 
Anathema  was  so  read  in  1669,  and  the  only  time  since  then  up  to  the 
present  day  was  in  1718. 


Spanish  Prime  Minister  banished  to  Cavite  83 

During  the  minority  of  the  young  Spanish  King  Charles  II.  the 
regency  was  held  by  his  mother,  the  Queen-Dowager,  who  was  unfor- 
tunately influenced  by  favourites,  to  the  great  disgust  of  the  Court  and 
the  people.  Amongst  these  sycophants  was  a  man  named  Valenzuela,  of 
noble  birth,  who,  as  a  boy,  had  followed  the  custom  of  those  days,  and 
entered  as  page  to  a  nobleman — the  Duke  del  Infantado — to  learn 
manners  and  Court  etiquette. 

The  Duke  went  to  Italy  as  Spanish  ambassador,  and  took  Valenzuela 
under  his  protection.  He  was  a  handsome  and  talented  young  fellow, — 
learned  for  those  times, — intelligent,  well  versed  in  all  the  generous 
exercises  of  chivalry,  and  a  poet  by  nature.  On  his  return  from  Italy 
with  the  Duke,  his  patron  caused  him  to  be  created  a  Cavalier  of  the 
Order  of  Saint  James.  The  Duke  shortly  afterwards  died,  but  through 
the  influence  of  the  Dowager-Queen's  confessor — the  notorious  Nitard, 
also  a  favourite — young  Valenzuela  was  presented  at  Court,  where  he 
made  love  to  one  of  the  Queen's  maids-of-honour — a  German — and 
married  her.  The  Prince,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  who  headed  the  party 
against  the  Queen,  expelled  her  favourite  (Nitard)  from  Court,  and 
Valenzuela  became  Her  Majesty's  sole  confidential  adviser.  Nearly 
every  night,  at  late  hours,  the  Queen  went  to  Valenzuela's  apartment 
to  confer  with  him,  whilst  he  daily  brought  her  secret  news  gleaned 
from  the  courtiers.  The  Queen  created  him  Marquis  of  San  Bartolome 
and  of  Villa  Sierra,  a  first-class  Grandee  of  Spain,  and  Prime  Minister. 
He  was  a  most  perfect  courtier ;  and  it  is  related  of  him  that  when  a 
bull-fight  took  place,  he  used  to  go  to  the  royal  box  richly  adorned  in 
fighting  attire,  and,  with  profound  reverence,  beg  Her  Majesty's  leave  to 
challenge  the  bull.  The  Queen,  it  is  said,  never  refused  him  the  solicited 
permission,  but  tenderly  begged  of  him  not  to  expose  himself  to  such 
dangers.  Sometimes  he  would  appear  in  the  ring  as  a  cavalier,  in  a 
black  costume  embroidered  with  silver  and  with  a  large  white-and-black 
plume,  in  imitation  of  the  Queen's  half  mourning.  It  was  much  remarked 
that  on  one  occasion  he  wore  a  device  of  the  sun  with  an  eagle  looking 
down  upon  it,  and  the  words,  "  /  alone  have  licence.'''' 

He  composed  several  comedies,  and  allowed  them  to  be  performed 
at  his  expense  for  the  free  amusement  of  the  people.  He  also  much 
improved  the  city  of  Madrid  with  fine  buildings,  bridges,  and  many 
public  works  to  sustain  his  popularity  amongst  the  citizens. 

The  young  King,  now  a  youth,  ordered  a  deer  hunt  to  be  prepared 
in  the  Escorial  grounds  ;  and  during'the  diversion  His  Majesty  happened 
to  shoot  Valenzuela  in  the  muscle  of  his  arm,  whether  intentionally  or 
accidentally  is  not  known.  However,  the  terrified  Queen-mother  fainted 
and  fell  into  the  arms  of  her  ladies-in-waiting.  This  circumstance  was 
much  commented  upon,  and  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  the  public 
odium  and  final  downfall  of  Valenzuela  in  1684.  At  length  Don  Juan 
de  Austria  returned  to  the  Court,  when  the  young  King  was  of  an  age 


84  Monseigneur  Maillard  de  Tournon 

to  appreciate  public  concerns,  and  he  became  more  the  Court  favourite 
than  ever  Valenzuela  or  Nitard  had  been  during  the  Dowager-Queen's 
administration.  Valenzuela  fell  at  once  from  the  exclusive  position  he 
had  held  in  royal  circles  and  retired  to  the  Escorial,  where,  by  order 
of  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  a  party  of  young  noblemen,  including  Don 
Juan's  son,  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  the  Marquis  of  Valparaiso,  and 
others  of  rank,  accompanied  by  200  horsemen,  went  to  seize  the  dis- 
favoured courtier.  He  was  out  walking  at  the  time  of  their  arrival,  but 
he  was  speedily  apprised  of  the  danger  by  his  bosom  friend,  the  Prior  of 
Saint  Jerome  Monastery.  The  priest  hid  him  in  the  roof  of  the  monastery, 
where,  being  nearly  suffocated  for  want  of  ventilation,  a  surgeon  was 
sent  up  to  bleed  him  and  make  him  sleep.  The  search  party  failed  to 
find  the  refugee,  and  were  about  to  return,  when  the  surgeon  treacherously 
betrayed  the  secret  to  them,  and  Valenzuela  was  discovered  sleeping  with 
arms  by  his  side.  He  was  made  prisoner,  confined  in  a  castle,  degraded 
of  all  his  honours  and  rank,  and  finally  banished  by  Don  Juan  de  Austria 
to  the  furthermost  Spanish  possession  in  the  world — the  Philippines, — 
whilst  his  family  was  incarcerated  in  a  convent  at  Talavera  in  Spain. 

When  the  Pope  heard  of  this  violation  of  Church  asylum  in  the 
Escorial  committed  by  the  nobles,  he  excommunicated  all  concerned  in 
it ;  and  in  order  to  purge  themselves  of  their  sin  and  obtain  absolution, 
they  were  compelled  to  go  to  church  in  their  shirts,  each  with  a  rope 
around  his  neck.  They  actually  performed  this  penance,  and  then  the 
Nuncio  accredited  to  the  Spanish  Court,  Cardinal  Mellini,  relieved  them 
of  their  ecclesiastical  pains  and  penalties. 

Valenzuela  was  permitted  to  establish  a  house  within  the  prison  of 
Cavite,  where  he  lived  for  several  years  as  a  State  prisoner  and  exile. 
When  Don  Juan  de  Austria  died,  the  Dowager-Queen  regained  in  a 
measure  her  influence  at  Court,  and  one  of  the  first  favours  she  begged 
of  her  son,  the  King,  was  the  return  of  Valenzuela  to  Madrid.  The 
King  granted  her  request,  and  she  at  once  despatched  a  ship  to  bring  him 
to  Spain,  but  the  Secretary  of  State  interfered  and  stopped  it.  Never- 
theless,  Valenzuela,  pardoned  and  liberated,  set  out  for  the  Peninsula, 
and  reached  Mexico,  where  he  died  from  the  kick  of  a  horse. 

****** 

In  1703  a  vessel  arrived  in  Manila  Bay  from  India,  under  an 
Armenian  captain,  bringing  a  young  man  35  years  of  age,  a  native  of 
Turin,  who  styled  himself  Monseigneur  Charles  Thomas  Maillard  de 
Tournon,  Visitor-General,  Bishop  of  Savoy,  Patriarch  of  Antioch, 
Apostolic  Nuncio  and  Legate  ad  latere  of  the  Pope.  He  was  on  his  way 
to  China  to  visit  the  missions,  and  called  at  Manila  with  eight  priests 
and  four  Italian  families. 

Following  the  custom  established  with  foreign  ships,  the  custodian  of 
the  Fort  of  Cavite  placed  guards  on  board  this  vessel.  This  act  seems 
to  have  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  exalted  stranger,  who  assumed  a 


Strange  proceedings  of  a  Papal  Legate  85 

very  haughty  tone,  and  arrogantly  insisted  upon  a  verbal  message  being 
taken  to  the  Governor  (Domingo  Sabalburco)  to  announce  his  arrival. 
In  Manila  these  circumstances  were  much  debated,  and  at  length  the 
Governor  instructed  the  custodian  of  Cavite  Fort  to  accompany  the 
stranger  to  the  City  of  Manila.  On  his  approach  a  salute  was  fired  from 
the  city  battlements,  and  he  took  up  his  residence  in  the  house  of  the 
Maestre  de  Campo.  There  the  Governor  went  to  visit  him  as  the  Pope's 
legate,  and  was  received  with  great  arrogance.  However,  the  Governor 
showed  no  resentment ;  he  seemed  to  be  quite  dumfounded  by  the 
Patriarch's  dignified  airs,  and  consulted  with  the  Supreme  Court  about 
the  irregularity  of  a  legate  arriving  without  exhibiting  the  regium 
exequatur.  The  Court  decided  that  the  stranger  must  be  called  upon  to 
present  his  Papal  credentials  and  the  royal  confirmation  of  his  powers 
with  respect  to  Spanish  dominions,  and  with  this  object  a  magistrate  was 
commissioned  to  wait  upon  him.  The  Patriarch  treated  the  commissioner 
with  undisguised  contempt,  expressing  his  indignation  and  surprise  at 
his  position  being  doubted ;  he  absolutely  refused  to  show  any  creden- 
tials, and  turned  out  the  commissioner,  raving  at  him  and  causing  an 
uproarious  scandal.  At  each  stage  of  the  negotiations  with  him  the 
Patriarch  put  forward  the  great  authority  of  the  Pope,  and  his  unques- 
tionable right  to  dispose  of  realms  and  peoples  at  his  will,  and  somehow 
this  ruse  seemed  to  subdue  everybody  ;  the  Governor,  the  Archbishop, 
and  all  the  authorities,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  were  overawed.  The 
Archbishop,  in  fact,  made  an  unconditional  surrender  to  the  Patriarch, 
who  now  declared  that  all  State  and  religious  authority  must  be  subor- 
dinate to  his  will.  The  Archbishop  was  ordered  by  him  to  set  aside  his 
Archiepiscopal  Cross,  whilst  the  Patriarch  used  his  own  particular  cross 
in  the  religious  ceremonies,  and  left  it  in  the  Cathedral  of  Manila  on  his 
departure.  He  went  so  far  as  to  cause  his  master  of  the  ceremonies  to 
publicly  divest  the  Archbishop  of  a  part  of  his  official  robes  and  insignia, 
to  all  which  the  prelate  meekly  consented.  All  the  chief  authorities 
visited  the  Patriarch,  who,  however,  was  too  dignified  to  return  their 
calls.  Here  was,  in  fact,  an  extraordinary  case  of  a  man  unknown  to 
everybody,  and  refusing  to  prove  his  identity,  having  absolutely  brought 
all  the  authority  of  a  colony  under  his  sway !  He  was,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  legate  of  Clement  XI. 

The  only  person  to  whom  he  appears  to  have  extended  his  friendship 
was  the  Maestre  de  Campo,  at  the  time  under  ecclesiastical  arrest.  The 
Maestre  de  Campo  was  visited  by  the  Patriarch,  who  so  ingeniously 
blinded  him  with  his  patronage,  that  this  official  squandered  about 
P.20,000  in  entertaining  his  strange  visitor  and  making  him  presents. 
The  Patriarch  in  return  insisted  upon  the  Governor  and  Archbishop 
pardoning  the  Maestre  de  Campo  of  all  his  alleged  misdeeds,  and  when 
this  was  conceded  he  caused  the  pardon  to  be  proclaimed  in  a  public  Act. 
All  the  Manila  officials  were  treated  by  the  Patriarch  with  open  disdain, 


86  The  Papal  Legate  dies  in  prison 

but  he  created  the  Armenian  captain  of  the  vessel  which  brought  him  to 
Manila  a  knight  of  the  "  Golden  Spur,"  in  a  public  ceremony  in  the 
Maestre  de  Campo's  house  in  which  the  Gov. -General  was  ignored. 

From  Manila  the  Patriarch  went  to  China,  where  his  meddling  with 
the  Catholic  missions  met  with  fierce  opposition.  He  so  dogmatically 
asserted  his  unproved  authority,  that  he  caused  European  missionaries 
to  be  cited  in  the  Chinese  Courts  and  sentenced  for  their  disobedience ; 
but  he  was  playing  with  fire,  for  at  last  the  Emperor  of  China,  wearied 
of  his  importunities,  banished  him  from  the  country.  Thence  he  went 
to  Macao,  where,  much  to  the  bewilderment  of  the  Chinese  population, 
he  maintained  constant  disputes  with  the  Catholic  missionaries  until  he 
died  there  in  1710  in  the  Inquisition  prison,  where  he  was  incarcerated 
at  the  instance  of  the  Jesuits. 

When  King  Philip  V.  became  aware  of  what  had  occurred  in  Manila, 
he  was  highly  incensed,  and  immediately  ordered  the  Gov. -General  to 
Mexico,  declaring  him  disqualified  for  life  to  serve  under  the  Crown. 
The  senior  magistrates  of  the  Supreme  Court  were  removed  from  office. 
Each  priest  who  had  yielded  to  the  legated  authority  without  previously 
taking  cognisance  of  the  regium  exequatur  was  ordered  to  pay  P.  1,000 
fine.  The  Archbishop  was  degraded  and  transferred  from  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Manila  to  the  Bishopric  of  Guadalajara  in  Mexico.  In  spite 
of  this  punishment,  it  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  King  that  the 
ex-Archbishop  of  Manila,  as  Bishop  of  Guadalajara,  was  still  conspiring 
with  the  Patriarch  to  subvert  civil  and  religious  authority  in  his 
dominions,  with  which  object  he  had  sent  him  P.1,000  from  Mexico,  and 
had  promised  a  fixed  sum  of  P.1,000  per  annum,  with  whatever  further 
support  he  could  afford  to  give  him.  Therefore  the  King  issued  an  edict 
to  the  effect  that  any  legate  who  should  arrive  in  his  domains  Avithout 
royal  confirmation  of  his  Papal  credentials  should  thenceforth  be  treated 
simply  with  the  charity  and  courtesy  due  to  any  traveller ;  and  in  order 
that  this  edict  should  not  be  forgotten,  or  evaded,  under  pretext  of  its 
having  become  obsolete,  it  was  further  enacted  that  it  should  be  read  in 
full  on  certain  days  in  every  year  before  all  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
functionaries. 


87 


CHAPTER  VII 

BRITISH   OCCUPATION   OF   MANILA 

In  1761  King  George  III.  had  just  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  England, 
and  the  protracted  contentions  with  France  had  been  suspended  for 
a  while.  It  was  soon  evident,  however,  that  efforts  were  being  made 
to  extinguish  the  power  and  prestige  of  Great  Britain,  and  with  this 
object  a  convention  had  been  entered  into  between  France  and  Spain 
known  as  the  "  Family  Compact."  It  was  so  called  because  it  was  an 
alliance  made  by  the  three  branches  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  namely, 
Louis  XV.  of  France,  Charles  III.  of  Spain,  and  his  son  Ferdinand,  who, 
in  accordance  with  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  had  ascended  the  throne  of 
Naples.  Spain  engaged  to  unite  her  forces  with  those  of  France 
against  England  on  May  1,  1762,  if  the  war  still  lasted,  in  which  case 
France  would  restore  Minorca  to  Spain.  Pitt  was  convinced  of  the 
necessity  of  meeting  the  coalition  by  force  of  arms,  but  he  was  unable 
to  secure  the  support  of  his  Ministry  to  declare  war,  and  he  therefore 
retired  from  the  premiership.  The  succeeding  Cabinet  were,  nevertheless, 
compelled  to  adopt  his  policy,  and  after  having  lost  many  advantages 
by  delaying  their  decision,  war  was  declared  against  France  and  Spain. 

The  British  were  successful  everywhere.  In  the  West  Indies  the 
Caribbean  Islands  and  Havana  were  captured  with  great  booty  by 
Rodney  and  Monckton,  whilst  a  British  Fleet  was  despatched  to  the 
Philippine  Islands  with  orders  to  take  Manila. 

On  September  14,  1762,  a  British  vessel  arrived  in  the  Bay  of 
Manila,  refused  to  admit  Spanish  officers  on  board,  and  after  taking 
soundings  she  sailed  again  out  of  the  harbour. 

In  the  evening  of  September  22  the  British  squadron,  composed  of 
13  ships,  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Cornish,  entered  the  bay,  and 
the  next  day  two  British  officers  were  deputed  to  demand  the  surrender 
of  the  Citadel,  which  was  refused.  Brigadier-General  Draper  thereupon 
disembarked  his  troops,  and  again  called  upon  the  city  to  yield.  This 
citation  being  defied,  the  bombardment  commenced  the  next  day.  The 
fleet  anchored  in  front  of  a  powder-magazine,  took  possession  of  the 
churches  of  Malate,  Ermita,  San  Juan  de  Bagumbayan,  and  Santiago. 
Two  picket-guards   made    an   unsuccessful    sortie   against   them.      The 


88  Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazdr 

whole  force  in  Manila,  at  the  time,  was  the  King's  regiment,  which 
mustered  about  600  men  and  80  pieces  of  artillery.  The  British 
forces  consisted  of  1,500  European  troops  (one  regiment  of  infantry 
and  two  companies  of  artillery),  3,000  seamen,  800  Sepoy  fusileers,  and 
1,400  Sepoy  prisoners,  making  a  total  of  6,830  men,  including  officers.1 

There  was  no  Gov.-General  in  the  Philippines  at  the  time,  and  the 
only  person  with  whom  the  British  Commander  could  treat  was  the 
acting-Governor,  the  Archbishop  Manuel  Antonio  Rojo,  who  was  willing 
to  yield.  His  authority  was,  however,  set  aside  by  a  rebellious  war 
party,  who  placed  themselves  under  the  leadership  of  a  magistrate  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  named  Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar.  This  individual, 
instead  of  leading  them  to  battle,  fled  to  the  Province  of  Bulacan 
the  day  before  the  capture  of  Manila  in  a  prahu  with  a  few  natives, 
carrying  with  him  some  money  and  half  a  ream  of  official  stamped 
paper.2  He  knew  perfectly  well  that  he  was  defying  the  legal  authority 
of  the  acting-Governor,  and  was,  in  fact,  in  open  rebellion  against 
his  mandate.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  give  an  official  colour  to 
his  acts  by  issuing  his  orders  and  proclamations  on  Government-stamped 
paper,  so  that  their  validity  might  be  recognized  if  he  subsequently 
succeeded  in  justifying  his  action  at  Court. 

On  September  24  the  Spanish  batteries  of  San  Diego  and  San 
Andres  opened  fire,  but  with  little  effect.  A  richly  laden  galleon — the 
Philipino — was  known  to  be  on  her  way  from  Mexico  to  Manila,  but 
the  British  ships  which  were  sent  in  quest  of  her  fell  in  with  another 
galleon — the  Trinidad — and  brought  their  prize  to  Manila.  Her 
treasure  amounted  to  about  P.2,500,000.3 

A  Frenchman  resident  in  Manila,  Monsieur  Faller,  made  an  attack 
on  the  British,  who  forced  him  to  retire,  and  he  was  then  accused  by 
the  Spaniards  of  treason.  Artillery  fire  was  kept  up  on  both  sides. 
The  Archbishop's  nephew  was  taken  prisoner,  and  an  officer  was  sent 
with  him  to  hand  him  over  to  his  uncle.  However,  a  party  of  natives 
fell  upon  them  and  murdered  them.  The  officer's  head  having  been 
cut  off,  it  was  demanded  by  General  Draper.  Excuses  were  made  for 
not  giving  it  up,  and  the  General  determined  thenceforth  to  continue 
the  warfare  with  vigour  and  punish  this  atrocity.  The  artillery  was 
increased  by  another  battery  of  three  mortars,  placed  behind  the  church 
of  Santiago,  and  the  bombardment  continued. 

Five  thousand  native  recruits  arrived  from  the  provinces,  and  out 

1  Zufiiga's  History,  Vol  II.,  Chap  xii.,  English  translation,  published  in 
London,  1814. 

2  Cronica  de  los  P.  P.  Dominicos,  Vol.  IV.,  pp.  637  to  650,  edition  of  Riva- 
denayra,  published  in  Madrid. 

3  This  money  constituted  the  Manila  merchants'  specie  remittances  from 
Acapulco,  together  with  the  Mexican  subsidy  to  support  the  administration  of 
this  Colony,  which  was  merely  a  dependency  of  Mexico  up  to  the  second  decade  of 
last  century  (vide  Chap.  xv.). 


The  Archbishop-Governor  capitulates  89 

of  this  number  2,000  Pampangos  were  selected.  They  were  divided 
into  three  columns,  in  order  to  advance  by  different  routes  and  attack 
respectively  the  churches  of  Santiago,  Malate,  and  Ermita,  and  the* 
troops  on  the  beach.  At  each  place  they  were  driven  back.  The 
leader  of  the  attack  on  Malate  and  Ermita — Don  Santiago  Orendain  — 
was  declared  a  traitor.  The  two  first  columns  were  dispersed  with 
great  confusion  and  loss.  The  third  column  retreated  before  they  had 
sustained  or  inflicted  any  loss.  The  natives  fled  to  their  villages  in 
dismay,  and  on  October  5  the  British  entered  the  walled  city.  After 
a  couple  of  hours"1  bombardment,  the  forts  of  San  Andres  and  San 
Eugenio  were  demolished,  the  artillery  overturned,  and  the  defenders1 
fusileers  and  sappers  were   killed. 

A  council  of  war  was  now  held  by  the  Spaniards.  General  Draper 
sustained  the  authority  of  the  Archbishop  against  the  war  party, 
composed  chiefly  of  civilians  determined  to  continue  the  defence 
in  spite  of  the  opinion  of  the  military  men,  who  argued  that  a 
capitulation  was  inevitable.  But  matters  were  brought  to  a  crisis  by 
the  natives,  who  refused  to  repair  the  fortifications,  and  the  Europeans 
were  unable  to  perform  such  hard  labour.  Great  confusion  reigned  in 
the  city — the  clergy  fled  through  the  Puerta  del  Parian,  where  there 
was  still  a  native  guard.  According  to  Zuniga,  the  British  spent 
20,000  cannon  balls  and  5,000  shells  in  the  bombardment  of  the  city. 

Major  Fell  entered  Manila  (Oct.  6)  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
and  General  Draper  followed,  leading  his  column  unopposed,  with 
two  field-pieces  in  the  van,  whilst  a  constant  musketry  fire  cleared  the 
Calle  Real  (the  central  thoroughfare)  as  they  advanced.  The  people 
fled  before  the  enemy.  The  gates  being  closed,  they  scrambled  up  the 
walls  and  got  into  boats  or  swam  off. 

Colonel  Monson  was  sent  by  Draper  to  the  Archbishop-Governor 
to  say  that  he  expected  immediate  surrender.  This  requisition  was 
disputed  by  the  Archbishop,  who  presented  a  paper  purporting  to  be 
terms  of  capitulation.  The  Colonel  refused  to  take  it,  and  demanded 
an  unconditional  surrender.  Then  the  Archbishop,  a  Colonel  of  the 
Spanish  troops,  and  Colonel  Monson  went  to  interview  the  General, 
whose  quarters  were  in  the  Palace.  The  Archbishop,  offering  himself 
as  a  prisoner,  presented  the  terms  of  capitulation,  which  provided  for 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  ;  security  of  private  property  ;  free 
trade  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Islands,  and  the  continuation  of  the 
powers  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  keep  order  amongst  the  ill-disposed. 
These  terms  were  granted,  but  General  Draper,  on  his  part,  stipulated 
for  an  indemnity  of  four  millions  of  pesos,  and  it  was  agreed  to  pay 
one  half  of  this  sum  in  specie  and  valuables  and  the  other  half  in 
Treasury  bills  on  Madrid.  The  capitulation,  with  these  modifications, 
was  signed  by  Draper  and  the  Archbishop-Governor.  The  Spanish 
Colonel  took  the  document  to  the  Fort  to  have  it  countersigned  by  the 


90  British  in  possession  of  Manila 

magistrates,  which  was  at  once  done  ;  the  Fort  was  delivered  up  to 
the  British,  and  the  magistrates  repaired  to  the  Palace  to  pay  their 
respects  to  the  conquerors. 

When  the  British  flag  was  seen  floating  over  the  Fort  of  Santiago 
there  was  great  cheering  from  the  British  Fleet.  The  Archbishop 
stated  that  when  Draper  reviewed  the  troops,  more  than  1,000  men 
were  missing,  including  sixteen  officers.  Among  these  officers  were 
a  Major  fatally  wounded  by  an  arrow  on  the  first  day  of  the  assault, 
and  the  Vice-Admiral,  who  was  drowned  whilst  coming  ashore  in  a  boat. 

The  natives  who  had  been  brought  from  the  provinces  to  Manila 
were  plundering  and  committing  excesses  in  the  city,  so  Draper  had 
them  all  driven  out.  Guards  were  placed  at  the  doors  of  the  nunneries 
and  convents  to  prevent  outrages  on  the  women,  and  then  the  city 
was  given  up  to  the  victorious  troops  for  pillage  during  three  hours. 
Zuniga,  however,  remarks  that  the  European  troops  were  moderate, 
but  that  the  Indian  contingents  were  insatiable.  They  are  said  to  have 
committed  many  atrocities,  and,  revelling  in  bloodshed,  even  murdered 
the  inhabitants.  They  ransacked  the  suburbs  of  Santa  Cruz  and 
Binondo,  and,  acting  like  savage  victorious  tribes,  they  ravished 
women,  and  even  went  into  the  highways  to  murder  and  rob  those 
who  fled.  The  three  hours  having  expired,  the  troops  were  called  in, 
but  the  following  day  a  similar  scene  was  permitted.  The  Archbishop 
thereupon  besought  the  General  to  put  a  stop  to  it,  and  have 
compassion  on  the  city.  The  General  complied  with  this  request,  and 
immediately  restored  order  under  pain  of  death  for  disobedience. 
Some  Chinese  were  in  consequence  hanged.  General  Draper  himself 
killed  one  whom  he  found  in  the  act  of  stealing,  and  he  ordered 
that  all  Church  property  should  be  restored,  but  only  some  priests' 
vestments  were  recovered. 

Draper  demanded  the  surrender  of  Cavite,  which  was  agreed  to  by 
the  Archbishop  and  magistrates,  but  the  Commanding  Officer  refused  to 
comply.  The  Major  of  that  garrison  was  sent  with  a  message  to  the 
Commander,  but  on  the  way  he  talked  with  such  freedom  about  the 
surrender  to  the  British,  that  the  natives  quitted  their  posts  and 
plundered  the  Arsenal.  The  Commander,  rather  than  face  humiliation, 
retired  to  a  ship,  and  left  all  further  responsibility  to  the  Major. 

Measures  were  now  taken  to  pay  the  agreed  indemnity.  However, 
the  consequent  heavy  contributions  levied  upon  the  inhabitants,  together 
with  the  silver  from  the  pious  establishments,  church  ornaments,  plate, 
the  Archbishop's  rings  and  breast-cross,  only  amounted  to  P. 546,000. 
The  British  then  proposed  to  accept  one  million  at  once  and  draw  the 
rest  from  the  cargo  of  the  galleon  Philipino,  should  it  result  that  she  had 
not  been  seized  by  the  British  previous  to  the  day  the  capitulation  was 
signed — but  the  one  million  was  not  forthcoming.  The  day  before  the 
capture  of  Manila  a  royal  messenger  had  been  sent  off  with  P.  11 1,000, 


Anda  defies  the  Governor  ;   declares  war  91 

with  orders  to  hide  them  in  some  place  in  the  Laguna  de  Bay.  The 
Archbishop  now  ordered  their  return  to  Manila,  and  issued  a  requisition 
to  that  effect,  but  the  Franciscan  friars  were  insubordinate,  and  armed 
the  natives,  whom  they  virtually  ruled,  and  the  treasure  was  secreted 
in  Majayjay  Convent  (Tayabas  Province).  Thence,  on  receipt  of  the 
Archbishop's  message,  it  was  carried  across  country  to  a  place  in  North 
Pampanga,  bordering  on  Cagayan  and  Pangasinan.  The  British, 
convinced  that  they  were  being  duped,  insisted  on  their  claim.  Thomas 
Backhouse,  commanding  the  troops  stationed  at  Pasig,  went  up  to  the 
Laguna  de  Bay  with  80  mixed  troops,  to  intercept  the  bringing  of  the 
Philipino  treasure.  He  attacked  Tunasan,  Vifian  and  Santa  Kosa,  and 
embarked  for  Pagsanjan,  which  was  then  the  capital  of  the  Laguna 
Province.  The  inhabitants,  after  firing  the  convent  and  church,  fled. 
Backhouse  returned  to  Calamba,  entered  the  Province  of  Batangas, 
overran  it,  and  made  several  Austin  friars  prisoners.  In  Lipa  he  seized 
P.3,000,  and  established  his  quarters  there,  expecting  that  the 
Philipino  treasure  would  be  carried  that  way  ;  but  on  learning  that 
it  had  been  transported  by  sea  to  a  Pampanga  coast  town,  Backhouse 
returned  to  his  post  at  Pasig. 

In  the  capitulation,  the  whole  of  the  Archipelago  was  surrendered  to 
the  British,  but  the  magistrate  Simon  de  Anda  determined  to  appeal  to 
arms.  Draper  used  stratagem,  and  issued  a  proclamation  commiserating 
the  fate  of  the  natives  who  paid  tribute  to  Spaniards,  and  assuring  them 
that  the  King  of  England  would  not  exact  it.  The  Archbishop,  as 
Governor,  became  Draper's  tool,  sent  messages  to  the  Spanish  families, 
persuading  them  to  return,  and  appointed  an  Englishman,  married  in  the 
country,  to  be  Alderman  of  Tondo.  Despite  the  strenuous  opposition  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  the  Archbishop,  at  the  instance  of  Draper,  convened 
a  council  of  native  headmen  and  representative  families,  and  proposed  to 
them  the  cession  of  all  the  Islands  to  the  King  of  England.  Draper 
clearly  saw  that  the  ruling  powers  in  the  Colony,  judging  from  their 
energy  and  effective  measures,  were  the  friars,  so  he  treated  them  with 
great  respect.  The  Frenchman  Faller,  who  unsuccessfully  opposed 
the  British  assault,  was  offered  troops  to  go  and  take  possession  of 
Zamboanga  and  assume  the  government  there,  but  he  refused,  as  did 
also  a  Spaniard  named  Sandoval. 

Draper  returned  to  Europe ;  Major  Fell  was  left  in  command  of  the 
troops,  whilst  Drake  assumed  the  military  government  of  the  city,  with 
Smith  and  Brock  as  council,  and  Brereton  in  charge  of  Cavite.  Draper, 
on  leaving,  gave  orders  for  two  frigates  to  go  in  search  of  the  Philipino 
treasure.  The  ships  got  as  far  as  Capul  Island  and  put  into  harbour. 
They  were  detained  there  by  a  ruse  on  the  part  of  a  half-caste  pilot,  and 
in  the  meantime  the  treasure  was  stealthily  carried  away. 

Simon  de  Anda,  from  his  provincial  retreat,  proclaimed  himself 
Gov.-General.     He  declared  that  the  Archbishop  and  the  magistrates, 


92  British  carry  war  into  the  Provinces 

as  prisoners  of  war,  were  dead  in  the  eye  of  the  law  ;  and  that  his 
assumption  of  authority  was  based  upon  old  laws.  None  of  his  country- 
men disputed  his  authority,  and  he  established  himself  in  Bacolor.  The 
British  Council  then  convened  a  meeting  of  the  chief  inhabitants,  at 
which  Anda  was  declared  a  seditious  person  and  deserving  of  capital 
punishment,  together  with  the  Marquis  of  Monte  Castro,  who  had 
violated  his  parole  (Thonneur,  and  the  Provincial  of  the  Austin  Friars, 
who  had  joined  the  rebel  party.  All  the  Austin  friars  were  declared 
traitors  for  having  broken  their  allegiance  to  the  Archbishop's  authority. 
The  British  still  pressed  for  the  payment  of  the  one  million,  whilst  the 
Spaniards  declared  they  possessed  no  more.  The  Austin  friars  were 
ordered  to  keep  the  natives  peaceable  if  they  did  not  wish  to  provoke 
hostilities  against  themselves.  At  length,  the  British,  convinced  of  the 
futility  of  decrees,  determined  to  sally  out  with  their  forces,  and  500  men 
under  Thomas  Backhouse  went  up  the  Pasig  River  to  secure  a  free 
passage  for  supplies  to  the  camp.  Whilst  opposite  to  Maybonga,  a 
Spaniard,  named  Bustos,  and  his  Cagayan  troops  fired  on  them.  The 
British  returned  the  fire,  and  Bustos  fled  to  Mariquina.  The  British 
passed  the  river,  and  sent  an  officer  with  a  white  flag  of  truce  to  demand 
surrender.  Bustos  was  insolent,  and  threatened  to  hang  the  officer  if  he 
returned.  Backhouse's  troops  then  opened  fire  and  placed  two  field- 
pieces,  which  completely  scared  the  natives,  who  fled  in  such  great 
confusion  that  many  were  drowned  in  the  river.  Thence  the  British 
drove  their  enemy  before  them  like  a  flock  of  goats,  and  reached  the 
Bamban  River,  where  the  Sultan  of  Sulu1  resided  with  his  family.  The 
Sultan,  after  a  feigned  resistance,  surrendered  to  the  British,  who 
fortified  his  dwelling,  and  occupied  it  during  the  whole  of  the  operations. 
There  were  subsequent  skirmishes  on  the  Pasig  River  banks  with  the 
armed  insurgents,  who  were  driven  as  far  as  the  Antipolo  Mountains. 

Meanwhile,  Anda  collected  troops  ;  and  Bustos,  as  his  Lieutenant- 
General,  vaunted  the  power  of  his  chief  through  the  Bulacan  and 
Pampanga  Provinces.  A  Franciscan  and  an  Austin  friar,  having  led 
troops  to  Masilo,  about  seven  miles  from  Manila,  the  British  went  out  to 
dislodge  them,  but  on  their  approach  most  of  the  natives  feigned  they 
were  dead,  and  the  British  returned  without  any  loss  in  arms  or  men. 

The  British,  believing  that  the  Austin  friars  were  conspiring  against 
them  in  connivance  with  those  inside  the  city,  placed  these  friars  in 
confinement,  and  subsequently  shipped  away  eleven  of  them  to  Europe. 
For  the  same  reason  they  at  last  determined  to  enter  the  Saint  Augustine 
Convent,  and  on  ransacking  it,  they  found  that  the  priests  had  been 
lying  to  them  all  the  time.  Six  thousand  pesos  in  coin  were  found 
hidden  in  the  garden,  and  large  quantities  of  wrought  silver  elsewhere. 
The  whole  premises  were  then  searched,  and  all  the  valuables  were  seized. 
A  British  expedition  went  out  to  Bulacan,  sailing  across  the  Bay  and  up 
1  Vicissitudes  of  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  (vide  Chap.  x.). 


Bustos  is  completely  routed  by  British  93 

the  Hagonoy  River,  where  they  disembarked  at  Malolos  on  January  19, 
1763.  The  troops,  under  Captain  Eslay,  of  the  Grenadiers,  numbered 
600  men,  many  of  whom  were  Chinese  volunteers.  As  they  advanced 
from  Malolos,  the  natives  and  Spaniards  fled.  On  the  way  to  Bulacan, 
Bustos  came  out  to  meet  them,  but  retreated  into  ambush  on  seeing 
they  were  superior  in  numbers.  Bulacan  Convent  was  defended  by  three 
small  cannons.  As  soon  as  the  troops  came  in  sight  of  the  convent,  a 
desultory  fire  of  case-shot  made  great  havoc  in  the  ranks  of  the  resident 
Chinese  volunteers  forming  the  British  vanguard.  At  length  the  British 
brought  their  field-pieces  into  action,  and  pointing  at  the  enemy's 
cannon,  the  first  discharge  carried  off  the  head  of  their  artilleryman 
Ybarra.  The  panic-stricken  natives  decamped ;  the  convent  was  taken 
by  assault ;  there  was  an  indiscriminate  fight  and  general  slaughter. 
The  Alcalde  and  a  Franciscan  friar  fell  in  action  ;  one  Austin  friar 
escaped,  and  another  was  seized  and  killed  to  avenge  the  death  of  the 
British  soldiers.  The  invading  forces  occupied  the  convent,  and  some  of 
the  troops  were  shortly  sent  back  to  Manila.  Bustos  reappeared  near 
the  Bulacan  Convent  with  8,000  native  troops,  of  whom  600  were 
cavalry,  but  they  dared  not  attack  the  British.  Bustos  then  manoeuvred 
in  the  neighbourhood  and  made  occasional  alarms.  Small  parties  were 
sent  out  against  him,  with  so  little  effect  that  the  British  Commander 
headed  a  body  in  person,  and  put  the  whole  of  Bustos1  troops  to  flight 
like  mosquitoes  before  a  gust  of  wind,  for  Bustos  feared  they  would 
be  pursued  into  Pampanga.  After  clearing  away  the  underwood,  which 
served  as  a  covert  for  the  natives,  the  British  reoccupied  the  convent ; 
but  Bustos  returned  to  his  position,  and  was  a  second  time  as  disgrace- 
fully routed  by  the  British,  who  then  withdrew  to  Manila. 

At  this  time  it  was  alleged  that  a  conspiracy  was  being  organized 
amongst  the  Chinese  resident  in  the  Province  of  Pampanga  with  the 
object  of  assassinating  Anda  and  his  Spanish  followers.  The  Chinese 
cut  trenches  and  raised  fortifications,  avowing  that  their  bellicose 
preparations  were  only  to  defend  themselves  against  the  possible  attack 
of  the  British ;  whilst  the  Spaniards  saw  in  all  this  a  connivance 
with  the  invaders.  The  latter  no  doubt  conjectured  rightly.  Anda, 
acting  upon  the  views  of  his  party,  precipitated  matters  by  appearing 
with  14  Spanish  soldiers  and  a  crowd  of  native  bowmen  to  com- 
mence the  slaughter  in  the  town  of  Guagua.  The  Chinese  assembled 
there  in  great  numbers,  and  Anda  endeavoured  in  vain  to  induce  them 
to  surrender  to  him.  He  then  sent  a  Spaniard,  named  Miguel  Garces,  with 
a  message,  offering  them  pardon  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain 
if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms ;  but  they  killed  the  emissary,  and 
Anda  therefore  commenced  the  attack.  The  result  was  favourable  for 
Anda's  party,  and  great  numbers  of  the  Chinese  were  slain.  Many 
fled  to  the  fields,  where  they  were  pursued  by  the  troops,  whilst  those 
who  were  captured  were  hanged.     Such  was  the  inveterate  hatred  which 


94  Massacre  of  Chinese — Villa  Corta 

Anda  entertained  for  the  Chinese,  that  he  issued  a  general  decree 
declaring  all  the  Chinese  traitors  to  the  Spanish  flag,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  hanged  wherever  they  might  be  found  in  the  provinces.  Thus 
thousands  of  Chinese  were  executed  who  had  taken  no  part  whatever 
in  the  events  of  this  little  war. 

Admiral  Cornish  having  decided  to  return  to  Europe,  again  urged 
for  the  payment  of  the  two  millions  of  pesos  instalment  of  the 
indemnity.  The  Archbishop  was  in  great  straits  ;  he  was  willing  to  do 
anything,  but  his  colleagues  opposed  him,  and  Cornish  was  at  length 
obliged  to  content  himself  with  a  bill  on  the  Madrid  Treasury.  Anda 
appointed  Bustos  Alcalde  of  Bulacan,  and  ordered  him  to  recruit  and 
train  troops,  as  he  still  nurtured  the  hope  of  confining  the  British  to 
Manila — perhaps  even  of  driving  them  out  of  the  Colony. 

The  British  in  the  city  were  compelled  to  adopt  the  most  rigorous 
precautions  against  the  rising  of  the  population  within  the  walls,  and 
several  Spanish  residents  were  arrested  for  intriguing  against  them  in 
concert  with  those  outside. 

Several  French  prisoners  from  Pondicherry  deserted  from  the  British ; 
and  some  Spanish  regular  troops,  who  had  been  taken  prisoners,  effected 
their  escape.  The  Fiscal  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  a  Senor  Villa  Corta 
were  found  conspiring.  The  latter  was  caught  in  the  act  of  sending  a 
letter  to  Anda,  and  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged  and  quartered — the 
quarters  to  be  exhibited  in  public  places.  The  Archbishop,  however, 
obtained  pardon  for  Villa  Corta  on  the  condition  that  Anda  should 
evacuate  the  Pampanga  Province :  Villa  Corta  wrote  to  Anda, 
begging  him  to  accede  to  this,  but  Anda  absolutely  refused  to  make 
any  sacrifice  to  save  his  friend's  life,  and  at  the  same  time  he  wrote 
a  disgraceful  letter  to  the  Archbishop,  couched  in  such  insulting  terms 
that  the  British  Commander  burnt  it  without  letting  the  Archbishop 
see  it.     Villa  Corta's  life  was  saved  by  the  payment  of  P.3,000. 

The  treasure  brought  by  the  Philipino  served  Anda  to  organize  a 
respectable  force  of  recruits.  Spaniards  who  were  living  in  the  provinces 
in  misery,  and  a  crowd  of  natives  always  ready  for  pay,  enlisted. 
These  forces,  under  Lieut. -General  Bustos,  encamped  at  Malinta,  about 
five  miles  from  Manila.  The  officers  lodged  in  a  house  belonging  to  the 
Austin  friars,  around  which  the  troops  pitched  their  tents — the  whole 
being  defended  by  redoubts  and  palisades  raised  under  the  direction 
of  a  French  deserter,  who  led  a  company.  From  this  place  Bustos 
constantly  caused  alarm  to  the  British  troops,  who  once  had  to  retreat 
before  a  picket-guard  sent  to  carry  off  the  church  bells  of  Qniapo.  The 
British,  in  fact,  were  much  molested  by  Bustos'  Malinta  troops,  who 
forced  the  invaders  to  withdraw  to  Manila  and  reduce  the  extension 
of  their  outposts.  This? measure  was  followed  up  by  a  proclamation, 
dated  January  23,  1763,  in  which  the  British  Commander  alluded  to 
Bustos1  troops  as  "  canaille  and  robbers,"  and  offered  a  reward  of  P.5,000 


Anda  offers  rewards  for  British  heads  95 

for  Anda's  head,  declaring  him  and  his  party  rebels  and  traitors  to 
their  Majesties  the  Kings  of  Spain  and  England.  Anda,  chafing  at  his 
impotence  to  combat  the  invading  party  by  force  of  arms,  gave  vent 
to  his  feelings  of  rage  and  disappointment  by  issuing  a  decree,  dated 
from  Bacolor  (Pampanga),  May  19,  1763,  of  which  the  translated  text 
reads  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

"  Royal  Government  Tribunal  of  these  Islands  for  His  Catholic 
"  Majesty  : — Whereas  the  Royal  Government  Tribunal,  Supreme  Govern- 
"  ment  and  Captain-Generalship  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  in  these  Islands 
"  are  gravely  offended  at  the  audacity  and  blindness  of  those  men,  who, 
"  forgetting  all  humanity,  have  condemned  as  rebellious  and  disobedient 
"  to  both  their  Majesties,  him,  who  as  a  faithful  vassal  of  His  Catholic 
"Majesty,  and  in  conformity  with  the  law,  holds  the  Royal  Tribunal, 
"  Government  and  Captain-Generalship  ;  and  having  suffered  by  a  reward 
"  being  offered  by  order  of  the  British  Governor  in  council  to  whomsoever 
"  shall  deliver  me  alive  or  dead  ;  and  by  their  having  placed  the  arms 
"  captured  in  Bulacan  at  the  foot  of  the  gallows — seeing  that  instead 
"  of  their  punishing  and  censuring  such  execrable  proceedings, 
"  the  spirit  of  haughtiness  and  pride  is  increasing,  as  shown  in  the 
"  proclamation  published  in  Manila  on  the  17th  instant,  in  which  the 
"  troops  of  His  Majesty  are  infamously  calumniated — treating  them  as 
"  blackguards  and  disaffected  to  their  service — charging  them  with 
"  plotting  to  assassinate  the  English  officers  and  soldiers,'and  with  having 
"  fled  when  attacked — the  whole  of  these  accusations  being  false  :  Now 
"  therefore  by  these  presents,  be  it  known  to  all  Spaniards  and  true 
"Englishmen,  that  Messrs.  Drake,  Smith  and  Brock  who  signed  the 
"proclamation  referred  to,  must  not  be  considered  as  vassals  of  His 
"  Britannic  Majesty,  but  as  tyrants  and  common  enemies  unworthy  of 
"  human  society,  and  therefore,  I  order  that  they  be  apprehended  as  such, 
"  and  I  offer  ten  thousand  pesos  for  each  one  of  them  alive  or  dead. 
"  At  the  same  time,  I  withdraw  the  order  to  treat  the  vassals  of  His 
"  Britannic  Majesty  with  all  the  humanity  which  the  rights  of  war 
"  will  permit,  as  has  been  practised  hitherto  with  respect  to  the  prisoners 
"and  deserters.'''' 

Anda  had  by  this  time  received  the  consent  of  his  King  to  occupy 
the  position  which  he  had  usurped,  and  the  British  Commander  was 
thus  enabled  to  communicate  officially  with  him,  if  occasion  required  it : 
Drake  therefore  replied  to  this  proclamation,  recommending  Anda  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  greater  moderation  and  humanity. 

On  June  27,  1763,  the  British  made  a  sortie  from  the  city 
to  dislodge  Bustos,  who  still  occupied  Malinta.  The  attacking  party 
consisted  of  350  fusileers,  50  horsemen,  a  mob  of  Chinese,  and  a 
number  of  guns  and  ammunition.  The  British  took  up  quarters  on 
one  side  of  the  river,  whilst  Bustos  remained  on  the  other.  The 
opposing  parties  exchanged  fire,  but  neither  cared  nor  dared  to  cross 


96       Austin  Friars  on  battle-fields — Peace  of  Paris 

the  water-way.  The  British  forces  retired  in  good  order  to  Masilo,  and 
remained  there  until  they  heard  that  Bustos  had  burnt  Malinta  House, 
belonging  to  the  Austin  friars,  and  removed  his  camp  to  Meycauayan. 
Then  the  British  withdrew  to  Manila  in  the  evening.  On  the  Spanish 
side  there  were  two  killed,  five  mortally  wounded,  and  two  slightly 
wounded.  The  British  losses  were  six  mortally  wounded  and  seven 
disabled.  This  was  the  last  encounter  in  open  warfare.  Chinamen 
occasionally  lost  their  lives  through  their  love  of  plunder  in  the  vicinity 
occupied  by  the  British. 

During  these  operations  the  priesthood  taught  the  ignorant  natives 
to  believe  that  the  invaders  were  infidels — and  a  holy  war  was  preached. 
The  friars,  especially  those  of  the  Augustine  Order,1  abandoned  their 
mission  of  peace  for  that  of  the  sword,  and  the  British  met  with  a 
slight  reverse  at  Masilo,  where  a  religious  fanatic  of  the  Austin  friars 
had  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  small  band  lying  in  ambush. 

On  July  23,  1763,  a  British  frigate  brought  news  from  Europe 
of  an  armistice,  and  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  by  virtue  of  which 
Manila  was  to  be  evacuated  (Peace  of  Paris,  February  10,  1763), 
were  received  by  the  British  Commander  on  August  27  following, 
and  communicated  by  him  to  the  Archbishop-Governor  for  the 
"  Commander-in-Chief "  of  the  Spanish  arms.  Anda  stood  on  his 
dignity,  and  protested  that  he  should  be  addressed  directly,  and  be 
styled  Captain-General.  On  this  plea  he  declined  to  receive  the 
communication.  Drake  replied  by  a  manifesto,  dated  September  19, 
to  the  effect  that  the  responsibility  of  the  blood  which  might  be  spilt  in 
consequence  of  Anda"^  refusal  to  accept  his  notification  would  rest  with 
him.  Anda  published  a  counter-manifesto,  dated  September  28,  in 
Bacolor  (Pampanga),  protesting  that  he  had  not  been  treated  with 
proper  courtesy,  and  claiming  the  governor-generalship. 

Greater  latitude  was  allowed  to  the  prisoners,  and  Villa  Corta 
effected  his  escape  disguised  as  a  woman.  He  fled  to  Anda, — the 
co-conspirator  who  had  refused  to  save  his  life, — and  their  superficial 
friendship  was  renewed.  Villa  Corta  was  left  in  charge  of  business  in 
Bacolor  during  Anda's  temporary  absence.  Meanwhile  the  Archbishop 
became  ill ;  and  it  was  discussed  who  should  be  his  successor  in  the 
government  in  the  event  of  his  death.  Villa  Corta  argued  that  it  fell  to 
him  as  senior  magistrate.  The  discussion  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
Anda,  and  seriously  aroused  his  jealousy.      Fearing  conspiracy  against 

1  So  tenacious  was  the  opposition  of  the  Austin  friars,  both  in  Manila  and  the 
provinces,  that  the  British  appear  to  have  regarded  them  as  their  special  foes. 

From  the  archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of  Batangas,  I  have  taken  the 
following  notes,  viz.  : — The  Austin  friars  lost  P.  238,000  and  15  convents.  Six 
of  their  estates  were  despoiled.  The  troops  killed  were  300  Spaniards,  500 
Pampanga  natives,  and  300  Tagalog  natives.  Besides  the  Austin  friars  from  the 
galleon  Trinidad,  who  were  made  prisoners  and  shipped  to  Bombay,  10  of  their 
Order  were  killed  in  battle  and  19  were  captured  and  exiled  to  India  and  Europe. 


Gov.-General  Rojo  dies — Gov.-General  La  Torre     97 

his  ambitious  projects,  he  left  his  camp  at  Polo,  and  hastened  to 
interrogate  Villa  Corta,  who  explained  that  he  had  only  made  casual 
remarks  in  the  course  of  conversation.  Anda,  however,  was  restless  on 
the  subject  of  the  succession,  and  sought  the  opinion  of  all  the  chief 
priests  and  the  bishops.  Various  opinions  existed.  Some  urged  that 
the  decision  be  left  to  the  Supreme  Court ;  others  were  in  favour  of 
Anda,  whilst  many  prudently  abstained  from  expressing  their  views. 
Anda  was  so  nervously  anxious  about  the  matter  that  he  even  begged 
the  opinion  of  the  British  Commander,  and  wrote  him  on  the  subject 
from  Bacolor  (Pampanga)  on  November  2,  1763. 

Major  Fell  seriously  quarrelled  with    Drake  about  the  Frenchman 
Faller,  whom  Admiral  Cornish  had  left  under   sentence   of  death  for 
having  written  a  letter  to  Java  accusing  him  of  being  a  pirate  and  a 
robber.     Drake  protected  Faller,  whilst  Fell   demanded  his  execution, 
and  the  dispute  became  so  heated  that  Fell  was  about  to  slay  Drake 
with  a  bayonet,  but  was  prevented  by  some  soldiers.     Fell  then  went 
to  London  to  complain  of  Drake,  hence  Anda's  letter  was  addressed  to 
Backhouse,    who   took    Fell's  place.      Anda,    who    months   since    had 
refused  to  negotiate  or   treat  with    Drake,  still  claimed  to  be   styled 
Captain-General.       Backhouse    replied    that    he    was    ignorant    of   the 
Spaniards'    statutes    or    laws,    but    that    he    knew    the    Governor  was 
the  Archbishop.     Anda  thereupon  spread  the  report  that  the  British 
Commander   had  forged  the  Preliminaries  of   Peace   because  he  could 
no   longer  hold  out  in  warfare.     The  British  necessarily   had  to  send 
to  the  provinces  to  purchase  provisions,  and  Anda  caused  their  forage 
parties  to  be  attacked,   so   that  the  war  really  continued,    in  spite  of 
the  news  of  peace,  until  January  30,  1764.     On  this  day  the  Archbishop 
died,    sorely   grieved  at    the  situation,  and  weighed   down  with  cares. 
He  had  engaged  to  pay  four  millions  of  pesos  and  surrender  the  Islands, 
but  could   he   indeed  have  refused  any  terms  ?     The  British   were  in 
possession  ;  and  these  conditions  were  dictated  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
Immediately   after  the  funeral  of   the    Archbishop,  Anda  received 
despatches  from  the  King  of  Spain,  by  way  of  China,  confirming  the 
news  of  peace  to  his  Governor  at  Manila.     Then  the  British  acknow- 
ledged   Anda  as  Governor,  and  proceeded  to  evacuate  the  city.     But 
rival  factions  were  not  so   easily  set  aside,  and  fierce  quarrels  ensued 
between  the  respective  parties  of  Anda,  Villa  Corta,  and  Ustariz  as  to 
who  should  be  Governor  and  receive  the  city  officially  from  the  British. 
Anda,    being   actually   in  command  of  the  troops,   held  the  strongest 
position.      The   conflict    was    happily   terminated    by    the    arrival   at 
Marinduque  Island  of  the  newly-appointed  Gov.-General,  from  Spain, 
Don  Francisco  de  La  Torre.       A   galley   was   sent  there  by  Anda  to 
bring  His  Excellency  to  Luzon,  and  he  proceeded  to   Bacolor,  where 
Anda  resigned  the  Government  to  him  on  March  17,  1764. 

La  Torre  sent  a  message  to    Backhouse   and    Brereton — the   com- 

7 


98  The  British  evacuate  the  Islands 

manding  officers  at  Manila  and  Cavite, — stating  that  he  was  ready  to 
take  over  the  city  in  due  form,  and  he  thereupon  took  up  his 
residence  in  Santa  Cruz,  placed  a  Spanish  guard  with  sentinels  from 
that  ward  as  far  as  the  Pontoon  Bridge  (Puente  de  Barcas,  which 
then  occupied  the  site  of  the  present  Puente  de  Espana),  where  the 
British  advance-guard  was,  and  friendly  communication  took  place. 
Governor  Drake  was  indignant  at  being  ignored  in  all  these  pro- 
ceedings, and  ordered  the  Spanish  Governor  to  withdraw  his  guards, 
under  threat  of  appealing  to  force.  Backhouse  and  Brereton  resented 
this  rudeness  and  ordered  the  troops  under  arms  to  arrest  Drake,  whose 
hostile  action,  due  to  jealousy,  they  declared  unwarrantable.  Drake, 
being  apprised  of  their  intentions,  escaped  from  the  city  with  his  suite, 
embarked  on  board  a  frigate,  and  sailed  off. 

La  Torre  was  said  to  be  indisposed  on  the  day  appointed  for 
receiving  the  city.  Some  assert  that  he  feigned  indisposition  as  he 
did  not  wish  to  arouse  Anda's  animosity,  and  desired  to  afford  him  an 
opportunity  of  displaying  himself  as  a  delegate,  at  least,  of  the  highest 
local  authority  by  receiving  the  city  from  the  British,  whilst  he 
pampered  his  pride  by  allowing  him  to  enter  triumphantly  into  it.  As 
the  city  exchanged  masters,  the  Spanish  flag  was  hoisted  once  more 
on  the  Fort  of  Santiago  amidst  the  hurrahs  of  the  populace,  artillery 
salutes,  and  the  ringing  of  the  church  bells. 

Before  embarking,  Brereton  offered  to  do  justice  to  any  claims 
which  might  legitimately  be  established  against  the  British  authorities. 
Hence  a  sloop  lent  to  Drake,  valued  at  P. 4,000,  was  paid  for  to  the 
Jesuits,  and  the  P.3,000  paid  to  ransom  Villa  Corta's  life  was  returned, 
Brereton  remarking,  that  if  the  sentence  against  him  were  valid,  it 
should  have  been  executed  at  the  time,  but  it  could  not  be  commuted 
by  money  payment.  At  the  instance  of  the  British  authorities,  a  free 
pardon  was  granted  and  published  to  the  Chinese,  few  of  whom,  how- 
ever, confided  in  it,  and  many  left  with  the  retiring  army.  Brereton, 
with  his  forces,  embarked  for  India,  after  despatching  a  packet-boat 
to  restore  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  to  his  throne.  In  connection  with  this 
expedition,  150  British  troops  temporarily  remained  on  the  Island  of 
Balambangan,  near  Balabac  Island,  and  Anda  sent  a  messenger  to  inquire 
about  this.  The  reply  came  that  the  Moros,  in  return  for  British 
friendliness,  invited  the  hundred  and  fifty  to  a  feast  and  treacherously 
slew  144  of  them. 

During  this  convulsed  period,  great  atrocities  were  committed. 
Unfortunately  the  common  felons  were  released  by  the  British  from 
their  prisons,  and  used  their  liberty  to  perpetrate  murders  and  robbery 
in  alliance  with  those  always  naturally  bent  that  way.  So  great  did 
this  evil  become,  so  bold  were  the  marauders,  that  in  time  they  formed 
large  parties,  infested  highways,  attacked  plantations,  and  the  poor 
peasantry  had  to  flee,  leaving  their  cattle  and  all  their  belongings  in 


Anda  becomes  Gov. -General ;   his  death  99 

their  power.  Several  avenged  themselves  of  the  friars  for  old  scores — 
others  settled  accounts  with  those  Europeans  who  had  tyrannized  over 
them  of  old.  The  Chinese,  whether  so-called  Christians  or  pagans, 
declared  for  and  aided  the  British. 

The  proceedings  of  the  choleric  Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  were 
approved  by  his  Sovereign,  but  his  impetuous  disposition  drove  from 
him  his  best  counsellors,  whilst  those  who  were  bold  enough  to  uphold 
their  opinions  against  his,  were  accused  of  connivance  with  the  British. 
Communications  with  Europe  were  scant  indeed  in  those  days,  but 
Anda  could  not  have  been  altogether  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  the 
war,  which  terminated  with  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

A  few  months  afterwards  Anda  returned  to  Spain  and  was  received 
with  favour  by  the  King,  who  created  him  a  Cavalier  of  the  Order  of 
Charles  III.  with  a  pension  of  4,000  reales  (about  £¥)),  and  awarded 
him  a  pension  of  3,000  pesos,  and  on  November  6,  1767,  appointed 
him  a  Councillor  of  Castile.  In  the  course  of  the  next  three  years 
Gov.-General  Jose  Raon,  who  superseded  La  Torre,  had  fallen 
into  disgrace,  and  in  1770  Anda  was  appointed  to  the  governor- 
generalship  of  the  Islands,  specially  charged  to  carry  out  the  royal 
will  with  respect  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  defence  of 
Crown  rights  in  ecclesiastical  matters. 

Anda  at  once  found  himself  in  conflict  with  the  Jesuits,  the  friars, 
and  the  out-going  Gov.-General  Raon.  As  soon  as  Raon  vacated 
his  post,  Anda,  as  Gov.-General,  had  his  predecessor  confined  in 
the  Fort  of  Santiago,  where  he  died.  At  the  same  time  he  sent  back 
to  Spain  two  magistrates  who  had  sided  with  Raon,  imprisoned  other 
judges,  and  banished  military  officers  from  the  capital.  Anda's 
position  was  a  very  peculiar  one.  A  partisan  of  the  friars  at  heart, 
he  had  undertaken  the  defence  of  Crown  interests  against  them,  but, 
in  a  measure,  he  was  able  to  palliate  the  bitterness  he  thus  created 
by  expelling  the  Jesuits,  who  were  an  eyesore  to  the  friars.  The 
Jesuits  might  easily  have  promoted  a  native  revolt  against  their 
departure,  but  they  meekly  submitted  to  the  decree  of  banishment  and 
left  the  Islands,  taking  away  nothing  but  their  clothing.  Having  rid 
himself  of  his  rivals  and  the  Jesuits,  Anda  was  constantly  haunted 
by  the  fear  of  fresh  conflict  with  the  British.  He  had  the  city  walls 
repaired  and  created  a  fleet  of  ships  built  in  the  provinces  of  Pangasinan, 
Cavite,  and  Zambales,  consisting  of  one  frigate  of  war  with  18  cannon, 
another  with  32  cannon,  besides  14  vessels  of  different  types,  carrying 
a  total  of  98  cannon  and  12  swivel  guns,  all  in  readiness  for  the  British 
who  never  reappeared. 

Born  on  October  28,  1709,  in  the  Province  of  Alava,  Spain,  Simon 
de  Anda's  irascible  temper,  his  vanity,  and  his  extravagant  love  of 
power  created  enmities  and  brought  trouble  upon  himself  at  every  step. 
Exhausted   by    six  years  of  continual  strife  in  his  private  and  official 


100  Ilocos  Rebellion  led  by  Diego  de  Silan 

capacities,  he  retired  to  the  Austin  Friars1  Hospital  of  San  Juan  de 
Dios,  in  Cavite,  where,  on  October  30,  1776,  he  expired,  much  to  the 
relief  of  his  numerous  adversaries.  The  last  resting-place  of  his 
mortal  remains  is  behind  the  altar  of  the  Cathedral,  marked  by  a 
tablet ;  and  a  monument  erected  to  his  memory — 107  years  after  his 
death — stands  on  the  quayside  at  the  end  of  the  Paseo  de  Santa  Lucia, 
near  the  Fort  of  Santiago,  Manila. 

Consequent  on  the  troubled  state  of  the  Colony,  a  serious  rebellion 
arose  in  Ylogan  (Cagayan  Province)  amongst  the  Timava  natives, 
who  flogged  the  Commandant,  and  declared  they  would  no  longer  pay 
tribute  to  the  Spaniards.  The  revolt  spread  to  Ilocos  and  Pangasinan  ; 
in  the  latter  province  Don  Fernando  Araya  raised  a  troop  of  30 
Spaniards  with  firearms,  and  400  friendly  natives  with  bows  and  arrows, 
and  after  great  slaughter  of  the  rebels  the  ringleaders  were  caught,  and 
tranquillity  was  restored  by  the  gallows. 

A  rising  far  more  important  occurred  in  Ilocos  Sur.  The  Alcalde 
was  deposed,  and  escaped  after  he  had  been  forced  to  give  up  his  staff 
of  office.  The  leader  of  this  revolt  was  a  cunning  and  wily  Manila 
native,  named  Diego  de  Silan,  who  persuaded  the  people  to  cease  paying 
tribute  and  declare  against  the  Spaniards,  who,  he  pointed  out,  were 
unable  to  resist  the  English.  The  City  of  Vigan  was  in  great  commotion. 
The  Vicar-General  parleyed  in  vain  with  the  natives  ;  then,  at  the  head 
of  his  troops,  he  dispersed  the  rebels,  some  of  whom  were  taken  prisoners. 
But  the  bulk  of  the  rioters  rallied  and  attacked,  and  burnt  down  part  of 
the  city.  The  loyal  natives  fled  before  the  flames.  The  Vicar-General\s 
house  was  taken,  and  the  arms  in  it  were  seized.  All  the  Austin  friars 
within  a  large  surrounding  neighbourhood  had  to  ransom  themselves 
by  money  payments.  Silan  was  then  acknowledged  as  chief  over  a 
large  territory  north  and  south  of  Vigan.  He  appointed  his  lieutenants, 
and  issued  a  manifesto  declaring  Jesus  of  Nazareth  to  be  Captain- 
General  of  the  place,  and  that  he  was  His  Alcalde  for  the  promotion 
of  the  Catholic  religion  and  dominion  of  the  King  of  Spain.  His 
manifesto  was  wholly  that  of  a  religious  fanatic.  He  obliged  the 
natives  to  attend  Mass,  to  confess,  and  to  see  that  their  children  went 
to  school.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  pretended  piety,  he  stole  cattle  and 
exacted  ransoms  for  the  lives  of  all  those  who  could  pay  them ;  he  levied 
a  tax  of  P.  100  on  each  friar.  Under  the  pretence  of  keeping  out  the 
British,  he  placed  sentinels  in  all  directions  to  prevent  news  reaching 
the  terrible  Simon  de  Anda.  But  Anda,  though  fully  informed  by  an 
Austin  friar  of  what  was  happening,  had  not  sufficient  troops  to  march 
north.  He  sent  a  requisition  to  Silan  to  present  himself  within  nine 
days,  under  penalty  of  arrest  as  a  traitor.  Whilst  this  order  was 
published,  vague  reports  were  intentionally  spread  that  the  Spaniards 
were  coming  to  Ilocos  in  great  force.  Many  deserted  Silan,  but  he 
contrived  to  deceive  even  the  clergy  and  others  by  his  feigned  piety. 


Revolt  in  Bqjol  Island  led  by  Dagohoy  101 

Silan  sent  presents  to  Manila  for  the  British,  acknowledging  the  King 
of  England  to  be  his  legitimate  Sovereign.  The  British  Governor  sent, 
in  return,  a  vessel  bearing  despatches  to  Silan,  appointing  him  Alcalde. 
Elated  with  pride,  Silan  at  once  made  this  public.  The  natives  were 
undeceived,  for  they  had  counted  on  him  to  deliver  them  from  the 
British  ;  now,  to  their  dismay,  they  saw  him  the  authorized  magistrate 
of  the  invader.  He  gave  orders  to  make  all  the  Austin  friars  prisoners, 
saying  that  the  British  would  send  other  clergy  in  their  stead.  The 
friars  surrendered  themselves  without  resistance  and  joined  their  Bishop 
near  Vigan,  awaiting  the  pleasure  of  Silan.  The  Bishop  excommunicated 
Silan,  and  then  he  released  some  of  the  priests.  The  christian  natives 
having  refused  to  slay  the  friars,  a  secret  compact  was  being  made, 
with  this  object,  with  the  mountain  tribes,  when  a  Spanish  half-caste 
named  Vicos  obtained  the  Bishop's  benediction  and  killed  Silan  ;  and 
the  Ilocos  rebellion,  which  had  lasted  from  December  14,  1762,  to 
May  28,  1763,  ended. 

Not  until  a  score  of  little  battles  had  been  fought  were  the  numerous 
riots  in  the  provinces  quelled.  The  loyal  troops  were  divided  into 
sections,  and  marched  north  in  several  directions,  until  peace  was 
restored  by  March,  1765.  Zuftiga  says  that  the  Spaniards  lost  in  these 
riots  about  70  Europeans  and  140  natives,  whilst  they  cost  the  rebels 
quite  10,000  men. 

%  %  ^  t¥"  *  * 

The  submission  made  to  the  Spaniards,  in  the  time  of  Legaspi,  of  the 
Manila  and  Tondo  chiefs,  was  but  of  local  importance,  and  by  no  means 
implied  a  total  pacific  surrender  of  the  whole  Archipelago  ;  for  each 
district  had  yet  to  be  separately  conquered.  In  many  places  a  bold  stand 
was  made  for  independence,  but  the  superior  organization  and  science  of 
the  European  forces  invariably  brought  them  final  victory. 

The  numerous  revolutionary  protests  registered  in  history  against  the 
Spanish  dominion  show  that  the  natives,  from  the  days  of  Legaspi 
onwards,  only  yielded  to  a  force  which  they  repeatedly,  in  each 
generation,  essayed  to  overthrow.  But  it  does  not  necessarily  follow 
that  either  the  motives  which  inspired  the  leaders  of  these  social 
disturbances,  or  the  acts  themselves,  were,  in  every  case,  laudable  ones. 

The  Pampanga  natives  were  among  the  first  to  submit,  but  a  few 
years  afterwards  they  were  in  open  mutiny  against  their  masters,  who, 
they  alleged,  took  their  young  men  from  their  homes  to  form  army 
corps,  and  busily  employed  the  able-bodied  men  remaining  in  the  district 
to  cut  timber  for  Government  requirements  and  furnish  provisions  to 
the  camp  and  to  the  Arsenal  at  Cavite. 

In  1622  the  natives  of  Bojol  Island  erected  an  oratory  in  the 
mountain  in  honour  of  an  imaginary  deity,  and  revolted  against  the 
tyranny  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries.  They  proclaimed  their  intention 
to  regain  their  liberty,  and  freedom  from  the  payment  of  tribute  to 


102  Revolts  in  Leyte,  Mindanao,  and  Sdmar 

foreigners,  and  taxes  to  a  Church  they  did  not  believe  in.  Several 
towns  and  churches  were  burnt,  and  Catholic  images  were  desecrated, 
but  the  rebels  were  dispersed  by  the  Governor  of  Cebu,  who,  with  a 
considerable  number  of  troops,  pursued  them  into  the  interior.  In  the 
same  island  a  more  serious  rising  was  caused  in  1744  by  the  despotism 
of  a  Jesuit  priest  named  Morales,  who  arrogated  to  himself  governmental 
rights,  ordering  the  apprehension  of  natives  who  did  not  attend  Mass, 
and  exercising  his  sacerdotal  functions  according  to  his  own  caprice. 
The  natives  resisted  these  abuses,  and  a  certain  Dagdhoy,  whose 
brother's  body  had  been  left  uninterred  to  decompose  by  the  priest's 
orders,  organized  a  revenge  party,  and  swore  to  pay  the  priest  in  his 
own  coin.  The  Jesuit  was  captured  and  executed,  and  his  corpse  was 
left  four  days  in  the  sun  to  corrupt.  Great  numbers  of  disaffected 
natives  nocked  to  Dagdhoy's  standard.  Their  complaint  was,  that 
whilst  they  risked  their  lives  in  foreign  service  for  the  sole  benefit  of 
their  European  masters,  their  homes  were  wrecked  and  their  wives  and 
families  maltreated  to  recover  the  tribute.  Dagdhoy,  with  his  people, 
maintained  his  independence  for  the  space  of  35  years,  during  which 
period  it  was  necessary  to  employ  constantly  detachments  of  troops 
to  check  the  rebels''  raids  on  private  property.  On  the  expulsion  of 
the  Jesuits  from  the  Colony,  Recoleto  friars  went  to  Bojol,  and  then 
Dagdhoy  and  his  partisans  submitted  to  the  Government  on  the 
condition  of  all  receiving  a  full  pardon. 

In  1622  an  insurrection  was  set  on  foot  in  Leyte  Island  against 
Spanish  rule,  and  the  Governor  of  Cebu  went  there  with  40  vessels,  carrying 
troops  and  war  material,  to  co-operate  with  the  local  Governor  against 
the  rebels.  The  native  leader  was  made  prisoner,  and  his  head  placed 
on  a  high  pole  to  strike  terror  into  the  populace.  Another  prisoner 
was  garrotted,  four  more  were  publicly  executed  by  being  shot  with 
arrows,  and  another  was  burnt. 

In  1629  an  attempt  was  made  in  the  Province  of  Surigao  (then 
called  Caraga),  in  the  east  of  Mindanao  Island,  to  throw  off  the 
Spanish  yoke.  Several  churches  were  burnt  and  four  priests  were 
killed  by  the  rebels,  and  the  rising  was  only  quelled  after  three  years1 
guerilla  warfare. 

In  1649  the  Gov. -General  decided  to  supply  the  want  of  men  in 
the  Arsenal  at  Cavite  and  the  increasing  necessity  for  troops,  by 
pressing  the  natives  of  Samar  Island  into  the  King's  service.  There- 
upon a  native  headman  named  Sumoroy  killed  the  priest  of  Ybabao, 
on  the  east  coast  of  Samar,  and  led  the  mob  who  sacked  and  burnt 
the  churches  along  the  coast.  The  Governor  at  Catbalogan  got 
together  a  few  men,  and  sent  them  into  the  mountains  with  orders 
to  send  him  back  the  head  of  Sumoroy,  but  instead  of  obeying  they 
joined  the  rebels  and  sent  him  a  pig's  head.  The  revolt  increased, 
and   General    Andres    Lopez  Azaldegui  was    despatched  to  the  island 


Rebellion  of  "  King"  Malong ;    "Count"  Ghimapos     103 

with  full  powers  from  the  Gov.-General,  whilst  he  was  supported  on 
the  coast  by  armed  vessels  from  Zamboanga.  Sumoroy  fled  to  the 
hills,  but  his  mother  was  found  in  a  hut ;  and  the  invading  party 
wreaked  their  vengeance  on  her  by  literally  pulling  her  to  pieces. 
Sumoroy  was  at  length  betrayed  by  his  own  people,  who  carried  his 
head  to  the  Spanish  Captain,  and  this  officer  had  it  exhibited  on  a 
pole  in  the  village.  Some  years  afterwards  another  rebel  chief  sur- 
rendered, under  a  pardon  obtained  for  him  by  the  priests,  but  the 
military  authorities  imprisoned  and  then  hanged  him. 

The  riots  of  1649  extended  to  other  provinces  for  the  same  cause. 
In  Albay,  the  parish  priest  of  Sorsogon  had  to  flee  for  his  life;  in 
Masbate  Island,  a  sub-lieutenant  was  killed  ;  in  Zamboanga,  a  priest 
was  murdered ;  in  Cebu,  a  Spaniard  was  assassinated ;  and  in  Surigao 
(then  called  Caraga)  and  Butuan,  many  Europeans  fell  victims  to  the 
fury  of  the  populace.  To  quell  these  disturbances,  Captain  Gregorio 
de  Castillo,  stationed  at  Butuan,  was  ordered  to  march  against  the 
rebels  with  a  body  of  infantry,  but  bloodshed  was  avoided  by  the 
Captain  publishing  a  general  pardon  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and 
crowds  of  insurgents  came  to  the  camp  in  consequence.  The  King's  name, 
however,  was  sullied,  for  very  few  of  those  who  surrendered  ever  regained 
their  liberty.  They  were  sent  prisoners  to  Manila,  where  a  few  were 
pardoned,  others  were  executed,  and  the  majority  became  gallev-slaves. 

In  1660  there  was  again  a  serious  rising  in  Pampanga,  the  natives 
objecting  to  cut  timber  for  the  Cavite  Arsenal  without  payment.  The 
revolt  spread  to  Pangasinan  Province,  where  a  certain  Andres  Malong 
was  declared  king,  and  he  in  turn  gave  to  another — Pedro  Gumapos — 
the  title  of  "  Count.11  Messages  were  sent  to  Zambales  and  other  adjacent 
provinces  ordering  the  natives  to  kill  the  Spaniards,  under  pain  of 
incurring  "King11  Malong's  displeasure 

Three  army-corps  were  formed  by  the  rebels :  one  of  6,000  men, 
under  Melchor  de  Veras,  for  the  conquest  of  Pampanga ;  another  of 
3,000  men,  led  by  the  titular  count  Gumapos,  to  annex  Ilocos  and 
Cagayan,  whilst  the  so-called  King  Malong  took  the  field  against  the 
Pangasinan  people  at  the  head  of  2,000  followers.  Ilocos  Province 
declared  in  his  favour,  and  furnished  a  body  of  insurgents  under  a 
chief  named  Juan  Manzano,  whilst  everywhere  on  the  march  the  titular 
king's  troops  increased  until  they  numbered  about  40,000  men.  On 
the  way  many  Spaniards — priests  and  laymen — were  killed.  The 
Gov.-General  sent  by  land  to  Pampanga  200  Spanish  troops,  400 
Pampangos  and  half-breeds,  well  armed  and  provisioned,  and  Mount 
Arayat  was  fortified  and  garrisoned  by  500  men.  By  sea  :  two  galleys, 
six  small  vessels,  and  four  cargo  launches — carrying  700  Spaniards 
and  half-breeds,  and  30  Pampangos — went  to  Bolinao,  in  Zambales 
Province.  The  rebels  were  everywhere  routed,  and  their  chiefs  were 
hanged — some  in  Pampanga  and  others  in  Manila. 


104  Rebellion  of  Andres  Novales 

Almost  each  generation  has  called  forth  the  strong  arm  of  the 
conqueror  to  extinguish  the  flame  of  rebellion  in  one  island  or  another, 
the  revolt  being  sometimes  due  to  sacerdotal  despotism,  and  at  other 
times  to  official  rapacity. 

In  the  last  century,  prior  to  1896,  several  vain  attempts  to  subvert 
Spanish  authority  were  made,  notably  in  1811  in  Ilocos,  where  the 
fanatics  sought  to  establish  a  new  religion  and  set  up  a  new  god.  An 
attempt  was  then  made  to  enlist  the  wild  tribes  in  a  plot  to  murder 
all  the  Spaniards,  but  it  was  opportunely  discovered  by  the  friars  and 
suppressed  before  it  could  be  carried  out. 

In  June,  1823,  an  order  was  received  from  Spain  to  the  effect  that 
officers  commissioned  in  the  Peninsula  should  have  precedence  of  all 
those  appointed  in  the  Colony,  so  that,  for  instance,  a  lieutenant  from 
Spain  would  hold  local  rank  above  a  Philippine  major.  The  Philippine 
officers  protested  against  this  anomaly,  alleging  that  the  commissions 
granted  to  them  in  the  name  of  the  Sovereign  were  as  good  as  those 
granted  in  Spain.  The  Gov.-General  refused  to  listen  to  the  objections 
put  forward,  and  sent  Captain  Andres  Novales  and  others  on  board 
a  ship  bound  for  Mindanao.  Novales,  however,  escaped  to  shore,  and, 
in  conspiracy  with  a  certain  Ruiz,  attempted  to  overthrow  the  Govern- 
ment. At  midnight  all  Manila  was  aroused  by  the  cry  of  "  Long  live 
the  Emperor  Novales  !  "  Disaffected  troops  promenaded  the  city  ;  the 
people  sympathized  with  the  movement ;  flags  were  waved  as  the 
rebels  passed  through  the  streets ;  the  barrack  used  by  Novales"' 
regiment  was  seized ;  the  Cathedral  and  Town  Hall  were  occupied,  and 
at  6  o'clock  in  the  morning  Andres  Novales  marched  to  Fort  Santiago, 
which  was  under  the  command  of  his  brother  Antonio.  To  his  great 
surprise,  the  brother  Antonio  stoutly  refused  to  join  in  the  rising, 
and  Andres''  expostulations  and  exhortations  were  finally  met  with  a 
threat  to  fire  on  him  if  he  did  not  retire.  Meanwhile,  the  Gov.-General 
remained  in  hiding  until  he  heard  that  the  fort  was  holding  out 
against  Andres'  assault,  when  he  sent  troops  to  assist  the  defenders. 
Hemmed  in  between  the  fort  and  the  troops  outside,  Andres  Novales 
and  Ruiz  made  their  escape,  but  they  were  soon  taken  prisoners. 
Andres  Novales  was  found  hiding  underneath  the  drawbridge  of  the 
Puerto,  Real.  The  Gov.-General  at  once  ordered  Andres  Novales,  Ruiz, 
and  Antonio  Novales  to  be  executed.  The  Town  Council  then  went 
in  a  body  to  the  Gov.-General  to  protest  against  the  loyal  defender 
of  Fort  Santiago  being  punished  simply  because  he  was  Andres  Novales1 
brother.  The  Gov.-General,  however,  threatened  to  have  shot  any 
one  who  should  say  a  word  in  favour  of  the  condemned. 

In  a  garden  of  the  episcopal  palace,  near  the  ancient  Puerto,  del 
Postigo,  the  execution  of  the  three  condemned  men  was  about  to  take 
place,  and  crowds  of  people  assembled  to  witness  it.  At  the  critical 
moment  an  assessor  of  the  Supreme  Court  shouted  to  the  Gov.-General 


Apolinario  de  la  Cruz,  "  King  of  the  Tagdlogs  "     105 

that  to  take  the  life  of  the  loyal  defender  of  the  fort,  solely  on  the  ground 
of  his  relationship  to  the  rebel  leader,  would  be  an  iniquity.  His  words 
found  a  sympathetic  echo  among  the  crowd,  and  the  Gov. -General, 
deadly  pale  with  rage,  yielded  to  this  demonstration  of  public  opinion. 
Antonio  Novales  was  pardoned,  but  the  strain  on  his  nerves  weakened 
his  brain,  and  he  lived  for  many  years  a  semi-idiot  in  receipt  of  a 
monthly  pension  of  14  pesos. 

In  1827  the  standard  of  sedition  was  raised  in  Cebu  and  a  few  towns 
of  that  island,  but  these  disturbances  were  speedily  quelled  through  the 
influence  of  the  Spanish  friars. 

In  1828  a  conspiracy  of  a  separatist  tendency  was  discovered,  and 
averted  without  bloodshed. 

In  1835  Feliciano  Paran  took  the  field  against  the  Spaniards  in 
Cavite  Province,  and  held  out  so  effectually  that  the  Gov.-General  came 
to  terms  with  him  and  afterwards  deported  him  to  the  Ladrone  Islands. 
In  1836  there  was  much  commotion  of  a  revolutionary  character,  the 
peculiar  feature  of  it  being  the  existence  of  pro-friar  and  anti-friar 
native  parties,  the  former  seeking  to  subject  absolutely  the  civil  govern- 
ment to  ecclesiastical  control.1 

In  1841  a  student  for  the  priesthood,  named  Apolinario  de  la  Cruz, 
affected  with  religious  mania,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  fanatical 
party  in  Tayabas,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  religious 
sect.     Some  thousands  of  natives  joined  the  movement,  and  troops  had 

1  The  prominent  men  in  this  movement  were  the  brothers  Palmero,  maternal 
uncles  of  the  well-known  Spanish  soldier-politician,  General  Marcelo  Azcarraga. 

Born  in  1832  in  Manila,  General  Marcelo  Azcarraga  was  the  son  of  Jose 
Azcarraga,  a  Biscayan  Spaniard,  and  his  creole  wife  D"'  Maria  Palmero.  Jose 
Azcarraga  was  a  bookseller,  established  in  the  Esco/ta  (Binondo),  in  a  building 
(burnt  down  in  October,  1885)  on  the  site  where  stood  the  General  Post  Office  up  to 
June,  1904.  In  the  tire  of  1885  the  first  MS.  of  the  first  edition  of  this  work  was 
consumed,  and  had  to  be  re-written.  Jose  Azcarraga  had  several  sons  and  daughters. 
His  second  son,  Marcelo,  first  studied  law  at  St.  Thomas'  University,  and  then 
entered  the  Nautical  School,  where  he  gained  the  first  prize  in  mathematics.  Sent 
to  Spain  to  continue  his  studies,  he  entered  the  Military  School,  and  in  three  years' 
time  obtained  the  rank  of  Captain.  For  his  services  against  the  O'Donnell  revolu- 
tionary movement  (1854)  in  Madrid,  he  was  promoted  to  Major.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-three  he  obtained  the  Cross  of  San  Fernando  (with  pension).  Having  served 
Spain  with  distinction  in  several  important  missions  to  Mexico,  Cuba,  and  Sto. 
Domingo,  he  returned  to  Cuba  and  espoused  the  daughter  of  the  great  banker, 
Fesser,  who  gave  him  a  fortune  of  £20,000  on  the  day  of  his  marriage.  In  the  year 
of  Isabella  II. 's  deposition  (1868)  he  returned  to  Spain,  promoted  the  Bourbon 
restoration,  and  became  Lieut. -General  on  the  proclamation  of  Alfonso  XII.  (1875). 
He  then  became  successively  M.P.,  Senator  by  election,  and  life  Senator.  He  was 
Minister  of  War  under  Canovas  del  Castillo,  on  whose  assassination  (Aug.  8,  1897) 
he  became  Prime  Minister  of  the  Interim  Government  specially  charged  to  keep 
order  until  after  the  unpopular  marriage  of  the  Princess  of  Asturias.  After  several 
Ministerial  changes  he  again  took  the  leadership  of  the  Government,  was  lately 
President  of  the  Senate,  and  on  his  retirement,  at  the  age  of  seventy-two,  he 
received  the  Toison  de  Oro  (Golden  Fleece) — the  most  elevated  Order  in  Spain.  On 
his  mother's  side  he  descends  from  the  Philippine  creole  family  of  the  Conde  de 
Lizarraga,  and  is  uncle  to  the  Conde  de  Albay,  better  known  in  Philippine  society 
as  Senor  Govantes. 


106  The  Cavite  Conspiracy  of  1872 

to  be  sent  to  suppress  the  rising.  Having  assumed  the  title  of  King 
of  the  Tagalogs,  he  pretended  to  have  direct  heavenly  support,  telling 
the  ignorant  masses  that  he  was  invulnerable  and  that  the  soldiers' 
bullets  would  fly  from  them  like  chaff  before  the  wind. 

In  1844,  during  a  rising  at  Jimamaylan,  in  Negros  Island,  the 
Spanish  Governor  was  killed.  The  revolt  is  said  to  have  been  due  to 
the  Governor  having  compelled  the  State  prisoners  to  labour  for  his 
private  account. 

In  1854  a  Spanish  half-caste,  named  Cuesta,  came  back  from  Spain 
with  the  rank  of  major,  and  at  once  broke  out  into  open  rebellion. 
The  cry  was  for  independence,  and  four  Luzon  provinces  rose  in  his 
support ;  but  the  movement  was  crushed  by  the  troops  and  Cuesta 
was  hanged. 

In  1870  a  certain  Camerino  raised  rebellion  in  Cavite  province,  and 
after  many  unsuccessful  attempts  to  capture  him  he  came  to  terms  with 
the  Gov. -General,  who  gave  him  a  salaried  employment  for  a  couple 
of  years  and  then  had  him  executed  on  the  allegation  that  he  was 
concerned  in  the  rising  of  Cavite  Arsenal. 

In  1871  there  existed  a  Secret  Society  of  reformers  who  used  to  meet 
in  Santa  Cruz  (Manila)  at  the  house  of  the  Philippine  priest,  Father 
Mariano.1  From  the  house  proper  a  narrow  staircase  led  to  a  cistern 
about  25  feet  square,  in  the  side  of  which  there  was  a  door  which  closed 
perfectly.  The  cistern  was  divided  into  two  unequal  parts,  the  top 
compartment  being  full  of  water,  whilst  the  lower  part  served  as  the 
reformers'1  conference  room,  so  that  if  search  were  made,  the  cistern 
was,  in  fact,  a  cistern. 

Among  the  members  of  this  confraternity  were  Father  Agustin 
Mendoza,  the  parish  priest  of  Santa  Cruz  ;  Dr.  Jose  Burgos,  also  a  native 
priest ;  Maximo  Paterno,  the  father  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno ;  Ambrosio 
Rianzares  Bautista ;  and  others  still  living  (some  personally  known  to 
me),  under  the  presidency  of  Jose  Maria  Basa  (now  residing  in  Hong- 
Kong).  This  Secret  Society  demanded  reforms,  and  published  in  Madrid 
their  organ,  Eco  de  Filipinas,  copies  of  which  reached  the  Islands.  The 
copy  for  the  paper  was  the  result  of  the  society's  deliberations.  The 
monks,  incensed  at  its  publication,  were,  for  a  long  time,  puzzled  to 
find  out  whence  the  information  emanated.  Many  of  the  desired  reforms 
closely  affected  the  position  of  the  regular  clergy,  the  Philippine  priests, 
led  by  Dr.  Burgos,  urging  the  fulfilment  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
decisions,  which  forbade  the  friars  to  hold  benefices  unless  there  were 
no  secular  priests  available. 

It  appears  that  the  friars,  nevertheless,  secured  these  ecclesiastical 

1  It  was  practically  a  secret  branch  of  the  Junta  General  de  Reformas  authorized 
to  discuss  reforms,  and  created  by  the  Colonial  Minister  Becerra  during  the 
governor-generalship  of  General  La  Torre  in  the  time  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment in  Spain  which  succeeded  the  deposed  Queen  Isabella  II. 


The  Philippine  Martyrs  107 

preferments  by  virtue  of  Papal  Bulls  of  Pius  V.  and  subsequent  Popes, 
who  authorized  friars  to  act  as  parish  priests,  not  in  perpetuity,  but 
so  long  as  secular  clergymen  were  insufficient  in  number  to  attend  to 
the  cure  of  souls.  The  native  party  consequently  declared  that  the 
friars  retained  their  incumbencies  illegally  and  by  intrusion,  in  view 
of  the  sufficiency  of  Philippine  secular  priests.  Had  the  Council  of 
Trent  enactments  been  carried  out  to  the  letter,  undoubtedly  the 
religious  communities  in  the  Philippines  would  have  been  doomed  to 
comparative  political  impotence.  The  friars,  therefore,  sought  to 
embroil  Dr.  Burgos  and  his  party  in  overt  acts  of  sedition,  in  order 
to  bring  about  their  downfall  and  so  quash  the  movement.  To  this 
end  they  contrived  to  draw  a  number  of  Manila  and  Cavite  natives  into 
a  conspiracy  to  subvert  the  Spanish  Government.  The  native  soldiers 
of  the  Cavite  garrison  were  induced  to  co-operate  in  what  they  believed 
to  be  a  genuine  endeavour  to  throw  off  the  Spanish  dominion.  They 
were  told  that  rockets  fired  off  in  Manila  would  be  the  signal  for  revolt. 
It  happened,  however,  that  they  mistook  the  fireworks  of  a  suburban 
feast  for  the  agreed  signal  and  precipitated  the  outbreak  in  Cavite 
without  any  support  in  the  capital.  The  disaffected  soldiers  seized 
the  Arsenal,  whilst  others  attacked  the  influential  Europeans.  Colonel 
Sabas  was  sent  over  to  Cavite  to  quell  the  riot,  and  after  a  short, 
but  stubborn  resistance,  the  rebels  were  overcome,  disarmed,  and  then 
formed  up  in  line.  On  Colonel  Sabas  asking  if  there  were  any  one 
who  would  not  cry,  "  Viva  Espana!"  one  man  stepped  forward  a  few 
paces  out  of  the  ranks.  The  Colonel  shot  him  dead,  and  the  remainder 
were  marched  to  prison. 

The  ruse  operated  effectually  on  the  lay  authorities,  who  yielded 
to  the  Spanish  monks'  demand  that  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law 
should  be  inflicted  upon  their  opponents.  Thereupon,  Dr.  Jose  Burgos 
(aged  80  years),  Father  Jacinto  Zamora  (aged  35  years),  and  Father 
Mariano  Gomez  x  (a  dotard,  85  years  of  age)  were  executed  (February  28, 
1872)  on  the  Limeta,  the  fashionable  esplanade  outside  the  walled  city, 
facing  the  sea. 

The  friars  then  caused  a  bill  of  indictment  to  be  put  forward  by 
the  Public  Prosecutor,  in  which  it  was  alleged  that  a  Revolutionary 
Government  had  been  projected.  The  native  clergy  were  terror-stricken. 
It  was  decreed  that  whilst  the  Filipinos  already  acting  as  parish  priests 
would  not  be  deposed,  no  further  appointments  would  be  made,  and 
the  most  the  Philippine  novice  could  aspire  to  would  be  the  position  of 
coadjutor — practically  servant — to  the  friar  incumbent.  Moreover,  the 
opportunity  was  taken  to  banish  to  the  Ladrone  (Marianas)  Islands  many 
members  of  wealthy  and  influential  families  whose  passive  resistance 
was  an  eyesore  to  the  friars.     Among  these  was  the  late  Maximo  Paterno 

1  He  was  the  grandfather  of  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  surviving  generals 
of  the  Tagalog  Rebellion  (1896)  and  the  War  of  Independence  (1899). 


108  Germs  of  the  Tagdlog  Rebellion  of  1896 

(q.v.),  the  father  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno  ;  also  Dr.  Antonio  M.  Regidor  y 
Jurado  and  Jose  Maria  Basa,  who  are  still  living.1 

In  1889  I  visited  a  penal  settlement — La  Colonia  Agricola  de  San 
Ramon — in  Mindanao  Island,  and  during  my  stay  at  the  director's 
house  I  was  every  day  served  at  table  by  a  native  convict  who  was 
said  to  have  been  nominated  by  the  Cavite  rebels  to  the  Civil 
Governorship  of  Manila.  There  was,  however,  no  open  trial  from 
which  the  public  could  form  an  opinion  of  the  merits  of  the  case,  and 
the  idea  of  subverting  the  Spanish  Government  would  appear  to  have 
been  a  fantastic  concoction  for  the  purposes  stated.  But  from  that 
date  there  never  ceased  to  exist  a  secret  revolutionary  agitation  which 
culminated  in  the  events  of  1898. 

1  Jose  Maria  Basa  was  the  son  of  Matias  Basa,  a  builder  and  contractor  by  trade, 
who  made  a  contract  with  the  Spanish  Government  to  fill  up  the  stream  which 
branched  from  the  Pasig  River  and  crossed  the  Escolta  (Manila),  where  now  stands 
the  street  called  Calle  de  San  Jacinto.  In  consideration  of  this  work  he  was 
permitted  to  build  houses  on  the  reclaimed  land,  provided  he  made  a  thoroughfare 
where  the  former  bed  of  the  rivulet  existed.  This  undertaking  made  his  fortune. 
His  son,  Jose  Maria,  had  several  trading  schemes,  the  most  prosperous  of  which 
was  his  distillery  at  Trozo  (Manila),  which  brought  him  large  profits,  and  was  a 
flourishing  concern  in  1872.  On  being  amnestied,  he  established  himself  in  Hong- 
Kong,  where  he  is  still  living  with  his  family  in  easy  circumstances  and  highly 
respected.  His  unbounded  hospitality  to  all  who  know  him,  and  especially  to  his 
countrymen,  has  justly  earned  for  him  in  Hong-Kong  the  title  of  the  "  Father  of 
the  Filipinos." 

Dr.  Antonio  Maria  Regidor  y  Jurado,  a  young  lawyer,  was  arrested  and  banished 
to  the  Ladrone  Islands,  whence  he  afterwards  escaped  to  Hong-Kong  in  a  foreign 
vessel,  disguised  as  a  priest.  From  that  Colony  he  found  his  way  to  France,  where 
he  intended  to  settle,  but  eventually  established  himself  in  London,  where  he  still 
holds  a  high  position  as  a  Spanish  consulting  lawyer.  By  his  marriage  with  an 
Irish  lady,  he  has  a  son  and  several  charming  daughters,  his  well-appointed  home 
being  the  rendezvous  of  all  the  best  class  of  Filipinos  who  visit  the  British 
metropolis. 


109 


CHAPTER    VIII 

THE   CHINESE 

Long  before  the  foundation  of  Manila  by  Legaspi  in  1571  the  Chinese 
traded  with  these  Islands.  Their  locus  standi,  however,  was  invariably 
a  critical  one,  and  their  commercial  transactions  with  the  semi- 
barbarous  Philippine  Islanders  were  always  conducted  afloat.  Often 
their  junks  were  boarded  and  pillaged  by  the  natives,  but,  in  spite 
of  the  immense  risk  incurred,  the  Chinese  lacked  nothing  in  their  active 
pursuit.     Their  chief  home  port  was  Canton. 

Legaspi  soon  perceived  the  advantages  which  would  accrue  to  his 
conquest  by  fostering  the  development  of  commerce  with  these  Islands ; 
and,  as  an  inducement  to  the  Chinese  to  continue  their  traffic,  he  severely 
punished  all  acts  of  violence  committed  against  them. 

In  the  course  of  time  the  Chinese  had  gained  sufficient  confidence 
under  European  protection,  to  come  ashore  with  their  wares.  In  1588, 
Chinese  were  already  paying  rent  for  the  land  they  occupied.  Some 
writers  assert  that  they  propagated  their  religious  doctrines  as  well  as 
their  customs,  but  nothing  can  be  found  to  confirm  this  statement,  and 
a  knowledge  of  Chinese  habits  inclines  one  to  think  it  most  improbable. 
In  their  trading  junks  they  frequently  carried  their  idols,  as  a  Romish 
priest  carries  his  missal  when  he  travels.  The  natives  may  have 
imitated  the  Chinese  religious  rites  years  before  the  Spaniards  came. 
There  is  no  evidence  adduced  to  prove  that  they  made  any  endeavour 
to  proselytize  the  natives  as  the  Spaniards  did.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  idols,  lost  by  the  Chinese  in  shipwreck 
and  piratical  attacks,  have  been,  and  still  are,  revered  by  the  natives  as 
authenticated  miraculous  images  of  Christian  Saints  (vide  "  Holy  Child 
of  Cebii  "  and  "  Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay  "). 

(I The  Chinese  contributed,  in  a  large  measure,  to  bring  about  a  state 
of  order  and  prosperity  in  the  new  Colony,  by  the  introduction  of 
their  small  trades  and  industries  ;  and  their  traffic  in  the  interior,  and 
with  China,  was  really  beneficial,  in  those  times,  to  the  object  which 
the  conquerors  had  in  view.  So  numerous,  however,  did  they  become, 
that  it  was  found  necessary  to  regulate  the  growing  commerce  and  the 
modus  vivendi  of  the  foreign  traders.  I 


110         The  Chinese — The  Alcayceria — The  Parian 

In  the  bad  weather  they  were  unable  to  go  to  and  from  their  junks, 
and,  fearing  lest  under  such  circumstances  the  trade  would  fall  off,  the 
Government  determined  to  provide  them  with  a  large  building  called 
the  Alcayceria.  The  contract  for  its  construction  was  offered  to  any 
private  person  or  corporation  willing  to  take  it  up  on  the  following  terms, 
viz.  : — The  original  cost,  the  annual  expense  of  maintenance,  and  the 
annual  rents  received  from  the  Chinese  tenants  were  to  be  equally  shared 
by  the  Government  and  the  contractor.  The  contract  was  accepted  by 
a  certain  Fernando  de  Mier  y  Noriega,  who  was  appointed  bailiff  of  the 
Alcayceria  for  life,  and  the  employment  was  to  be  hereditary  in  his 
family,  at  a  salary  of  50  pesos  per  month.  However,  when  the  plan  was 
submitted  to  the  Government,  it  was  considered  too  extensive,  and  was 
consequently  greatly  reduced,  the  Government  defraying  the  total  cost 
(P.  48,000).  The  bailiffs  salary  was  likewise  reduced  to  P.  25  per  month, 
and  only  the  condition  of  sharing  rent  and  expense  of  preservation  was 
maintained.  The  Alcayceria  was  a  square  of  shops,  with  a  back  store, 
and  one  apartment  above  each  tenement.  It  was  inaugurated  in  1580, 
in  the  Calle  de  San  Fernando,  in  Binondo,  opposite  to  where  is  now 
the  Harbour-Master's  Office,  and  within  firing  range  of  the  forts.  In 
the  course  of  years  this  became  a  ruin,  and  on  the  same  site  Govern- 
ment Stores  were  built  in  1856.  These,  too,  were  wrecked  in  their 
turn  by  the  great  earthquake  of  1863.  In  the  meantime,  the  Chinese 
had  long  ago  spread  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Alcayceria,  and 
another  centre  had  been  provided  for  them  within  the  City  of  Manila. 
This  was  called  the  Parian,  which  is  the  Mexican  word  for  market- 
place. It  was  demolished  by  Government  order  in  1860,  but  the 
entrance  to  the  city  at  that  part  (constructed  in  1782)  still  retains  the 
name  of  Puerta  del  Parian. 

Hence  it  will  be  seen  that  from  the  time  of  the  conquest,  and  for 
generations  following,  the  Spanish  authorities  offered  encouragement 
and  protection  to  the  Chinese. 

Dr.  Antonio  Morga,  in  his  work  on  the  Philippines,  p.  349, 
writes  (at  the  close  of  the  16th  century)  :  "  It  is  true  the  town  cannot 
"  exist  without  the  Chinese,  as  they  are  workers  in  all  trades  and  business, 
"  and  very  industrious  and  work  for  small  wages."" 

Juan  de  la  Concepcion  writes  1  (referring  to  the  beginning  of  the 
17th  century) ;  "  Without  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  Chinese, 
these  dominions  could  not  have  subsisted."1''  The  same  writer  estimates 
the  number  of  Chinese  in  the  Colony  in  1638  at  33,000.2 

In  1686  the  policy  of  fixing  the  statutory  maximum  number  of 
Chinese  at  6,000  was  discussed,  but  commercial  conveniences  out- 
|  weighed   its   adoption.       Had    the    measure    been   carried   out,    it  was 

1  "  Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas/'  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  53. 
Published  in  Manila,  1788. 

2  Ibid.,  Vol.  V.,  p.  42<). 


Chinese  banished — Restrictions  proposed  111 

proposed  to  lodge  them  all  in  one  place  within  easy  cannon  range,  in 

view  of  a  possible  rising. 

/      In  1755  it  was  resolved  to  expel  all  non-Christian  Chinese,  but  a 

/term  was  allowed  for  the  liquidation  of  their  affairs  and  withdrawal. 
By  June  30,  1755,  the  day  fixed  for  their  departure  from  Manila,  515 
Chinamen  had  been  sharp  enough  to  obtain  baptism  as  Christians,  in 
order  to  evade  the  edict,  besides  1,108  who  were  permitted  to  remain 
because  they  were  studying  the  mysteries  and  intricacies  of  Christianity. 
2,070  were  banished  from  Manila,  the  expulsion  being  rigidly  enforced 

yon  those  newly  arriving  in  junks. 

Except   a  few   Europeans   and   a   score   of  Western    Asiatics,   the 

(Chinese  who  remained  were  the  only  merchants  in  the  Archipelago. 
The  natives  had  neither  knowledge,  tact,  energy,  nor  desire  to  compete 

/  with  them.  The  Chinese  were  a  boon  to  the  Colony,  for,  without  them, 
living;  would  have  been  far  dearer — commodities  and  labour  of  all  kinds 
more  scarce,  and  the  export  and  import  trade  much  embarrassed.  The 
Chinese  and  the  Japanese  are  really  the  people  who  gave  to  the  natives 
the  first  notions  of  trade,  industry,  and  fruitful  work.  The  Chinese 
taught  them,  amongst  many  other  useful  things,  the  extraction  of 
saccharine  juice  from  the  sugar-cane,  the  manufacture  of  sugar,  and  the 
working  of  wrought  iron.     They  introduced  into  the  Colony  the  first 

1  sugar-mills  with  vertical  stone  crushers,  and  iron  boiling-pans. 

The  history  of  the  last  150  years  shows  that  the  Chinese, 
although  tolerated,  were  always  regarded  by  the  Spanish  colonists 
as  an  unwelcome  race,  and  the  natives  have  learnt,  from  example, 
to  despise  them.  From  time  to  time,  especially  since  the  year 
1763,  the  feeling  against  them  has  run  very  high. 

The  public  clamoured  for  restrictions  on  their  arrival,  impediments 
to  the  traffic  of  those  already  established  there,  intervention  of  the 
authorities  with  respect  to  their  dwellings  and  mode  of  living,  and  not 
a  few  urged  their  total  expulsion.  Indeed,  such  influence  was  brought  to 
bear  on  the  Indian  Council  at  Madrid  during  the  temporary  Governor- 
ship of  Juan  Arechedera,  Bishop  of  Nueva  Segovia  (1745-50),  that 
the  Archbishop  received  orders  to  expel  the  Chinese  from  the  Islands ; 
but,  on  the  ground  that  to  have  done  so  would  have  prejudiced 
public  interests,  he  simply  archived  the  decree.  Even  up  to  the  close  of 
Spanish  rule,  the  authorities  and  the  national  trading  class  considered 
the  question  from  very  distinct  points  of  view ;  for  the  fact  is,  that 
only  the  mildest  action  was  taken — just  enough  to  appease  the  wild 
demands  of  the  people.  Still,  the  Chinaman  was  always  subject  to 
the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  of  official  goodwill,  and  only  since 
1843  were  Chinese  shops  allowed  to  be  opened  on  the  same  terms  as 
other  foreigners.     There  are  now  streets  of  Chinese  shops. 

The  Chinaman  is  always  ready  to  sell  at  any  price  which  will  leave 
him  a  trifling  nett  gain,  whereas  the  native,  having  earned  sufficient  for 


112  The  Chinese  as  immigrants 

his  immediate  wants,  would  stubbornly  refuse  to  sell  his  wares  except  at 
an  enormous  profit. 

Again,  but  for  Chinese  coolie  competition,1  constant  labour  from  the 
natives  would  have  been  almost  unprocurable.  <  The  native  day-labourer 
would  work  two  or  three  days,  and  then  suddenly  disappear.  The  active 
Chinaman  goes  day  after  day  to  his  task  (excepting  only  at  the  time  of 
the  Chinese  New  Year,  in  January  or  February),  and  can  be  depended 
upon ;  thus  the  needy  native  was  pushed,  by  alien  competition,  to  bestir 
himself.  In  my  time,  in  the  port  of  Yloilo,  four  foreign  commercial 
houses  had  to  incur  the  expense  and  risk  of  bringing  Chinese  coolies 
for  loading  and  discharging  vessels,  whilst  the  natives  coolly  lounged 
about  and  absolutely  refused  to  work.  Moreover,  the  exactions  of  the 
native  create  a  serious  impediment  to  the  development  of  the  Colony. 
Only  a  very  small  minority  of  the  labouring  class  will  put  their  hands 
to  work  without  an  advance  on  their  wages,  and  will  often  demand  it 
without  any  guarantee  whatsoever.  If  a  native  is  commissioned  to 
perform  any  kind  of  service,  he  will  refuse  to  stir  without  a  sum  of 
money  beforehand,  whilst  the  Chinese  very  rarely  expect  payment  until 
they  have  given  value  for  it.  I  Only  the  direst  necessity  will  make  an 
unskilled  native  work  steadily  for  several  weeks  for  a  wage  which  is 
only  to  be  paid  when  due.  There  is  scarcely  a  single  agriculturist 
who  is  not  compelled  to  sink  a  share  of  his  capital  in  making  advances 
to  his  labourers,  who,  nevertheless,  are  in  no  way  legally  bound  thereby 
to  serve  the  capitalist ;  or,  whether  they  are  or  not,  the  fact  is,  that  a 
large  proportion  of  this  capital  so  employed  must  be  considered  lost. 
There  are  certain  lines  of  business  quite  impossible  without  the  co- 
operation of  Chinese,  and  their  exclusion  will  be  a  loss  to  the  Colony. 

Taxes  were  first  levied  on  the  Mongol  traders  in  1828.  In  1852 
a  general  reform  of  the  fiscal  laws  was  introduced,  and  the  classification 
of  Chinese  dealers  was  modified.  They  were  then  divided  into  four 
grades  or  classes,  each  paying  contributions  according  to  the  new  tariff. 

In  1886  the  universal  depression,  which  was  first  manifest  in  this 
Colony  in  1884,  still  continued.  Remedies  of  most  original  character 
were  suggested  in  the  public  organs  and  private  circles,  and  a  renewed 
spasmodic  tirade  was  directed  against  the  Chinese.  A  petition,  made 
and  signed  by  numbers  of  the  retail  trading  class,  was  addressed  to  the 
Sovereign ;  but  it  appears  to  have  found  its  last  resting-place  in  the 
Colonial  Secretary's  waste-paper  basket.  The  Americans  in  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  were  in  open  riot  against  the  Celestials — the  Govern- 
ments of  Australia  had  imposed  a  capitation  tax  on  their  entry 2 — in 

1  About  two  per  thousand  of  the  resident  Chinese  were  not  originally  coolies. 

2  General  Wong  Yung  Ho,  accompanied  by  a  Chinese  Justice  of  the  High 
Court,  visited  Australia  in  the  middle  of  the  year  1887.  In  a  newspaper  of  that 
Colony,  it  was  reported  that  after  these  persons  had  been  courteously  entertained 
and  shown  the  local  institutions  and  industries,  they  had  the  effrontery  to  protest 
against  the  State  Laws,  and  asked  for  a  repeal  of  the  "  poll  tax  " — considered  there 
the  only  check  upon  a  Chinese  coolie  inundation  ! 


The  Chinese  as  immigrants  113 

British  Columbia  there  was  a  party  disposed  to  throw  off  its  allegiance 
to  Great  Britain  rather  than  forego  its  agitation  against  the  Chinese. 
/Why  should  not  the  Chinese  be  expelled  from  the  Philippines,  it  was 
asked,  or  at  least  be  permitted  only  to  pursue  agriculture  in  the 
Islands  ?  In  1638,  around  Calamba  and  along  the  Laguna  shore,  they 
tilled  the  land  ;  but  the  selfishness  and  jealousy  of  the  natives  made  their 
permanence  impossible.  In  1850  the  Chinese  were  invited  to  take  up 
agriculture,  but  the  rancorous  feeling  of  the  natives  forced  them  to 
abandon  the  idea,  and  to  seek  greater  security  in  the  towns. 

The  chief  accusation  levelled  against  the  Chinaman  is,  that  he  comes 
as  an  adventurer  and  makes  money,  which  he  carries  away,  without 
leaving  any  trace  of  civilization  behind  him.  The  Chinese  immigrant  is 
of  the  lowest  social  class.  Is  not  the  dream  of  the  European  adventurer, 
of  the  same  or  better  class,  to  make  his  pile  of  dollars  and  be  off  to  the 
land  of  his  birth  ?  If  he  spends  more  money  in  the  Colony  than  the 
Chinaman  does,  it  is  because  he  lacks  the  Chinaman's  self-abnegation  and 
thriftiness.  Is  the  kind  of  civilization  taught  in  the  colonies  by  low-class 
European  settlers  superior  ? 

The  Chinaman  settled  in  the  Philippines  under  Spanish  rule  was  quite 
different  being  to  the  obstinate,  self-willed,  riotous  coolie  in  Hong-Kong 
'or  Singapore.  In  Manila  he  was  drilled  past  docility — in  six  months 
he  became  even  fawning,  cringing,  and  servile,  until  goaded  into  open 
rebellion.  Whatever  position  he  might  attain  to,  he  was  never  addressed 
(as  in  the  British  Colonies)  as  "  Mr."  or  "  Esq1,6,"  or  the  equivalent, 

,"  Senor  D.,"  but  always  "  Chinaman "  ("  Chino "). 

The  total  expulsion  of  the  Chinese  in  Spanish  times  would  have  been 
highly  prejudicial  to  trade.  Had  it  suited  the  State  policy  to  check  the 
ingress  of  the  Chinese,  nothing  would  have  been  easier  than  the  imposi- 
tion of  a  P.50  poll  tax.  To  compel  them  to  take  up  agriculture  was  out 
of  the  question  in  a  Colony  where  there  was  so  little  guarantee  for  their 
personal  safety.  The  frugality,  constant  activity,  and  commendable 
ambition  of  the  Celestial  clashes  with  the  dissipation,  indolence  and  want 
of  aim  in  life  of  the  native.  There  is  absolutely  no  harmony  of  thought, 
purpose,  or  habit  between  the  Philippine  Malay  native  and  the  Mongol 
race,  and  the  consequence  of  Chinese  coolies  working  on  plantations 
without  fample  protection  would  be  frequent  assassinations  and  open 
affray.  Moreover,  a  native  planter  could  never  manage,  to  his  own 
satisfaction  or  interest,  an  estate  worked  with  Chinese  labour,  but  the 
Europea^i  might.  The  Chinese  is  essentially  of  a  commercial  bent,  and, 
in  the  Philippines  at  least,  he  prefers  taking  his  chance  as  to  the  profits, 
in  the  bubble  and  risk  of  independent  speculation,  rather  than  calmly 
labour  at  a  fixed  wage  which  affords  no  stimulus  to  his  efforts. 

Plantations  worked  by  Chinese  owners  with  Chinese  labour  might 
have  succeeded,  but  those  who  arrived  in  the  Colony  brought  no  capital, 
and  the  Government  never  offered  them  gratuitous  allotment  of  property. 

8 


114       The  Mount  of  Gold  in  Cavite — Chinese  riot 

A  law  relating  to  the  concession  of  State  lands  existed  ("  Terrenos 
baklios "  and  "  Colonias  agricolas  "),  but  it  was  enveloped  in  so  many 
entanglements  and  so  encompassed  by  tardy  process  and  intricate  con- 
ditions, that  few  Orientals  or  Europeans  took  advantage  of  it. 

History  records  that  in  the  year  1603  two  Chinese  Mandarins  came 
to  Manila  as  Ambassadors  from  their  Emperor  to  the  Gov. -General 
of  the  Philippines.  They  represented  that  a  countryman  of  theirs  had 
informed  His  Celestial  Majesty  of  the  existence  of  a  mountain  of  gold 
in  the  environs  of  Cavite,  and  they  desired  to  see  it.  The  Gov.- 
General  welcomed  them,  and  they  were  carried  ashore  by  their  own 
people  in  ivory  and  gilded  sedan-chairs.  They  wore  the  insignia  of 
High  Mandarins,  and  the  Governor  accorded  them  the  reception  due 
to  their  exalted  station.  He  assured  them  that  they  were  entirely 
misinformed   respecting    the    mountain  of  gold,  which  could   only  be 

1    imaginary,  but,  to   further  convince    them,  he    accompanied    them   to 

\  Cavite.  The  Mandarins  shortly  afterwards  returned  to  their  country. 
The  greatest  anxiety  prevailed  in  Manila.  Rumours  circulated  that  a 
Chinese  invasion  was  in  preparation.  The  authorities  held  frequent 
councils,  in  which  the  opinions  were  very  divided.  A  feverish  con- 
sternation overcame  the  natives,  who  were  armed,  and  ordered  to  carry 
their  weapons  constantly.  The  armoury  was  overhauled.  A  war  plan 
was  discussed  and  adopted,  and  places  were  singled  out  for  each 
division  of  troops.  The  natives  openly  avowed  to  the  Chinese  that 
whenever  they  saw  the  first  signs  of  the  hostile  fleet  arriving  they  would 

'  murder  them  all.  The  Chinese  were  accused  of  having  arms  secreted  ; 
they  were  publicly  insulted  and  maltreated ;  the  cry  was  falsely  raised 
that  the  Spaniards  had  fixed  the  day  for  their  extermination  ;  they  daily 

i  saw  weapons  being  cleaned  and  put  in  order,  and  they  knew  that  there 
could  be  no  immediate  enemy  but  themselves.     There  was,  in   short, 
\  every  circumstantial  evidence  that  the  fight  for  their  existence  would 
ere  long  be  forced  upon  them. 

/  In  this  terrible  position  they  were  constrained  to  act  on  the  offensive, 
simply  to  ensure  their  own  safety.  They  raised  fortifications  in  several 
places  outside  the  city,  and  many  an  unhappy  Chinaman  had  to 
shoulder  a  weapon  reluctantly  with  tears  in  his  eyes.  They  were 
traders.  War  and  revolution  were  quite  foreign  to  their  wishes.  The 
Christian  rulers  compelled  them  to  abandon  their  adopted  homes  and 
their  chattels,  regardless  of  the  future.  What  a  strange  conception 
the  Chinese  must  have  formed  of  His  Most  Catholic  Majesty  !  In  their 
despair  many  of  them  committed  suicide.  Finally,  on  the  eve  of  Saint 
Francis-1  Day,  the  Chinese  openly  declared  hostilities — beat  their  war- 
gongs,  hoisted  their  flags,  assaulted  the  armed  natives,  and  threatened 
the  city.  Houses  were  burnt,  and  Binondo  was  besieged.  They  fortified 
Tondo ;  and  the  next  morning  Luis  Perez  Dasmarifias,  an  ex-Gov.- 
General,  led  the  troops  against  them.     He  was  joined  by  100  picked 


Saint  Frauds'  victory  over  the  Chinese  115 

Spanish  soldiers  under  Tomas  de  Acuna.  The  nephew  of  the  Governor 
and  the  nephew  of  the  Archbishop  rallied  to  the  Spanish  standard  nearly 
all  the  flower  of  Castilian  soldiery — and  hardly  one  was  left  to  tell  the 
tale !  The  bloodshed  was  appalling.  The  Chinese,  encouraged  by  this 
first  victory,  besieged  the  city,  but  after  a  prolonged  struggle  they  were 
obliged  to  yield,  as  they  could  not  provision  themselves. 
/  The  retreating  Chinese  were  pursued  far  from  Manila  along  the 
/Laguna  de  Bay  shore,  thousands  of  them  being  overtaken  and  slaughtered 
or  disabled.  Reinforcements  met  them  on  the  way,  and  drove  them  as 
far  as  Batangas  Province  and  into  the  Mdrong  district  (now  included  in 
Rizal  Province).  The  natives  were  in  high  glee  at  this  licence  to  shed 
blood  unresisted — so  in  harmony  with  their  natural  instincts.  It  is 
Calculated  that  24,000  Chinese  were  slain  or  captured  in  this  revolt. 

The  priests  affirm  positively  that  during  the  defence  of  the  city 
/Saint  Francis  appeared  in  person  on  the  walls  to  stimulate  the  Christians 
\ — thus  the  victory  was  ascribed  to  him. 

This  ruthless  treatment  of  a  harmless  and  necessary  people — for  up 
to  this  event  they  had  proved  themselves  to  be  both — threatened  to 
bring  its  own  reward.  They  were  the  only  industrious,  thriving,  skilful, 
wealth-producing  portion  of  the  population.  There  were  no  other 
artificers  or  tradespeople  in  the  Colony.  Moreover,  the  Spaniards  were 
fearful  lest  their  supplies  from  China  of  food  for  consumption  in  Manila,1 
and  manufactured  articles  for  export  to  Mexico,  should  in  future  be 
discontinued.  Consequently  they  hastened  to  despatch  an  envoy  to 
China  to  explain  matters,  and  to  reassure  the  Chinese  traders.  Much 
to  their  surprise,  they  found  the  Viceroy  of  Canton  little  concerned 
about  what  had  happened,  and  the  junks  of  merchandise  again  arrived 
as  heretofore. 

Notwithstanding  the  memorable  event  of  1603,  another  struggle 
was  made  by  the  Chinese  36  years  afterwards.  In  1639,  exasperated  at 
the  official  robbery  and  oppression  of  a  certain  doctor,  Luis  Arias  do 
Mora,  and  the  Governor  of  the  Laguna  Province,  they  rose  in  open 
rebellion  and  killed  these  officials  in  the  town  of  Calamba.  So  serious 
was  the  revolt  that  the  Gov.-General  went  out  against  them  in 
person.  The  rebels  numbered  about  30,000,  and  sustained,  for  nearly 
a  year,  a  petty  warfare  all  around.  The  images  of  the  Saints  were 
promenaded  in  the  streets  of  Manila  ;  it  was  a  happy  thought,  for 
I  6,000  Chinese  coincidentally  surrendered.  During  this  conflict  an  edict 
was  published  ordering  all  the  Chinese  in  the  provinces  to  be  slain. 
/  In  1660  there  was  another  rising  of  these  people,  which  terminated 
Lin  a  great  massacre. 

The  Spaniards  now  began  to  reflect  that  they  had  made  rather  a 

1  Just  before  the  naval  engagement  of  Playa  Honda  between  Dutch  and  Spanish 
ships  (vide  p.  75)  the  Dutch  intercepted  Chinese  junks  on  the  way  to  Manila, 
bringing,  amongst  their  cargoes  of  food,  as  many  as  12,000  capons. 


116  Massacre  of  Foreigners 

bad  bargain  with  the  Mongol  traders  in  the  beginning,  and  that  the 
Government  would  have  done  better  had  they  encouraged  commerce 
with  the  Peninsula.  Up  to  this  time  the  Spaniards  had  vainly  reposed 
on  their  laurels  as  conquerors.  They  squandered  lives  and  treasure  on 
innumerable  fruitless  expeditions  to  Gamboge,  Cochin  China,  Siam, 
Pegu,  Japan,  and  the  Moluccas,  in  quest  of  fresh  glories,  instead  of 
concentrating  their  efforts  in  opening  up  this  Colony  and  fostering 
a  Philippine  export  trade,  as  yet  almost  unknown,  if  we  exclude 
merchandise  from  China,  etc.,  in  transit  to  Mexico.  From  this  period 
restrictions  were,  little  by  little,  placed  on  the  introduction  of  Chinese  ; 
they  were  treated  with  arrogance  by  the  Europeans  and  Mexicans,  and 
the  jealous  hatred  which  the  native  to  this  day  feels  for  the  Chinaman 
now  began  to  be  more  openly  manifested.  The  Chinaman  had,  for 
a  long  time  past,  been  regarded  by  the  European  as  a  necessity — and 
henceforth  an  unfortunate  one. 

Nevertheless,  the  lofty  Spaniard  who  by  favour  of  the  King  had 
arrived  in  Manila  to  occupy  an  official  post  without  an  escudo  too  much 
in  his  pocket,  did  not  disdain  to  accept  the  hospitality  of  the  Chinese. 
It  was  formerly  their  custom  to  secure  the  goodwill  and  personal 
protection  of  the  Spanish  officials  by  voluntarily  keeping  lodging-houses 
ready  for  their  reception.  It  is  chronicled  that  these  gratuitous 
residences  were  well  furnished  and  provided  with  all  the  requisites 
procurable  on  the  spot.  For  a  whole  century  the  Spaniards  were 
lulled  with  this  easy-going  and  felicitous  state  of  things,  whilst  the 
insidious  Mongol,  whose  clear-sighted  sagacity  was  sufficient  to  pierce 
the  thin  veil  of  friendship  proffered  by  his  guest,  was  ever  prepared 
for  another  opportunity  of  rising  against  the  dominion  of  Castile,  of 
which  he  had  had  so  many  sorry  experiences  since  1603.  The  occasion 
at  last  arrived  during  the  British  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763.  The 
Chinese  voluntarily  joined  the  invaders,  but  were  unable  to  sustain 
the  struggle,  and  it  is  estimated  that  some  6,000  of  them  were  murdered 
in  the  provinces  by  order  of  the  notorious  Simon  de  Anda  (vide  p.  93). 
They  menaced  the  town  of  Pasig — near  Manila — and  Fray  Juan  de 
Torres,  the  parish  priest,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  300  natives,  by 
order   of  his  Prior,   Fray   Andres  Fuentes,   to  oppose  them,  and  the 

Jhinese  were  forced  to  retire. 
On  October  9,  1820,  a  general  massacre  of  Chinese,  British,  and  other 
ireigners  took  place  in  Manila  and  Cavite.  Epidemic  cholera  had 
affected  the  capital  and  surrounding  districts  ;  great  numbers  of  natives 
succumbed  to  its  malignant  effects,  and  they  accused  the  foreigners  of 
having  poisoned  the  drinking-water  in  the  streams.  Foreign  property 
was  attacked  and  pillaged — even  ships  lying  in  the  bay  had  to  sail 
off  and  anchor  out  afar  for  safety.  The  outbreak  attained  such 
grave  proportions  that  the  clergy  intervened  to  dissuade  the  populace 
from  their  hallucination.      The  High  Host    was   carried    through   the 


The  Chinese  Trader — The  Guilds  117 

streets,  but   the    rioters   were   only   pacified   when   they  could  find  no 

»more  victims. 
/     Amongst  other  reforms  concerning  the  Chinese  which  the  Spanish 
/colonists   and  Manila  natives  called  for  in   1886,  through  the  public 

/  organs,    was    that   they   should   be   forced   to    comply    with   the   law 

i  promulgated  in  1867,  which  provided  that  the  Chinese,  like  all  other 
merchants,  should  keep  their  trade-books  in  the  Spanish  language. 
The  demand  had  the  appearance  of  being  based  on  certain  justifiable 
grounds,  but  in  reality  it  was  a  mere  ebullition  of  spite  intended  to 

\    augment  the  difficulties  of  the  Chinese. 

The  British  merchants  and  bankers  are,  by  far,  those  who  give 
most  credit  to  the  Chinese.  The  Spanish  and  native  creditors  of  the 
Chinese  are  but  a  small  minority,  taking  the  aggregate  of  their  credits, 

/  and  instead  of  seeking  malevolently  to  impose  new  hardships  on  the 
Chinese,  they  could  have  abstained  from  entering  into  risky  transactions 
with  them.  All  merchants  are  aware  of  the  Chinese  trading  system, 
and  none  are  obliged  to  deal  with  them.  A  foreign  house  would  give  a 
Chinaman  credit  for,  say,  ^300  to  =^400  worth  of  European  manufactured 

\  goods,  knowing  full  well,  from  personal  experience,  or  from  that  of 
\  others,  that  the  whole  value  would  probably  never  be  recovered.  It 
v  remained  a  standing  debt  on  the  books  of  the  firm.  The  Chinaman 
retailed  these  goods,  and  brought  a  small  sum  of  cash  to  the  firm,  on  the 
understanding  that  he  would  get  another  parcel  of  goods,  and  so  he  went 
on  for  years.1  Thus  the  foreign  merchants  practically  sunk  an  amount 
of  capital  to  start  their  Chinese  constituents.  Sometimes  the  acknow- 
ledged owner  and  responsible  man  in  one  Chinese  retail  establishment 
would  have  a  share  in,  or  own,  several  others.  If  matters  went  wrong, 
he  absconded  abroad,  and  only  the  one  shop  which  he  openly  represented 
could  be  embargoed,  whilst  his  goods  were  distributed  over  several  shops 
under  any  name  but  his.  It  was  always  difficult  to  bring  legal  proof  of 
this  ;  the  books  were  in  Chinese,  and  the  whole  business  was  in  a  state 
of  confusion  incomprehensible  to  any  European.  But  these  risks  were 
well  known  beforehand.  It  was  only  then  that  the  original  credit 
had  to  be  written  off'  by  the  foreigner  as  a  nett  loss — often  small 
when  set  against  several  years  of  accumulated  profits  made  in  successive 
operations. 

The  Chinese  have  guilds  or  secret  societies  for  their  mutual 
protection,  and  it  is  a  well-ascertained  fact  that  they  had  to  pay  the 
Spanish  authorities  very  dearly  for  the  liberty  of  living  at  peace  with 
their  fellow-men.  If  the  wind  blew  against  them  from  official  quarters 
the  affair  brought  on  the  tapis  was  hushed  up  by  a  gift.  These 
peace-offerings,  at  times  of  considerable  value,  were  procured  by  a  tax 
privately  levied  on  each  Chinaman  by  the  headmen  of  their  guilds. 

1  Since  about  the  year  1885,  this  system,  which  entailed  severe  losses,  gradually 
fell  into  disuse,  and  business  on  cash  terms  became  more  general. 


J 


118  Chinese  patron  saint — Chinese  population 

In  1880-83  the  Gov. -General  and  other  high  functionaries  used 
to  accept  Chinese  hospitality,  etc. 

In  December,  1887,  the  Medal  of  Civil  Merit  was  awarded  to  a 
Chinaman  named  Sio-Sion-Tay,  resident  in  Binondo,  whilst  the 
Government  for  several  years  had  made  contracts  with  the  Chinese  for  the 
public  service.  Another  Chinaman,  christened  in  the  name  of  Carlos 
Palanca,  was  later  on  awarded  the  Grand  Cross  of  Isabella  the  Catholic, 
with  the  title  of  Excellency. 

Many  Chinese  have  adopted  Christianity,  either  to  improve  their 
social  standing,  or  to  be  enabled  thereby  to  contract  marriage  with 
natives.  Their  intercessor  and  patron  is  Saint  Nicholas,  since  the  time, 
it  is  said,  that  a  Chinaman,  having  fallen  into  the  Pasig  River,  was 
in  danger  of  being  eaten  by  an  alligator,  and  saved  himself  by  praying 
to  that  saint,  who  caused  the  monster  to  turn  into  stone.  The 
legendary  stone  is  still  to  be  seen  near  the  left  bank  of  the  river. 

There  appears  to  be  no  perfectly  reliable  data  respecting  the  number 
of  Chinese  residents  in  the  Archipelago.  In  1886  the  statistics  differed 
largely.  One  statistician  published  that  there  was  a  total  of  66,740  men 
and  194  women,  of  whom  51,348  men  and  191  women  lived  in  Manila 
and  suburbs,  1,154  men  and  3  women  in  Yloilo,  and  983  men  in  Cebu, 
the  rest  being  dispersed  over  the  coast  villages  and  the  interior.  The 
most  competent  local  authorities  in  two  provinces  proved  to  me  that  the 
figures  relating  to  their  districts  were  inexact,  and  all  other  informa- 
tion on  the  subject  which  I  have  been  able  to  procure  tends  to  show  that 
the  number  of  resident  Chinese  was  underrated.  I  estimate  that  just 
before  the  Rebellion  of  1896  there  were  100,000  Chinese  in  the  whole 
Colony,  including  upwards  of  40,000  in  and  around  the  capital. 

Crowds  of  Chinese  passed  to  these  Islands  via  Sulu  (Jold),  which,  as 
a  free  port,  they  could  enter  without  need  of  papers.  Pretending  to  be 
resident  colonists  there,  they  managed  to  obtain  passports  to  travel  on 
business  for  a  limited  period  in  the  Philippines,  but  they  were  never 
seen  again  in  Sulu. 

In  Spanish  times  the  Chinaman  was  often  referred  to  as  a  Macao  or 
a  Sangley.  The  former  term  applied  to  those  who  came  from  Southern 
China  (Canton,  Macao,  Amoy,  etc.).  They  were  usually  cooks  and 
domestic  servants.  The  latter  signified  the  Northern  Chinaman  of  the 
trading  class.     The  popular  term  for  a  Chinaman  in  general  was  a  Suya. 

In  Manila  and  in  several  provincial  towns  where  the  Chinese  residents 
were  numerous,  they  had  their  own  separate  "  Tribunals  11  or  local  courts, 
wherein  minor  affairs  were  managed  by  petty  governors  of  their  own 
nationality,  elected  bi-annually,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  natives.  In 
1888  the  question  of  admitting  a  Chinese  Consulate  in  the  Philippines 
*  was  talked  of  in  official  circles,  which  proves  that  the  Government  was 
ifar  from  seeing  the  "  Chinese  question11  in  the  same  light  as  the  Spanish 
lor  native  merchant  class.     In  the  course  of  time  they  acquired  a  certain 


Exclusion  of  the  Chinese  119 

consideration  in  the  body  politic,  and  deputations  of  Chinese  were  present 
in  all  popular  ceremonies  during  the  last  few  years  of  Spanish  rule. 

Wherever  the  Chinese  settle  they  exhibit  a  disposition  to  hold  their 
footing,  if  not  to  strengthen  it,  at  all  hazards,  by  force  if  need  be.  In 
Sarawak  their  Secret  Societies  threatened  to  undermine  the  prosperity 
of  that  little  State,  and  had  to  be  suppressed  by  capital  punishment. 
Since  the  British  occupation  of  Hong-Kong  in  1841,  there  have  been  two 
serious  movements  against  the  Europeans.  In  1848  the  Chinese 
murdered  Governor  Amiral  of  Macao,  and  the  colonists  had  to  fight  for 
their  lives.  In  Singapore  the  attempts  of  the  Chinese  to  defy  the 
Government  called  for  coercive  measures,  but  the  danger  is  small, 
because  the  immigrant  Chinaman  has  only  the  courage  to  act  in  mobs. 

In  Australia  and  the  United  States  it  was  found  necessary  to  enact 
special  laws  regulating  the  ingress  of  Mongols.  lUnder  the  Spanish- 
Philippine  Government  the  most  that  could  be  said  against  them,  as  a 
class,  was  that,  through  their  thrift  and  perseverance,  they  outran  the 
shopkeeping  class  in  the  race  of  life.  \ 

The  Insular  Government  "Chinese  Exclusion  Act,"  at  present  in 
operation,  permits  those  Chinese  who  are  already  in  the  Islands  to 
remain  conditionally,  but  rigidly  debars  fresh  immigration.  The 
corollary  is  that,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  there  will  be  no  Chinese 
in  the  Philippines.  The  working  of  the  above  Act  is  alluded  to  in 
Chapter  xxxi. 

Under  a  native  Government  their  lot  is  not  likely  to  be  a  happy  one. 
One  of  the  aims  of  the  Tagalog  Revolutionists  was  to  exclude  the 
Chinese  entirely  from  the  Islands. 


120 


CHAPTER   IX 

WILD   TRIBES   AND  PAGANS 

The  population  of  the  Philippines  does  not  consist  of  one  homogeneous 
race ;  there  are  Mahometans,  Pagans,  and  Christians,  the  last  being  in 
the  majority.  The  one  tribe  is  just  as  much  "  Filipino '',  as  the  other, 
and,  from  the  point  of  view  of  nationality,  they  are  all  equally  fellow- 
countrymen.1  So  far  as  tradition  serves  to  elucidate  the  problem  of 
their  origin,  it  would  appear  that  the  Filipinos  are  a  mixed  people, 
descendants  of  Papuan,  Arabian,  Hindoo,  Malay,  Japanese,  Chinese,  and 
European  forefathers.2 

According  to  the  last  census  (1903),  the  uncivilized  population 
amounted  to  8|  per  cent,  of  the  whole. 

The  chief  of  these  tribes  are  the  A  etas,  or  Negritos,  the  Gaddanes, 
Itavis,  Igorrotes,  Igorrote-Chinese,  Tinguianes,  Tagbanuas,  Batacs, 
Manobos,  etc.  Also  among  the  southern  races  of  Mindanao  Island, 
referred  to  in  Chapters  x.  and  xxix.,  there  are  several  pagan  tribes 
interspersed  between  the  Mahometan  clans. 

I  have  used  only  the  generic  denominations,  for  whilst  these  tribes 
are  sub-divided  (for  instance,  the  Buquils  of  Zambales,  a  section  of  the 
Negritos ;  the  Guinaanes,  a  sanguinary  people  inhabiting  the  mountains 
of  the  Igorrote  district,  etc.),  the  fractions  denote  no  material  physical 
or  moral  difference,  and  the  local  names  adopted  by  the  different  clans 
of  the  same  race  are  of  no  interest  to  the  general  reader.  The  ex- 
pression Buhidnon,  so  commonly  heard,  does  not  signify  any  particular 
caste,  but,  in  a  general  sense,  the  people  of  the  mountain  {bukid). 

Aetas,  or  Negritos,  numbering  22,000  to  24,000,  inhabit  the 
mountain  regions  of  Luzon,  Panay,  Negros,  and  some  smaller  islands. 

1  In  old  writings,  laws,  and  documents,  and  in  ordinary  parlance  up  to  the 
evacuation  by  the  Spaniards  in  1898,  the  inhabitants  of  these  Islands  (civilized  or 
uncivilized)  were  almost  invariably  referred  to  as  Indios,  Indigenas,  Natural?*, 
Mestizos,  Espanoles-Filipinos,  etc.,  the  term  "Filipino"  being  seldom  used.  The 
Revolution  of  1896  generalized  the  appellation  "  Filipino  "  now  in  common  use. 

Throughout  this  work,  "  Filipino "  is  taken  as  the  substantive  and  "  Philip- 
pine "  as  the  adjective,  that  being  the  correct  English  form. 

The  Americans,  however,  use  "  Filipino  "  both  substantively  and  adjectivally. 

2  For  an  exhaustive  treatise  on  this  subject  the  reader  is  recommended  to 
peruse  A.   R.   Wallace's  "The  Malay  Archipelago."     Published  in  London,  1869. 


A   NEGRITO   FAMILY. 


A  etas  or  Negiitos  121 


They  are  dark,  some  of  them  being  as  black  as  African  negroes. 
Their  general  appearance  resembles  that  of  the  Alfoor  Papuan  of  New 
Guinea.  They  have  curly  matted  hair,  like  Astrakhan  fur.  The  men 
cover  only  their  loins,  and  the  women  dress  from  the  waist  to  the 
knees.  They  are  a  spiritless  and  cowardly  race.  They  would  not 
deliberately  face  white  men  in  anything  like  equal  numbers  with 
warlike  intentions,  although  they  would  perhaps  spend  a  quiverful  of 
arrows  from  behind  a  tree  at  a  retreating  foe. 

The  A  eta  carries  a  bamboo  lance,  a  palm- wood  bow,  and  poisoned 
arrows  when  out  on  an  expedition.  He  is  wonderfully  light-footed, 
and  runs  with  great  speed  after  the  deer,  or  climbs  a  tree  like  a 
monkey.  Groups  of  fifty  to  sixty  souls  live  in  community.  Their 
religion  seems  to  be  a  kind  of  cosmolatry  and  spirit-worship.  Anything 
which  for  the  time  being,  in  their  imagination,  has  a  supernatural 
appearance  is  deified.  They  have  a  profound  respect  for  old  age  and 
for  their  dead.  They  are  of  extremely  low  intellect,  and,  although 
some  of  them  have  been  brought  up  by  civilized  families  living  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Negrito  mountainous  country,  they  offer  little  encourage- 
ment to  those  who  would  desire  to  train  them.  Even  when  more 
or  less  domesticated,  the  Negrito  cannot  be  trusted  to  do  anything 
which  requires  an  effort  of  judgement.  At  times  his  mind  seems  to 
wander  from  all  social  order,  and  an  apparently  overwhelming  eager- 
ness to  return  to  his  native  haunts  disconcerts  all  one's  plans  for  his 
civilization. 

For  a  long  time  they  were  the  sole  masters  of  Luzon  Island,  where 
they  exercised  seignorial  rights  over  the  Malay  immigrants,  until  these 
arrived  in  such  numbers,  that  the  Negritos  were  forced  to  retire  to  the 
highlands.  The  taxes  imposed  upon  primitive  Malay  settlers  by  the 
Negiitos  were  levied  in  kind,  and  when  payment  was  refused,  they 
swooped  down  in  a  posse,  and  carried  off  the  head  of  the  defaulter. 
Since  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  the  terror  of  the  white  man  has 
made  them  take  definitely  to  the  mountains,  where  they  appear  to  be 
very  gradually  decreasing. 

The  Spanish  Government,  in  vain,  made  strenuous  efforts  to  implant 
civilized  habits  among  this  weak-brained  race. 

In  1881  I  visited  the  Capas  Missions  in  Upper  Pampanga.  The 
authorities  had  established  there  what  is  called  a  real, — a  kind  of  model 
village  of  bamboo  and  palm-leaf  huts, — to  each  of  which  a  family  was 
assigned.  They  were  supplied  with  food,  clothing  and  all  necessaries 
of  life  for  one  year,  which  would  give  them  an  opportunity  of  tilling 
the  land  and  providing  for  themselves  in  future.  But  they  followed 
their  old  habits  when  the  year  had  expired  and  the  subsidy  ceased. 
On  my  second  visit  they  had  returned  to  their  mountain  homes,  and  I 
could  see  no  possible  inducement  for  them  to  do  otherwise.  The  only 
attraction  for  them  during  the  year   was  the  fostering  of  their  inbred 


122  Gaddanes 

indolence ;  and  it  ought  to  have  been  evident  that  as  soon  as  they  had 
to  depend  on  their  own  resources  they  would  adopt  their  own  way  of 
living — free  of  taxes,  military  service,  and  social  restraint — as  being 
more  congenial  to  their  tastes. 

Being  in  the  Bataan  Province  some  years  ago,  I  rode  across  the 
mountain  range  to  the  opposite  coast  with  a  military  friend.  On  our 
way  we  approached  a  Negrito  real,  and  hearing  strange  noises  and 
extraordinary  calls,  we  stopped  to  consult  as  to  the  prudence  of  riding 
up  to  the  settlement.  We  decided  to  go  there,  and  were  fortunate 
enough  to  be  present  at  a  wedding.  The  young  bride,  who  might 
have  been  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  was  being  pursued  by  her 
future  spouse  as  she  pretended  to  run  away,  and  it  need  hardly  be  said 
that  he  succeeded  in  bringing  her  in  by  feigned  force.  She  struggled, 
and  again  got  away,  and  a  second  time  she  was  caught.  Then  an  old 
man  with  grey  hair  came  forward  and  dragged  the  young  man  up  a 
bamboo  ladder.  An  old  woman  grasped  the  bride,  and  both  followed 
the  bridegroom.  The  aged  sire  then  gave  them  a  douche  with  a 
cocoa-nut  shell  full  of  water,  and  they  all  descended.  The  happy  pair 
knelt  down,  and  the  elder  having  placed  their  heads  together,  they 
were  man  and  wife.  We  endeavoured  to  find  out  which  hut  was 
allotted  to  the  newly-married  couple,  but  we  were  given  to  under- 
stand that  until  the  sun  had  reappeared  five  times  they  would  spend 
their  honeymoon  in  the  mountains.  After  the  ceremony  was  concluded, 
several  present  began  to  make  their  usual  mountain-call.  In  the  low- 
lands, the  same  peculiar  cry  serves  to  bring  home  straggling  domestic 
animals  to  their  nocturnal  resting-place. 

There  is  something  picturesque  about  a  well-formed,  healthy 
Negrita  damsel,  with  jet-black  piercing  eyes,  and  her  hair  in  one 
perfect  ball  of  close  curls.  The  men  are  not  of  a  handsome  type  ; 
some  of  them  have  a  hale,  swarthy  appearance,  but  many  of  them 
present  a  sickly,  emaciated  aspect.  A  Negrita  matron  past  thirty  is 
perhaps  one  of  the  least  attractive  objects  in  humanity. 

They  live  principally  on  fish,  roots,  and  mountain  rice,  but  they 
occasionally  make  a  raid  on  the  neighbouring  valleys  and  carry  off  the 
herds.  So  great  was  their  cattle-stealing  propensity  in  Spanish  times, 
that  several  semi-official  expeditions  were  sent  to  punish  the  marauders, 
particularly  on  the  Cordillera  de  Zambales,  on  the  west  side  of  Luzon 
Island. 

The  husbandry  of  the  Negritos  is  the  most  primitive  imaginable. 
It  consists  of  scraping  the  surface  of  the  earth — without  clearance  of 
forest — and  throwing  the  seed.  They  never  "  take  up "  a  piece  of 
land,  but  sow  in  the  manner  described  wherever  they  may  happen 
temporarily  to  settle. 

The  Gaddanes  occupy  the  extreme  N.W.  corner  of  Luzon  Island, 
and  are  entirely  out  of  the  pale  of  civilization.     I  have  never  heard 


Itavis — Igorrotes — Ibanacs  123 

that  any  attempt  has  been  made  to  subdue  them.  They  have  a  fine 
physical  bearing  ;  wear  the  hair  down  to  the  shoulders  ;  are  of  a  very 
dark  colour,  and  feed  chiefly  on  roots,  mountain  rice,  game,  fruits,  and 
fish.  They  are  considered  the  only  really  warlike  and  aggressively 
savage  tribe  of  the  north,  and  it  is  the  custom  of  the  young  men 
about  to  marry  to  vie  with  each  other  in  presenting  to  the  sires 
of  their  future  brides  all  the  scalps  they  are  able  to  take  from 
their  enemies,  as  proof  of  their  manly  courage.  This  practice 
prevails  at  the  season  of  the  year  when  the  tree,  commonly  called  by 
the  Spaniards  "  the  fire-tree,"1''  is  in  bloom.  The  flowers  of  this  tree 
are  of  a  fire-red  hue,  and  their  appearance  is  the  signal  for  this  race 
to  collect  their  trophies  of  war  and  celebrate  certain  religious  rites. 
When  I  was  in  the  extreme  north,  in  the  country  of  the  Ibanacs? 
preparing  my  expedition  to  the  Gaddanes  tribe,  I  was  cautioned  not 
to  remain  in  the  Gaddanes  country  until  the  fire-tree  blossomed.  The 
arms  used  by  the  Gaddanes  are  frightful  weapons — long  lances  with 
tridented  tips,  and  arrows  pointed  with  two  rows  of  teeth,  made  out  of 
flint  or  sea-shells.     These  weapons  are  used  to  kill  both  fish  and  foe. 

The  Itavis  inhabit  the  district  to  the  south  of  that  territory 
occupied  by  the  Gaddanes,  and  their  mode  of  living  and  food  are  very 
similar.  They  are,  however,  not  so  fierce  as  the  Gaddanes,  and  if 
assaults  are  occasionally  made  on  other  tribes,  it  may  be  rather 
attributed  to  a  desire  to  retaliate  than  to  a  love  of  bloodshed.  Their 
skin  is  not  so  dark  as  that  of  their  northern  neighbours — the  Gaddanes 
or  the  partially  civilized  Ibanacs — and  their  hair  is  shorter. 

The  Igorrotes  are  spread  over  a  considerable  portion  of  Luzon, 
principally  from  N.  lat.  16°  30'  to  18°.  They  are,  in  general,  a  fine  race 
of  people,  physically  considered,  but  semi-barbarous  and  living  in 
squalor.  They  wear  their  hair  long.  At  the  back  it  hangs  down  to  the 
shoulders,  whilst  in  front  it  is  cut  shorter  and  allowed  to  cover 
the  forehead  half-way  like  a  long  fringe.  Some  of  them,  settled  in  the 
districts  of  Lepanto  and  El  Abra,  have  a  little  hair  on  the  chin  and 
upper  lip.  Their  skin  is  of  a  dark  copper  tinge.  They  have  flat  noses, 
thick  lips,  high  cheek-bones,  and  their  broad  shoulders  and  limbs  seem 
to  denote  great  strength,  but  their  form  is  not  at  all  graceful. 

Like  all  the  wild  races  of  the  Philippines,  the  Igorrotes  are  indolent 
to  the  greatest  degree.  Their  huts  are  built  bee-hive  fashion,  and  they 
creep  into  them  like  quadrupeds.  Fields  of  sweet  potatoes  and  sugar-cane 
are  under  cultivation  by  them.  They  cannot  be  forced  or  persuaded 
to  embrace  the  Western  system  of  civilization.  Adultery  is  little 
known,  but  if  it  occurs,  the  dowry  is  returned  and  the  divorce  settled. 
Polygamy  seems  to   be   permitted,  but   little  practised.     Murders  are 

1  The  Ibanacs  are  the  ordinary  domesticated  natives  inhabiting  the  extreme 
north  of  Luzon  and  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  Cagayan  for  some  miles  up. 
Some  of  them  have  almost  black  skins.     I  found  them  very  manageable. 


124  Attempt  to  subdue  the  Igor  rotes 

common,  and  if  a  member  of  one  hut  or  family  group  is  killed,  that 
family  avenges  itself  on  one  of  the  murderer's  kinsmen,  hence  those 
who  might  have  to  "  pay  the  piper  "  are  interested  in  maintaining  order. 
In  the  Province  of  La  Isabela,  the  Negrito  and  Igorrote  tribes  keep 
a  regular  Dr.  and  Cr.  account  of  heads.  In  1896  there  were  about 
100,000  head-hunting  Igorrotes  in  the  Benguet  district.  This  tribe 
paid  to  the  Spaniards  a  recognition  of  vassalage  of  one-quarter  of  a 
peso  per  capita  in  Benguet,  Abra,  Bontoc,  and  Lepanto. 

Their  aggressions  on  the  coast  settlers  have  been  frequent  for 
centuries  past.  From  time  to  time  they  came  down  from  their 
mountain  retreat  to  steal  cattle  and  effects  belonging  to  the  domesti- 
cated population.  The  first  regular  attempt  to  chastise  them  for  these 
inroads,  and  afterwards  gain  their  submission,  was  in  the  time  of 
Governor  Pedro  de  Arandia  (1754-59),  when  a  plan  was  concerted  to 
attack  them  simultaneously  from  all  sides  with  1,080  men.  Their 
ranches  and  crops  were  laid  waste,  and  many  Igorrotes  were  taken 
prisoners,  but  the  ultimate  idea  of  securing  their  allegiance  was 
abandoned  as  an  impossibility. 

In  1881  General  Primo  de  Rivera,  at  the  head  of  a  large  armed 
force,  invaded  their  district  with  the  view  of  reducing  them  to  obedience, 
but  the  apparent  result  of  the  expedition  was  more  detrimental  than 
advantageous  to  the  project  of  bringing  this  tribe  under  Spanish 
dominion  and  of  opening  up  their  country  to  trade  and  enlightened 
intercourse.  Whilst  the  expeditionary  forces  were  not  sufficiently  large 
or  in  a  condition  to  carry  on  a  war  a  outrance  successfully,  to  be 
immediately  followed  up  by  a  military  system  of  government,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  feeble  efforts  displayed  to  conquer  them  served  only 
to  demonstrate  the  impotence  of  the  Europeans.  This  gave  the  tribes 
courage  to  defend  their  liberty,  whilst  the  licence  indulged  in  by  the 
white  men  at  the  expense  of  the  mountaineers — and  boasted  of  to  me 
personally  by  many  Spanish  officers — had  merely  the  effect  of  raising 
the  veil  from  their  protestations  of  goodwill  towards  the  race  they 
sought  to  subdue.  The  enterprise  ignominiously  failed ;  the  costly 
undertaking  was  an  inglorious  and  fruitless  one,  except  to  the  General, 
who — being  under  royal  favour  since,  at  Sagunta,  in  1875,  he  "  pro- 
nounced "  for  King  Alfonso — secured  for  himself  the  title  of  Count  of 
La  Union. 

The  Igorrotes  have,  since  then,  been  less  approachable  by  Europeans, 
whom  they  naturally  regard  with  every  feeling  of  distrust.  Rightly 
or  wrongly  (if  it  can  be  a  matter  of  opinion),  they  fail  to  see  any 
manifestation  of  ultimate  advantage  to  themselves  in  the  arrival  of  a 
troop  of  armed  strangers  who  demand  from  them  food  (even  though 
it  be  on  payment)  and  perturbate  their  most  intimate  family  ties.  They 
do  not  appreciate  being ';  civilized"  to  exchange  their  usages,  independence, 
and  comfort  for  even  the  highest  post  obtainable  by  a  native  in  the 


Calingas  125 

provinces,  which  then  was  practically  that  of  local  head  servant  to  the 
district  authority,  under  the  name  of  Municipal  Captain.  To  roam 
at  large  in  their  mountain  home  is  far  more  enjoyable  to  them  than 
having  to  wear  clothes  ;  to  present  themselves  often,  if  not  to  habitually 
reside,  in  villages ;  to  pay  taxes,  for  which  they  would  get  little  return 
— not  even  the  boon  of  good  highroads — and  to  act  as  unsalaried  tax- 
collectors  with  the  chance  of  fine,  punishment,  and  ruin  if  they  did 
not  succeed  in  bringing  funds  to  the  Public  Treasury. 

As  to  Christianity,  it  would  be  as  hard  a  task  to  convince  them  of 
what  Roman  Catholicism  deems  indispensable  for  the  salvation  of  the 
soul,  as  it  would  be  to  convert  all  England  to  the  teachings  of  Buddha — 
although  Buddhism  is  as  logical  a  religion  as  Christianity.  Just  a  few 
of  them,  inhabiting  the  lowlands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Vigan  and 
other  christian  towns,  received  baptism  and  paid  an  annual  tribute  of 
half  a  peso  from  the  year  1893  to  1896. 

Being  in  Tuguegarao,  the  capital  of  Cagayan  Province,  about 
60  miles  up  the  Rio  Grande,  I  went  to  visit  the  prisons,  where  I  saw 
many  of  the  worst  types  of  Igorrotes.  I  was  told  that  a  priest  who 
had  endeavoured  to  teach  them  the  precepts  of  Christianity,  and  had 
explained  to  them  the  marvellous  life  of  Saint  Augustine,  was  dismayed 
to  hear  an  Igorrote  exclaim  that  no  coloured  man  ever  became  a  white 
man's  saint.  Nothing  could  convince  him  that  an  exception  to  the 
rule  might  be  possible.  Could  experience  have  revealed  to  him  the 
established  fact — the  remarkable  anomaly — that  the  grossest  forms  of 
immorality  were  only  to  be  found  in  the  trail  of  the  highest  order  of 
white  man's  civilization  ? 

The  Igorrotes  have  worked  the  copper  mines  of  their  region  for 
generations  past,  in  their  own  primitive  way,  with  astonishing  results. 
They  not  only  annually  barter  several  tons  of  copper  ingots,  but  they 
possess  the  art  of  manufacturing  pots,  cauldrons,  tobacco-pipes,  and 
other  utensils  made  of  that  metal.  They  also  understand  the  extraction 
of  gold,  which  they  obtain  in  very  small  quantities  by  crushing  the 
quartz  between  heavy  stones. 

Specimens  of  the  different  tribes  and  races  of  these  Islands  were  on 
view  at  the  Philippine  Exhibition  held  in  Madrid  in  1887.  Some 
of  them  consented  to  receive  christian  baptism  before  returning  home, 
but  it  was  publicly  stated  that  the  Igorrotes  were  among  those  who 
positively  refused   to  abandon  their  own  belief. 

A  selection  of  this  tribe  was  included  in  the  Filipinos  on  show  at 
the  San  Louis  Exhibition  (U.S.A.)  in  1904,  and  attracted  particular 
attention.  Some  of  them  liked  the  United  States  so  much  that  they 
tried  hard  to  break  away  from  their  keepers  in  order  to  remain  there. 

The  Calingas  are  a  branch  of  the  Igorrotes,  found  along  the 
Cagayan  River  around  Ilagan.  They  are  not  only  head-hunters,  but 
cannibals.     A  friend  of  mine,  an  American  colonel,  was  up  there  some 


126  Igorrote-  Chinese —  Tinguianes 


time  during  the  war,  and  explained  to  me  the  difficulty  he  had  in 
convincing  a  Calinga  chief  that  a  man's  head  is  his  personal  property, 
and  that  to  steal  it  is  a  crime. 

The  Igorrote-Chinese  are  supposed  to  be  the  descendants  of  the 
Chinese  who  fled  to  the  hills  on  the  departure  of  the  corsair  Li-ma-hong 
from  Pangasinan  Province  in  1754  (vide  p.  50).  Their  intermarriage  with 
the  Igorrote  tribe  has  generated  a  caste  of  people  quite  unique  in 
their  character.  Their  habits  are  much  the  same  as  those  of  the  pure 
Igorrotes,  but  with  their  fierce  nature  is  blended  the  cunning  and 
astuteness  of  the  Mongol ;  and  although  their  intelligence  may  be  often 
misapplied,  yet  it  is  superior  to  that  of  the  pure  Igorrote.  In  the 
Province  of  Pangasinan  there  are  numbers  of  natives  of  Chinese  descent 
included  in  the  domesticated  population,  and  their  origin  is  evidently 
due  to  the  circumstances  mentioned. 

The  Tinguianes  inhabit  principally  the  district  of  El  Abra  (N.W. 
coast,  Luzon  Is.).  They  were  nominally  under  the  control  of  the 
Spanish  Government,  who  appointed  their  headmen  petty  governors 
of  villages  or  ranches  on  the  system  adopted  in  the  subdued  districts. 
According  to  Father  Ferrando  (63  years  ago),  the  form  of  oath  taken 
in  his  presence  by  the  newly-elected  headman  on  receiving  the  staff 
of  office  was  the  following,  viz. : — "  May  a  pernicious  wind  touch  me ; 
"  may  a  flash  of  lightning  kill  me,  and  may  the  alligator  catch  me  asleep 
"  if  I  fail  to  fulfil  my  duty."  The  headman  presented  himself  almost 
when  he  chose  to  the  nearest  Spanish  Governor,  who  gave  him  his 
orders,  which  were  only  fulfilled  according  to  the  traditional  custom 
of  the  tribe.  Thus,  the  headman,  on  his  return  to  the  ranche, 
delegated  his  powers  to  the  council  of  elders,  and  according  to  their 
decision  he  acted  as  the  executive  only.  Whenever  it  was  possible, 
they  applied  their  own  lex  non  scripta  in  preference  to  acting  upon 
the  Spanish  Code. 

According  to  their  law,  the  crime  of  adultery  is  punished  by  a  fine 
of  30  pesos  value  and  divorce,  but  if  the  adultery  has  been  mutual, 
the  divorce  is  pronounced  absolute,  without  the  payment  of  a  fine. 

When  a  man  is  brought  to  justice  on  an  accusation  which  he  denies, 
a  handful  of  straw  is  burnt  in  his  presence.  He  is  made  to  hold  up  an 
earthenware  pot  and  say  as  follows  : — "  May  my  belly  be  converted 
into  a  pot  like  this,  if  I  have  committed  the  deed  attributed  to  me." 
If  the  transformation  does  not  take  place  at  once,  he  is  declared  to  be 
innocent. 

The  Tinguianes  are  pagans,  but  have  no  temples.  Their  gods  are 
hidden  in  the  mountain  cavities.  Like  many  other  religionists,  they 
believe  in  the  efficacy  of  prayer  for  the  supply  of  their  material  wants. 
Hence  if  there  be  too  great  an  abundance  of  rain,  or  too  little  of  it, 
or  an  epidemic  disease  raging,  or  any  calamity  affecting  the  community 
in  general,   the   Anitos   (images  representing  the  gods    or   saints)   are 


Tinguianes  1 27 

carried  round  and  exhorted,  whilst  Nature  continues  her  uninterrupted 
course.  The  minister  of  Anito  is  also  appealed  to  when  a  child  is 
to  be  named.  The  infant  is  carried  into  the  woods,  and  the  pagan 
priest  pronounces  the  name,  whilst  he  raises  a  bowie-knife  over  the 
newborn  creature^  head.  On  lowering  the  knife,  he  strikes  at  a  tree. 
If  the  tree  emits  sap,  the  first  name  uttered  stands  good ;  if  not, 
the  ceremony  is  repeated,  and  each  time  the  name  is  changed  until  the 
oozing  sap  denotes  the  will  of  the  deity. 

The  Tinguianes  are  monogamists,  and  generally  are  forced  by  the 
parents  to  marry  before  the  age  of  puberty,  but  the  bridegroom,  or  his 
father  or  elder,  has  to  purchase  the  bride  at  a  price  mutually  agreed 
upon  by  the  relations.  These  people  live  in  cabins  on  posts  or  trees 
60  to  70  feet  from  the  ground,  and  defend  themselves  from  the  attacks 
of  their  traditional  enemies,  the  Guinaanes,  by  heaving  stones  upon 
them.  Nevertheless,  in  the  more  secure  vicinities  of  the  christian 
villages,  these  people  build  their  huts  similar  to  those  of  the  domesti- 
cated natives.  From  the  doors  and  window-openings  skulls  of 
buffaloes  and  horses  are  hung  as  talismans. 

Physically  they  are  of  fine  form,  and  the  nose  is  aquiline.  They 
wear  the  hair  in  a  tuft  on  the  crown,  like  the  Japanese,  but  their 
features  are  similar  to  the  ordinary  lowland  native.  They  are  fond  of 
music  and  personal  ornaments.  They  tattoo  themselves  and  black  their 
teeth  ;  and  for  these,  and  many  other  reasons,  it  is  conjectured  that 
they  descend  from  the  Japanese  shipwrecked  crews  who,  being  without 
means  at  hand  with  which  to  return  to  their  country,  took  to  the 
mountains  inland  from  the  west  coast  of  Luzon.  I  spent  several 
months  with  this  tribe,  but  I  have  never  seen  a  Tinguian  with  a  bow 
and  arrow ;  they  carry  the  lance  as  the  common  weapon,  and  for 
hunting  and  spearing  fish. 

Their  conversion  to  Christianity  has  proved  to  be  an  impossible 
task.  A  Royal  Decree  of  Ferdinand  VI.,  dated  in  Aranjuez,  June  18, 
1758,  sets  forth  that  the  infidels  called  Tinguianes,  Igorrotes,  and 
by  other  names  who  should  accept  christian  baptism,  should  be  exempt 
all  their  lives  from  the  payment  of  tribute  and  forced  labour.  Their 
offspring,  however,  born  to  them  after  receiving  baptism,  would  lose 
these  privileges  as  well  as  the  independence  enjoyed  by  their  fore- 
fathers. This  penalty  to  future  generations  for  becoming  Christians 
was  afterwards  extended  to  all  the  undomesticated  races. 

Many  of  these  tribes  did  a  little  barter  traffic  with  the  Chinese, 
but — with  the  hope  that  necessity  would  bring  them  down  to  the 
christian  villages  to  procure  commodities,  and  thus  become  socialized — 
the  Government  prohibited  this  trade  in  1886. 

The  Tinguianes  appear  to  be  as  intelligent  as  the  ordinary  subdued 
natives.  They  are  by  no  means  savages,  and  they  are  not  entirely 
strangers  to  domestic  life.     A  great  many  christian  families  of  El  Abra 


1 28  Basanes — Manguianes — Hindoos 

and  Ilocos  Sur  are  of  Tinguian  origin,  and  I  may  mention  here  that  the 
Ilocano  dominated  natives  have  the  just  reputation  of  being  the  most 
industrious  Philippine  people.  For  this  reason,  Ilocano  servants  and 
workmen  are  sought  for  in  preference  to  most  others. 

The  Basanes  are  a  very  timid  people  who  inhabit  the  mountains  of 
Mindoro  Island.  They  have  long,  lank  hair  and  whitish  faces,  and 
do  not  appear  to  be  of  one  of  the  original  races.  They  are  occasion- 
ally met  with  (when  they  do  not  hide  themselves)  in  the  cordillera 
which  runs  north-west  to  south-east  and  then  ends  off  in  two  spurs, 
between  which,  after  passing  Mount  Halcon,  there  is  a  large  valley 
leading  to  the  southern  shore.  The  Manguianes,  another  Mindoro 
wild  tribe,  come  to  the  coast  villages  sometimes  to  barter,  and  bring 
pieces  of  gold  for  the  purpose.  They  also  wear  gold  jewellery  made 
of  the  metal  extracted  by  themselves. 

There  is  another  race  of  people  whose  source  is  not  distinctly 
known,  but,  according  to  tradition,  they  descend  from  the  Sepoys 
who  formed  part  of  the  troops  under  British  command  during  the 
military  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763  {vide  p.  88).  The  legend  is,  that 
these  Hindoos,  having  deserted  from  the  British  army,  migrated  up  the 
Pasig  River.  However  that  may  be,  the  sharp-featured,  black-skinned 
settlers  in  the  Barrio  de  Dayap,  of  Cainta  Town  (Mdrong  district),  are 
decidedly  of  a  different  stock  to  the  ordinary  native.  The  notable 
physical  differences  are  the  fine  aquiline  nose,  bright  expression,  and 
regular  features.  They  are  Christians — far  more  laborious  than  the 
Philippine  natives,  and  are  a  law-abiding  people.  I  have  known  many 
of  them  personally  for  years.  They  were  the  only  class  who  voluntarily 
presented  themselves  to  pay  the  taxes  to  the  Spaniards,  and  yet,  on 
the  ground  that  generations  ago  they  were  intruders  on  the  soil,  they 
were  more  heavily  laden  with  imposts  than  their  fellow-neighbours 
until  the  abolition  of  tribute  in  1884. 

There  are  also  to  be  seen  in  these  Islands  a  few  types  of  that  class 
of  tropical  inhabitant,  preternaturally  possessed  of  a  white  skin  and 
extremely  fair  hair — sometimes  red — known  as  Albinos.  I  leave  it  to 
physiologists  to  elucidate  the  peculiarity  of  vital  phenomena  in  these 
unfortunate  abnormities  of  Nature.  Amongst  others,  I  once  saw  in 
Negros  Island  a  hapless  young  Albino  girl,  with  marble-white  skin 
and  very  light  pink-white  hair,  who  was  totally  blind  in  the  sunny 
hours  of  the  day. 

The  Mahometan  and  other  tribes,  inhabiting  the  Sulu  Sultanate, 
Mindanao,  Palauan  (Paragua)  and  the  adjacent  islands  of  the  South, 
constituting  "  Moroland,"  are  described  in  Chapters  x.  and  xxix. 


129 


CHAPTER   X 

MAHOMETANS   AND   SOUTHERN   TRIBES 

Simultaneously  with  the  Spanish  conquest  of  the  Philippines,  two 
Borneo  chiefs,  who  were  brothers,  quarrelled  about  their  respective 
possessions,  and  one  of  them  had  to  flee.  His  partisans  joined  him, 
and  they  emigrated  to  the  Island  of  Basilan,1  situated  to  the  south  of 
Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Is.).  The  Moros,  as  they  are  called  in  the 
Islands,  are  therefore  supposed  to  be  descended  from  the  Mahometan 
Dyaks  of  Borneo.  They  were  a  valiant,  warlike,  piratical  people,  who 
admired  bravery  in  others — had  a  deep-rooted  contempt  for  poltroons, 
and  lavished  no  mercy  on  the  weak. 

In  the  suite  of  this  emigrant  chief,  called  Paguian  Tindig,  came 
his  cousin  Adasaolan,  who  was  so  captivated  by  the  fertility  of  Basilan 
Island  that  he  wished  to  remain  there ;  so  Tindig  left  him  in  possession 
and  withdrew  to  Sulu  Island,  where  he  easily  reduced  the  natives  to 
vassalage,  for  they  had  never  yet  had  to  encounter  so  powerful  a  foe. 
So  famous  did  Paguian  Tindig  become  that,  for  generations  after- 
wards, the  Sultans  of  Sulu  were  proud  of  their  descent  from  such  a 
celebrated  hero.  After  the  Spaniards  had  pacified  the  great  Butuan 
chief  on  the  north  coast  of  Mindanao,  Tindig  consented  to  acknowledge 
the  suzerainty  of  their  king,  in  exchange  for  undisturbed  possession 
of  the  realm  which  he  had  just  founded. 

Adasaolan  espoused  the  Princess  Paguian  Goan,  daughter  of 
Dimasangcay,  King  of  Mindanao,  by  his  wife  Imbog,  a  Sulu  woman, 
and  with  this  relationship  he  embraced  the  Mahometan  faith.  His 
ambition  increased  as  good  fortune  came  to  him,  and,  stimulated  by 
the  promised  support  of  his  father-in-law,  he  invaded  Sulu,  attacked 
his  cousin  Tindig,  and  attempted  to  murder  him  in  order  to  annex 
his  kingdom.  A  short  but  fierce  contest  ensued.  Tindig^  fortified 
dwelling  was  besieged  in  vain.  The  posts  which  supported  the  upper 
storey  were  greased  with  oil,  and  an  entrance  could  not  be  effected. 
Wearied  of  his  failures,  Adasaolan  retired  from  the  enterprise,  and 
Tindig,  in  turn,  declared  war  on  the  Basilan  king  after  he  had  been  to 

1  According  to  Father  Pedro  Murillo,  the  ancient  name  of  Basilan  was  Taguima, 
so  called  from  a  river  there  of  that  name. 


130  First  Expedition  against  the  Moros 


Manila  to  solicit  assistance  from  his  Spanish  suzerain's  representative, 
who  sent  two  armed  boats  to  support  him. 

When  Tindig,  on  his  return  from  Manila,  arrived  within  sight  of 
Sulu,  his  anxious  subjects  rallied  round  him,  and  prepared  for  battle. 
The  two  armed  boats  furnished  by  the  Spaniards  were  on  the  way,  but, 
as  yet,  too  far  off  to  render  help,  so  Adasaolan  immediately  fell  upon 
Tindig's  party  and  completely  routed  them.  Tindig  himself  died 
bravely,  fighting  to  the  last  moment,  and  the  Spaniards,  having  no  one  to 
fight  for  when  they  arrived,  returned  to  Manila  with  their  armed  boats. 

Adasaolan,  however,  did  not  annex  the  territory  of  his  defeated 
cousin.  Rajah  Bongso  succeeded  Tindig  in  the  Government  of  Sulu, 
and  when  old  age  enfeebled  him,  he  was  wont  to  show  with  pride  the 
scars  inflicted  on  him  during  the  war  of  independence. 

Adasaolan  then  made  alliances  with  Mindanao  and  Borneo  people, 
and  introduced  the  Mahometan  religion  into  Sulu.  Since  then,  Sulu 
(called  "  Jold,"  by  the  Spaniards)  has  become  the  Mecca  of  the  Southern 
Archipelago.1 

****** 

The  earliest  records  relating  to  Mindanao  Island,  since  the  Spanish 
annexation  of  the  Philippines,  show  that  about  the  year  1594  a  rich 
Portuguese  cavalier  of  noble  birth,  named  Estevan  Rodriguez,  who  had 
acquired  a  large  fortune  in  the  Philippines,  and  who  had  a  wealthy 
brother  in  Mexico,  proposed  to  the  Governor  Perez  Dasmariiias  the 
conquest  of  this  island.  For  this  purpose  he  offered  his  person  and  all 
his  means,  but  having  long  waited  in  vain  to  obtain  the  royal  sanction 
to  his  project,  he  prepared  to  leave  for  Mexico,  disgusted  and  dis- 
appointed. He  was  on  the  point  of  starting  for  New  Spain  ;  he  had 
his  ship  laden  and  his  family  on  board,  when  the  royal  confirmation 
arrived  with  the  new  Governor,  Dr.  Antonio  Morga  (1595-96).  There- 
fore he  changed  his  plans,  but  despatched  the  laden  ship  to  Mexico 
with  the  cargo,  intending  to  employ  the  profits  of  the  venture  in  the 
prosecution  of  his  Mindanao  enterprise.  With  the  title  of  General, 
he  and  his  family,  together  with  three  chaplain  priests,  started  in 
another  vessel  for  the  south.  They  put  in  at  Otong  (Panay  Is.)  on 
the  way,  and  left  there  in  April,  1596.  Having  reached  the  great 
Mindanao  River  (Rio  Grande),  the  ship  went  up  it  as  far  as  Buhayen, 
in  the  territory  of  the  chief  Silongan.  A  party  under  Juan  de  la  Jara, 
the  Maestre  de  Campo,  was  sent  ashore  to  reconnoitre  the  environs. 
Their  delay  in  returning  caused  alarm,  so  the  General  buckled  on  his 
shield,  and,  with  sword  in  hand,  disembarked,  accompanied  by  a 
Cebuano  servant  and  two  Spaniards,  carrying  lances.  On  the  way 
they  met  a  native,  who  raised  his  campildn  to  deal  a  blow,  which  the 
General  received  on  his  shield,  and  cut  down    the   foe  to  the  waist. 

1  Mahometanism  appears  to  have  been  introduced  into  the  Islands  of  Borneo 
and  Mindanao  by  Arabian  missionary  prophets. 


Gov. -General  Corcuera  invades  Sulu  Island        131 

Then  they  encountered  another,  who  clove  the  General's  head  almost 
in  two,  causing  his  death  in  six  hours.  The  Cebuano  at  once  ran  the 
native  through  with  a  lance.  This  brave  was  discovered  to  be  the 
youngest  brother  of  the  chief  Silongan,  who  had  sworn  to  Mahomet  to 
sacrifice  his  life  to  take  that  of  the  Castilian  invader. 

The  General's  corpse  was  sent  to  Manila  for  interment.  The 
expedition  led  by  the  Maestre  de  Campo  fared  badly,  one  of  the  party 
being  killed,  another  seriously  wounded,  and  the  rest  fleeing  on  board. 
The  next  day  it  was  decided  to  construct  trenches  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  where  the  camp  was  established.  The  command  was  taken  by 
the  Maestre  de  Campo,  whose  chief  exploit  seems  to  have  been  that  he 
made  love  to  the  deceased  General's  widow  and  proposed  marriage  to 
her,  which  she  indignantly  rejected.  Nothing  was  gained  by  the 
expedition,  and  after  the  last  priest  died,  the  project  was  abandoned 
and  the  vessel  returned  to  Cebu. 

In  1638  another  expedition  against  the  Moros  was  headed  by 
the  Gov.-General  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera,  who  made  the  first 
landing  of  troops  in  Sulu  Island  on  April  17  of  that  year.  He  also 
established  some  military  posts  on  the  coast  of  Mindanao  Island,  one  of 
which  was  Sampanilla  (now  called  Malabang)  on  the  Illana  Bay  shore. 
Four  years  afterwards  it  was  abandoned  until  1891,  when  General 
Weyler  went  there  and  had  a  fort  built,  which  still  exists. 

It  would  appear  that  all  over  these  Islands  the  strong  preyed  on  the 
weak,  and  the  boldest  warrior  or  oppressor  assumed  the  title  of  Sultan, 
Datto,  etc.,  over  all  the  territory  he  could  dominate,  making  the  dignity 
hereditary.  So  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  one  of  the  oldest  titles  was 
that  of  Prince  of  Sibuguey,  whose  territory  was  situated  on  the  bay  of 
that  name  which  washes  the  N.E.  coast  of  Zamboanga  Province.  The 
title  fell  into  disuse,  and  the  grandson  of  the  last  prince,  the  present 
Manguiguhi,  or  Sultan  of  Mindanao,  resides  at  Dinas.  The  sultanate 
dates  from  the  year  1640,  but,  in  reality,  there  never  was  a  sultan 
with  effective  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  island,  as  the  title  would 
seem  to  imply.     The  Sultan's  heir  is  styled  the  Rajahmudah. 

The  alliances  effected  between  the  Sulu  and  Mindanao  potentates 
gave  a  great  stimulus  to  piracy,  which  hitherto  had  been  confined  to 
the  waters  in  the  locality  of  those  islands.  It  now  spread  over  the 
whole  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago,  and  was  prosecuted  with  great 
vigour  by  regular  organized  fleets,  carrying  weapons  almost  equal  to 
those  of  the  Spaniards.  In  meddling  with  the  Mahometan  territories 
the  Spaniards  may  be  said  to  have  unconsciously  lighted  on  a  hornets' 
nest.  Their  eagerness  for  conquest  stirred  up  the  implacable  hatred 
of  the  Mahometan  for  the  Christian,  and  they  unwittingly  brought 
woe  upon  their  own  heads  for  many  generations.  Indeed,  if  half 
the  consequences  could  have  been  foreseen,  they  surely  never 
would    have   attempted    to   gain    what,    up    to    their   last    day,    they 


132  The  scourge  of  Moro  piracy 

failed  to  secure,  namely,  the  complete  conquest  of  Mindanao  and  the 
Sulu  Sultanate. 

For  over  two  and  a  half  centuries  Mahometan  war-junks  ravaged 
every  coast  of  the  Colony.  Not  a  single  peopled  island  was  spared. 
Thousands  of  the  inhabitants  were  murdered,  whilst  others  were  carried 
into  slavery  for  years.  Villages  were  sacked ;  the  churches  were  looted  ; 
local  trade  was  intercepted ;  the  natives  subject  to  Spain  were  driven 
into  the  highlands,  and  many  even  dared  not  risk  their  lives  and  goods 
near  the  coasts.  The  utmost  desolation  and  havoc  were  perpetrated,  and 
militated  vastly  against  the  welfare  and  development  of  the  Colony. 
For  four  years  the  Government  had  to  remit  the  payment  of  tribute 
in  Negros  Island,  and  the  others  lying  between  it  and  Luzon,  on  account 
of  the  abject  poverty  of  the  natives,  due  to  these  raids.  From  the 
time  the  Spaniards  first  interfered  with  the  Mahometans  there  was 
continual  warfare.  Expeditions  against  the  pirates  were  constantly 
being  fitted  out  by  each  succeeding  Governor.  Piracy  was  indeed  an 
incessant  scourge  and  plague  on  the  Colony,  and  it  cost  the  Spaniards 
rivers  of  blood  and  millions  of  dollars  only  to  keep  it  in  check. 

In  the  last  century  the  Mahometans  appeared  even  in  the  Bay  of 
Manila.  I  was  acquainted  with  several  persons  who  had  been  in  Mahometan 
captivity.  There  were  then  hundreds  who  still  remembered,  with 
anguish,  the  insecurity  to  which  their  lives  and  properties  were  exposed. 
The  Spaniards  were  quite  unable  to  cope  with  such  a  prodigious  calamity. 
The  coast  villagers  built  forts  for  their  own  defence,  and  many  an  old 
stone  watch-tower  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the  islands  south  of  Luzon.  On 
several  occasions  the  Christian  natives  were  urged,  by  the  inducement 
of  spoil,  to  equip  corsairs,  with  which  to  retaliate  on  the  indomitable 
marauders.  The  Sulu  people  made  captive  the  Christian  natives  and 
Spaniards  alike,  whilst  a  Spanish  priest  was  a  choice  prize.  And  whilst 
Spaniards  in  Philippine  waters  were  straining  every  nerve  to  extirpate 
slavery,  their  countrymen  were  diligently  pursuing  a  profitable  trade  in 
it  between  the  West  Coast  of  Africa  and  Cuba ! 

One  must  admit  that,  indirectly,  the  Mahometan  attacks  had  the 
good  political  effect  of  forcing  hundreds  of  Christians  up  from  the 
coast  to  people  and  cultivate  the  interior  of  these  Islands. 

Due  to  the  enterprise  of  a  few  Spanish  and  foreign  merchants, 
steamers  at  length  began  to  navigate  the  waters  of  the  Archipelago, 
provided  with  arms  for  defence,  and  piracy  by  Mahometans  beyond  their 
own  locality  was  doomed.  In  the  time  of  Gov. -General  Norzagaray 
(1857-60),  18  steam  gunboats  were  ordered  out,  and  arrived  in  1860, 
putting  a  close  for  ever  to  this  epoch  of  misery,  bloodshed,  and  material 
loss.  The  end  of  piracy  brought  repose  to  the  Colony,  and  in  no 
small  degree  facilitated  its  social  advancement. 

During  the  protracted  struggle  with  the  Mahometans,  Zamboanga 
(Mindanao   Is.)    was   fortified,    and    became    the   headquarters    of  the 


WEAPONS   OF  THE   MOROS. 

(Left)  "Barong";   (right)  "Kris";  (centre)  The  Sultan  of  Sulu's  dress  sword, 

presented  to  the  author  by  His  Excellency. 


Zamboanga  Fort — Fighting  Friars  133 

Spaniards  in  the  south.  After  Cavite  it  was  the  chief  naval  station, 
and  a  penitentiary  was  also  established  there.1  Its  maintenance  was 
a  great  burden  to  the  Treasury — its  existence  a  great  eyesore  to  the 
enemy,  whose  hostility  was  much  inflamed  thereby.  About  the  year  1635 
its  abandonment  was  proposed  by  the  military  party,  who  described  it 
as  only  a  sepulchre  for  Spaniards.  The  Jesuits,  however,  urged  its 
continuance,  as  it  suited  their  interests  to  have  material  support  close  at 
hand,  and  their  influence  prevailed  in  Manila  bureaucratic  centres. 

In  1738  the  fixed  annual  expenses  of  Zamboanga  fort  and  equip- 
ment were  17,500  pesos,  and  the  incidental  disbursements  were  estimated 
at  7,500  pesos.  These  sums  did  not  include  the  cost  of  scores  of 
armed  fleets  which,  at  enormous  expense,  were  sent  out  against  the 
Mahometans  to  little  purpose.  Each  new  (Zamboanga)  Governor  of  a 
martial  spirit,  and  desiring  to  do  something  to  establish  or  confirm  his 
fame  for  prowess,  seemed  to  regard  it  as  a  kind  of  duty  to  premise  the 
quelling  of  imaginary  troubles  in  Sulu  and  Mindanao.  Some,  with  less 
patriotism  than  selfishness,  found  a  ready  excuse  for  filling  their  own 
pockets  by  the  proceeds  of  warfare,  in  making  feigned  efforts  to  rescue 
captives.  It  may  be  observed,  in  extenuation,  that,  in  those  days,  the 
Spaniards  believed  from  their  birth  that  none  but  a  Christian  had  rights, 
whilst  some  were  deluded  by  a  conscientious  impression  that  they  were 
executing  a  high  mission  ;  myth  as  it  was,  it  at  least  served  to  give  them 
courage  in  their  perilous  undertakings.  Peace  was  made  and  broken 
over  and  over  again.  Spanish  forts  were  at  times  established  in  Sulu, 
and  afterwards  demolished.  Every  decade  brought  new  devices  to  control 
the  desperate  foe.  Several  Governors-General  headed  the  troops  in 
person  against  the  Mahometans  with  temporary  success,  but  without  any 
lasting  effect,  and  almost  every  new  Governor  made  a  solemn  treaty  with 
one  powerful  chief  or  another,  which  was  respected  only  as  long  as  it 
suited  both  parties.  This  continued  campaign,  the  details  of  which 
are  too  prolix  for  insertion  here,  may  be  qualified  as  a  religious  war, 
for  Roman  Catholic  priests  took  an  active  part  in  the  operations 
with  the  same  ardent  passion  as  the  Mahometans  themselves.  Among 
these  tonsured  warriors  who  acquired  great  fame  out  of  their  profession 
may  be  mentioned  Father  Ducos,  the  son  of  a  Colonel,  Jose  Villanueva, 
and  Pedro  de  San  Agustin,  the  last  being  known,  with  dread,  by  the 
Mahometans  in  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century  under  the  title  of 
the  Captain-priest.  One  of  the  most  renowned  kings  in  Mindanao 
was  Cachil  Corralat,  an  astute,  far-seeing  chieftain,  who  ably  defended 
the  independence  of  his  territory,  and  kept  the  Spaniards  at  bay  during 
the  whole  of  his  manhood. 

An  interesting  event  in    the  Spanish-Sulu  history    is   the   visit   of 

1  It  was  called  the  Fuerza  del  Pilar,  and  is  now  the  American  Moro  Province 
military  headquarters  and  head  quartermaster's  office  and  depot.  Hie  image  ot 
Our  Lady  in  a  niche  in  the  north  wall  is  much  revered  by  Catholics. 


134  Vicissitudes  of  Sultan  Mohamad  Alimiid'm 

the  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  to  the  Gov.-General  in  1750,  and  his 
subsequent  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  The  first  royal  despatch  addressed 
by  the  King  of  Spain  to  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  was  dated  in  Buen  Retiro, 
July  12,  1744,  and  everything,  for  the  time  being,  seemed  to  augur  a 
period  of  peace.  In  1749,  however,  the  Sultan  was  violently  deposed  by 
an  ambitious  brother,  Prince  Bantilan,  and  the  Sultan  forthwith  went  to 
Manila  to  seek  the  aid  of  his  suzerain's  delegate,  the  Gov.-General  of 
the  Philippines,  who  chanced  to  be  the  Bishop  of  Nueva  Segovia.  In 
Manila  the  Priest-Governor  cajoled  his  guest  with  presents,  and  accom- 
panied him  on  horseback  and  on  foot,  with  the  design  of  persuading  him 
to  renounce  his  religion  in  favour  of  Christianity.  The  Sultan  finally 
yielded,  and  avowed  his  intention  to  receive  baptism.  Among  the 
friars  an  animated  discussion  ensued  as  to  the  propriety  of  this  act, 
special  opposition  being  raised  by  the  Jesuits ;  but  in  the  end  the 
Sultan,  with  a  number  of  his  suite,  outwardly  embraced  the  Christian 
faith.  The  Sultan  at  his  baptism  received  the  name  of  Ferdinand  I. 
of  Sulu ;  at  the  same  time  he  was  invested  with  the  insignia  and 
grade  of  a  Spanish  Lieut.-General.  Great  ceremonies  and  magnificent 
feasts  followed  this  unprecedented  incident.  He  was  visited  and  con- 
gratulated by  all  the  elite  of  the  capital.  By  proclamation,  the 
festivities  included  four  days'*  illumination,  three  days'1  procession  of 
the  giants,1  three  days  of  bull-fighting,  four  nights  of  fireworks,  and 
three  nights  of  comedy,  to  terminate  with  High  Mass,  a  Te  Deum, 
and  special  sermon  for  the  occasion. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Sultan  had  requested  the  Governor  to  have 
the  Crown  Prince,  Princesses,  and  retainers  escorted  to  Manila  to  learn 
Spanish  manners  and  customs,  and  on  their  arrival  the  Sultan  and 
his  male  and  female  suite  numbered  60  persons.  The  Bishop-Governor 
defrayed  the  cost  of  their  maintenance  out  of  his  private  purse 
until  after  the  baptism,  and  thenceforth  the  Government  supported 
them  in  Manila  for  two  years.  At  length  it  was  resolved,  according 
to  appearances,  to  restore  the  Sultan  Ferdinand  I.  to  his  throne. 
With  that  idea,  he  and  his  retinue  quitted  Manila  in  the  Spanish 
frigate  San  Fernando,  which  was  convoyed  by  another  frigate  and 
a  galley,  until  the  San  Fernando  fell  in  with  bad  weather  off  Mindoro 
Island,  and  had  to  make  the  Port  of  Calapan.  Thence  he  proceeded 
to  Yloilo,  where  he  changed  vessel  and  set  sail  for  Zamboanga,  but 
contrary  winds  carried  him  to  Uapitan  (N.W.  coast  of  Mindanao  Is.), 
where  he  landed  and  put  off  again  in  a  small  Visayan  craft  for 
Zamboanga,  arriving  there  on  July  12,  1751.  Thirteen  days  afterwards 
the  San  Fernando,  which  had  been  repaired,  reached  Zamboanga  also. 

Before  Ferdinand  I.  left  Manila  he  had  (at  the  instance  of  the 
Spanish  Gov.-General,  Jose  de  Obando,  1750-54)  addressed  a  letter  to 

1  1'a.seo  de  108  gigantes,  the  custom  still  existing  in  Spain  of  introducing-  giant 
figures  into  popular  festivities,  reminding  one  of  Guy  Fawkes. 


Sultan  Mohamad  Alimudin  in  prison  135 

Sultan  Muhamad  Amirubdin,  of  Mindanao.  The  original  was  written 
by  Ferdinand  I.  in  Arabic ;  a  version  in  Spanish  was  dictated  by  him, 
and  both  were  signed  by  him.  These  documents  reached  the  Governor 
of  Zamboanga  by  the  San  Fernando,  but  he  had  the  original  in  Arabic 
retranslated,  and  found  that  it  did  not  at  all  agree  with  the  Sultan's 
Spanish   rendering.     The  translation  of  the  Arabic  runs  thus : — 

"  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  that  the  Sultan  Muhamad  Amirubdin  and 
"all  his  chiefs,  male  and  female,  are  well.  I  do  not  write  a  lengthy 
"letter,  as  I  intended,  because  I  simply  wish  to  give  you  to  understand, 
"  in  case  the  Sultan  or  his  chiefs  and  others  should  feel  aggrieved  at 
"  my  writing  this  letter  in  this  manner,  that  I  do  so  under  pressure, 
"  being  under  foreign  dominion,  and  I  am  compelled  to  obey  whatever 
"  they  tell  me  to  do,  and  I  have  to  say  what  they  tell  me  to  say.  Thus 
"  the  Governor  has  ordered  me  to  write  to  you  in  our  style  and  language  ; 
"  therefore,  do  not  understand  that  I  am  writing  you  on  my  own  behalf, 
"  but  because  I  am  ordered  to  do  so,  and  I  have  nothing  more  to  add. 
"Written  in  the  year  1164  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  Rabilajer  Moon, 
"  Ferdinand  I.,  King  of  Sulu,  who  seals  with  his  own  seal." 

This  letter  was  pronounced  treasonable.  Impressed  with,  or  feigning, 
this  idea,  the  Spaniards  saw  real  or  imaginary  indications  of  a  design 
on  the  part  of  the  Sultan  to  throw  off  the  foreign  yoke  at  the  first 
opportunity.  All  his  acts  were  thus  interpreted,  although  no  positive 
proof  was  manifest,  and  the  Governor  communicated  his  suspicions  to 
Manila.  There  is  no  explanation  why  the  Spaniards  detained  the  Sultan 
at  Zamboanga,  unless  with  the  intention  of  trumping  up  accusations 
against  him.  The  Sultan  arrived  there  on  July  12,  and  nothing  was 
known  of  the  discrepancy  between  the  letters  until  after  July  25.  To 
suppose  that  the  Sultan  could  ever  return  to  reign  peacefully  as  a  Christian 
over  Mahometan  subjects  was  utterly  absurd  to  any  rational  mind. 

On  August  3  the  Sultan,  his  sons,  vassals,  and  chiefs  were  all  cast  into 
prison,  without  opposition,  and  a  letter  was  despatched,  dated  August  6, 
1751,  to  the  Governor  in  Manila,  stating  the  cause.  The  Sultan  was 
the  first  individual  arrested,  and  he  made  no  difficulty  about  going  to 
the  fort.  Even  the  Prince  Asin,  the  Sultan's  brother,  who  had  volun- 
tarily come  from  Sulu  in  apparent  good  faith  with  friendly  overtures  to 
the  Spaniards,  was  included  among  the  prisoners.  The  reason  assigned 
was,  that  he  had  failed  to  surrender  christian  captives  as  provided. 

The  prisoners,  besides  the  Sultan,  were  the  following,  viz.  :- 


Four  sons  of  the  Sultan. 
Prince  Asin  (brother). 
Prince  Mustafa  (son-in-law). 
Princess   Panguian    Banquiling 

(sister). 
Four  Princesses  (daughters). 
Datto  Yamudin  (a  noble). 


160  ordinary    male   and    female 
retainers. 

Five  brothers-in-law. 
One  Mahometan  Cherif. 
Seven  Mahometan  priests. 
Concubines      with     32      female 
servants. 


136  Decree  of  Extermination  of  the  Moros 

The  political  or  other  crime  (if  any)  attributed  to  these  last  is  not 
stated,  nor  why  they  were  imprisoned.  The  few  weapons  brought, 
according  to  custom,  by  the  followers  of  the  Sultan  who  had  come 
from  Sulu  to  receive  their  liege-lord  and  escort  him  back  to  his  country, 
were  also  seized. 

A  decree  of  Gov. -General  Jose  de  Obando  set  forth  the  following 
accusations  against  the  prisoners,  viz. : — 

(1)  That  Prince  Asin  had  not  surrendered  captives.  (2)  That 
whilst  the  Sultan  was  in  Manila,  new  captives  were  made  by  the  party 
who  expelled  him  from  the  throne.  (3)  That  the  number  of  arms 
brought  to  Zamboanga  by  Sulu  chiefs  was  excessive.  (4)  That  the 
letter  to  Sultan  Muhamad  Amirubdin  insinuated  help  wanted  against 
the  Spaniards.  (5)  That  several  Mahometan,  but  no  christian  books 
were  found  in  the  Sultan's  baggage.  (6)  That  during  the  journey  to 
Zamboanga  he  had  refused  to  pray  in  christian  form.  (7)  That  he  had 
only  attended  Mass  twice.  (8)  That  he  had  celebrated  Mahometan 
rites,  sacrificing  a  goat ;  and  had  given  evidence  in  a  hundred  ways 
of  being  a  Mahometan.  (9)  That  his  conversation  generally  denoted 
a  want  of  attachment  to  the  Spaniards,  and  a  contempt  for  their 
treatment  of  him  in  Manila,1  and,  (10)  that  he  still  cohabited  with  his 
concubines,  contrary  to  christian  usage. 

The  greatest  stress  was  laid  on  the  recovery  of  the  captive  Christians, 
and  the  Gov. -General  admitted  that  although  the  mission  of  the  fleet  was 
to  restore  the  Sultan  to  the  throne  (which,  by  the  way,  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  attempted),  the  principal  object  was  the  rescue  of  christian 
slaves.  He  therefore  proposed  that  the  liberty  of  the  imprisoned 
nobles  and  chiefs  should  be  bartered  at  the  rate  of  500  christian  slaves 
for  each  one  of  the  chiefs  and  nobles,  and  the  balance  of  the  captives  for 
Prince  Asin  and  the  clergy.  One  may  surmise,  from  this  condition, 
that  the  number  of  Christians  in  captivity  was  very  considerable. 

A  subsequent  decree,  dated  in  Manila  December  21,  1751,  ordered 
the  extermination  of  the  Mahometans  with  fire  and  sword;  the  fitting 
out  of  Visayan  corsairs,  with  authority  to  extinguish  the  foe,  burn  all 
that  was  combustible,  destroy  the  crops,  desolate  their  cultivated  land, 
make  captives,  and  recover  christian  slaves.  One-fifth  of  the  spoil 
(the  Real  quinto)  was  to  belong  to  the  King,  and  the  natives  were  to 
be  exempt  from  the  payment  of  tribute  whilst  so  engaged. 

Before  giving  effect  to  such  a  terrible,  but  impracticable  resolution, 
it  was  thought  expedient  to  publish  a  pamphlet  styled  a  "  Historical 
Manifest,"  in  which  the  Gov.-General  professed  to  justify  his  acts  for 
public  satisfaction.  However,  public  opinion  in  Manila  was  averse 
to  the   intended  warfare,  so    to  make  it  more  popular,    the  Governor 

1  The  Sultan  complained  that  he  had  not  been  treated  in  Manila  with  dignity 
equal  to  his  rank  and  quality,  and  that  he  had  constantly  been  under  guard  of 
soldiers  in  his  residence  (this  was  explained  to  be  a  guard-of-honour). 


Mindanao  and  Sulu  Moi~os  join  forces  137 

abolished  the  payment  of  one-fifth  of  the  booty  to  the  King.  An  appeal 
was  made  to  the  citizens  of  Manila  for  arms  and  provisions  to  carry  on 
the  campaign  ;  they  therefore  lent  or  gave  the  following,  viz.  : — Twenty- 
six  guns,  13  bayonets,  3  sporting  guns,  15  carbines,  5  blunderbusses, 
7  braces  of  pistols,  23  swords,  15  lances,  900  cannon  balls,  and  150  pesos 
from  Spaniards,  and  a  few  lances  and  188  pesos  from  natives. 

Meanwhile,  Prince  Asin  died  of  grief  at  his  position. 

Under  the  leadership  of  the  Maestre  de  Campo  of  Zamboanga, 
hostilities  commenced.  With  several  ships  he  proceeded  to  Sulu, 
carrying  a  large  armament  and  1,900  men.  When  the  squadron 
anchored  off  Sulu,  a  white  and  a  red  flag  were  hoisted  from  the  principal 
fort,  for  the  Spaniards  to  elect  either  peace  or  war.  Several  Sulus 
approached  the  fleet  with  white  flags,  to  inquire  for  the  Sultan. 
Evasive  answers  were  given,  followed  by  a  sudden  cannonade. 

No  good  resulted  to  the  Spaniards  from  the  attack,  for  the  Sulus 
defended  themselves  admirably.  Tawi  Tawi  Island  was  next  assaulted. 
A  captain  landed  there  with  troops,  but  their  retreat  was  cut  off 
and  they  were  all  slain.  The  Commander  of  the  expedition  was  so 
discouraged  that  he  returned  to  Zamboanga  and  resigned.  Pedro 
Gastambide  then  took  command,  but  after  having  attacked  Basilan 
Island  fruitlessly,  he  retired  to  Zamboanga.  The  whole  campaign  was 
an  entire  fiasco.  It  was  a  great  mistake  to  have  declared  a  war  of 
extermination  without  having  the  means  to  carry  it  out.  The  result 
was  that  the  irate  Sulus  organized  a  guerilla  warfare,  by  sea  and  by 
land,  against  all  Christians,  to  which  the  Spaniards  but  feebly  responded. 
The  "  tables  were  turned.11  In  fact,  they  were  in  great  straits,  and, 
wearied  at  the  little  success  of  their  arms,  endless  councils  and  discussions 
were  held  in  the  capital. 

Meanwhile,  almost  every  coast  of  the  Archipelago  was  energetically 
ravaged.  Hitherto  the  Spaniards  had  only  had  the  Sulus  to  contend 
with,  but  the  licence  given  by  the  Gov.-General  to  reprisal  excited  the 
cupidity  of  unscrupulous  officials,  and,  without  apparent  right  or  reason, 
the  Maestre  de  Campo  of  Zamboanga  caused  a  Chinese  junk  from  Amoy, 
carrying  goods  to  a  friendly  Sultan  of  Mindanao,  to  be  seized.  After 
tedious  delay,  vexation,  and  privation,  the  master  and  his  crew  were 
released  and  a  part  of  the  cargo  restored,  but  the  Maestre  de  Campo 
insisted  upon  retaining  what  he  chose  for  his  own  use.  This  treachery 
to  an  amicable  chief  exasperated  and  undeceived  the  Mindanao  Sultan 
to  such  a  degree  that  he  forthwith  took  his  revenge  by  co-operating 
with  the  Sulus  in  making  war  on  the  Spaniards.  Fresh  fleets  of  armed 
canoes  replenished  the  Sulu  armadillas,  ravaged  the  coasts,  hunted  down 
the  Spanish  priests,  and  made  captives. 

On  the  north  coast  of  Mindanao  several  battles  took  place.  There 
is  a  legend  that  over  600  Mahometans  advanced  to  the  village  of 
Lubungan,    but    were    repulsed    by   the    villagers,    who   declared   their 


138       The  Treaty  with  Sultan  Mohamad  Alimudiii 

patron,  Saint  James,  appeared  on  horseback  to  help  them.  Fray  Roque 
de  Santa  Monica  was  chased  from  place  to  place,  hiding  in  caves  and 
rocks.  Being  again  met  by  four  Mahometans,  he  threatened  them  with  a 
blunderbuss,  and  was  left  unmolested.  Eventually  he  was  found  by 
friendly  natives,  and  taken  by  them  to  a  wood,  where  he  lived  on  roots. 
Thence  he  journeyed  to  Linao,  became  raving  mad,  and  was  sent  to 
Manila,  where  he  died  quite  frantic,  in  the  convent  of  his  Order. 

The  Sultan  and  his  fellow-prisoners  had  been  conveyed  to  Manila 
and  lodged  in  the  Fortress  of  Santiago.  In  1753  he  petitioned  theGov.- 
General  to  allow  his  daughter,  the  Princess  Faatima,  and  two  slaves  to 
go  to  Sulu  about  his  private  affairs.  A  permit  was  granted  on  condition 
of  her  returning,  or,  in  exchange  for  her  liberty  and  that  of  her  two 
slaves,  to  remit  50  captives,  and,  failing  to  do  either,  the  Sultan  and  his 
suite  were  to  be  deprived  of  their  dignities  and  treated  as  common  slaves, 
to  work  in  the  galleys,  and  to  be  undistinguished  among  the  ordinary 
prisoners.  On  these  conditions,  the  Princess  left,  and  forwarded 
50  slaves,  and  one  more — a  Spaniard,  Jose  de  Montesinos — as  a  present. 

The  Princess  Faatima,  nevertheless,  did  return  to  Manila,  bringing 
with  her  an  Ambassador  from  Prince  Bantilan,  her  uncle  and  Governor  of 
Sulu,  who,  in  the  meantime,  had  assumed  the  title  of  Sultan  Mahamad 
Miududin.  The  Ambassador  was  Prince  Mahamad  Ismael  Datto 
Marayalayla.  After  an  audience  with  the  Governor,  he  went  to  the  fort 
to  consult  with  the  captive  Sultan,  and  they  proposed  a  treaty  with  the 
Governor,  of  which  the  chief  terms  were  as  follows,  viz. : — 

An  offensive  and  defensive  alliance. 

All  captives  within  the  Sultanate  of  Sulu  to  be  surrendered  within 
one  year. 

All  articles  looted  from  the  churches  to  be  restored  within  one  year. 

On  the  fulfilment  of  these  conditions,  the  Sultan  and  his  people  were 
to  be  set  at  liberty. 

The  treaty  was  dated  in  Manila  March  3,  1754.  The  terms  were 
quite  impossible  of  accomplishment,  for  the  Sultan,  being  still  in  prison, 
had  no  power  to  enforce  commands  on  his  subjects. 

The  war  was  continued  at  great  sacrifice  to  the  State  and  with  little 
benefit  to  the  Spaniards,  whilst  their  operations  were  greatly  retarded 
by  discord  between  the  officials  of  the  expedition,  the  authorities  on 
shore,  and  the  priests.  At  the  same  time,  dilatory  proceedings  were 
being  taken  against  the  Maestre  de  Campo  of  Zamboanga,  who  was 
charged  with  having  appropriated  to  himself  others"  share  of  the  war 
booty.  Siargao  Island  (off  the  N.E.  point  of  Mindanao  Is.)  had  been 
completely  overrun  by  the  Mahometans  ;  the  villages  and  cultivated  land 
were  laid  waste,  and  the  Spanish  priest  was  killed. 

When  the  Governor  Pedro  de  Arandia  arrived  in  1754,  the  Sultan 
took  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  put  his  case  before  him.  He  had, 
indeed,  experienced   some  of  the  strangest  mutations   of  fortune,  and 


Expeditions  of  Chveria  and  Urbiztondo  139 

Arandia  had  compassion  on  him.  By  Arandia's  persuasion,  the  Arch- 
bishop visited  and  spiritually  examined  him,  and  then  the  Sultan  confessed 
and  took  the  Communion.  In  the  College  of  Santa  Potenciana  there 
was  a  Mahometan  woman  who  had  been  a  concubine  of  the  Sultan,  but 
who  now  professed  Christianity,  and  had  taken  the  name  of  Rita  Calderon. 
The  Sultan's  wife  having  died,  he  asked  for  this  ex-concubine  in  marriage, 
and  the  favour  was  conceded  to  him.  The  nuptials  were  celebrated  in 
the  Governor's  Palace  on  April  27,  1755,  and  the  espoused  couple 
returned  to  their  prison  with  an  allowance  of  50  pesos  per  month  for 
their  maintenance. 

In  1755  all  the  Sultan's  relations  and  suite  who  had  been  incarcerated 
in  Manila,  except  his  son  Ismael  and  a  few  chiefs,  were  sent  back  to  Sulu. 
The  Sultan  and  his  chiefs  were  then  allowed  to  live  freely  within  the 
city  of  Manila,  after  having  sworn  before  the  Governor,  on  bended 
knees,  to  pay  homage  to  him,  and  to  remain  peaceful  during  the  King's 
pleasure.  Indeed,  Governor  Arandia  was  so  favourably  disposed  towards 
the  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  (Ferdinand  I.)  that  personally  he  was 
willing  to  restore  him  to  his  throne,  but  his  wish  only  brought  him  in 
collision  with  the  clergy,  and  he  desisted. 

The  British,  after  the  military  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763,  took 
up  the  cause  of  the  Sultan,  and  reinstated  him  in  Sulu.  Then  he 
avenged  himself  on  the  Spaniards  by  fomenting  incursions  against  them 
in  Mindanao,  which  the  Gov.-General,  Jose  Raon,  was  unable  to  oppose 
for  want  of  resources.  The  Mahometans,  however,  soon  proved  their 
untrustworthiness  to  friend  and  foe  alike.  Their  friendship  lasted  on 
the  one  side  so  long  as  danger  could  thereby  be  averted  from  the  other, 
and  a  certain  Datto  Teng-teng  attacked  the  British  garrison  one  night 
at  Balambangan  and  slaughtered  all  but  six  of  the  troops  {vide  pp.  92, 98). 

In  1836  the  sovereignty  of  the  Sultan  was  distinctly  recognized  in  a 
treaty  made  between  him  and  Spain,  whereby  the  Sultan  had  the  right 
to  collect  dues  on  Spanish  craft  entering  Jolo,  whilst  Sulu  vessels  paid 
dues  to  the  Spaniards  in  their  ports  as  foreign  vessels. 

In  1844  Gov.-General  Narciso  Claveria  led  an  expedition  against  the 
Moros  and  had  a  desperate,  but  victorious,  struggle  with  them  at  the 
fort  of  Balanguigui  (an  islet  14  miles  due  east  of  Sulu  Is.),  for  which  he 
was  rewarded  with  the  title  of  Conde  de  Manila. 

The  town  of  Sulu  (Jolo)  was  formerly  the  residence  of  the  Sultan's 
Court.  This  Sovereign  had  arrogantly  refused  to  check  the  piratical 
cruisings  made  by  his  people  against  Spanish  subjects  in  the  locality 
and  about  the  Islands  of  Calamianes ;  therefore,  on  February  11,  1851, 
General  Antonio  de  Urbiztondo,  Marquis  de  la  Solana  (an  ex-Carlist 
chief),  who  had  been  appointed  Gov.-General  of  the  Philippines  in 
the  previous  year,  undertook  to  redress  his  nation's  grievances  by 
force.  The  Spanish  flag  was  hoisted  in  several  places.  Sulu  town, 
which  was  shelled  by  the  gunboats,    was    captured    and   held    by    the 


140       Gov. -General  Malcampo  finally  annexes  Jolo 

invaders,  and  the  Sultan  Muhamed  Pulalon  fled  to  Maybun  on  the 
south  coast,  to  which  place  the  Court  was  permanently  removed.  At 
the  close  of  this  expedition  another  treaty  was  signed  (1851),  which 
provided  for  the  annual  payment  of  P.  1,500  to  the  Sultan  and  P.600 
each  to  three  dattos,  on  condition  that  they  would  suppress  piracy  and 
promote  mutual  trade.  Still  the  Mahometans  paid  the  Spaniards  an 
occasional  visit  and  massacred  the  garrison,  which  was  as  often  replaced 
by  fresh  levies. 

In  1876  the  incursions  of  the  Mahometans  and  the  temerity  of  the 
chiefs  had  again  attained  such  proportions  that  European  dominion  over 
the  Sulu  Sultanate  and  Mindanao,  even  in  the  nominal  form  in  which  it 
existed,  was  sorely  menaced.  Consequent  on  this,  an  expedition,  headed 
by  Vice- Admiral  Malcampo,  arrived  in  the  waters  of  the  Sultanate, 
carrying  troops,  with  the  design  of  enforcing  submission.  The  chief 
of  the  land  forces  appears  to  have  had  no  topographical  plan 
formed.  The  expedition  turned  out  to  be  one  of  discovery.  The 
troops  were  marched  into  the  interior,  without  their  officers  knowing 
where  they  were  going,  and  they  even  had  to  depend  on  Sulu  guides. 
Naturally,  they  were  often  deceived,  and  led  to  precisely  where  the 
Mahometans  were  awaiting  them  in  ambush,  the  result  being  that  great 
havoc  was  made  in  the  advance  column  by  frequent  surprises.  Now 
and  again  would  appear  a  few  juramentados,  or  sworn  Mahometans,  who 
sought  their  way  to  Allah  by  the  sacrifice  of  their  own  blood,  but 
causing  considerable  destruction  to  the  invading  party.  With  a  kris 
at  the  waist,  a  javelin  in  one  hand,  and  a  shield  supported  by  the  other, 
they  would  advance  before  the  enemy,  dart  forward  and  backwards, 
make  zigzag  movements,  and  then,  with  a  war-whoop,  rush  in  three  or 
four  at  a  time  upon  a  body  of  Christians  twenty  times  their  number, 
giving  no  quarter,  expecting  none — to  die,  or  to  conquer !  The 
expedition  was  not  a  failure,  but  it  gained  little.  The  Spanish 
flag  was  hoisted  in  several  places,  including  Sulu  (Jold),  where  it 
remained  from  Feruary  29,  1876,  until  the  Spanish  evacuation  of  the 
Islands  in  1898. 

****** 

The  Mahometans  (called  by  the  Spaniards  Moros)  now  extend  over 
nine-tenths  of  Mindanao  Island,  and  the  whole  of  the  Sultanate  of 
Sulu,  which  comprises  Sulu  Island  (34  miles  long  from  E.  to  W., 
and  12  miles  in  the  broadest  part  from  N.  to  S.)  and  about  140 
others,  80  to  90  of  which  are  uninhabited. 

The  native  population  of  the  Sulu  Sultanate  alone  would  be  about 
100,000,  including  free  people,  slaves,  and  some  20,000  men-at-arms 
under  orders  of  the  Dattos.1  The  domains  of  His  Highness  reach  west- 
ward as  far  as  Borneo,  where,  up    to   25  years  ago,  the  Sultanate  of 

1  Cholera  has  considerably  reduced  the  population.  In  1902  this  disease  carried 
off  about  10  per  cent. 


Spain  appoints  Harun  JVarrasid  Sultan  141 

Brunei 1  was  actually  tributary  (and  now  nominally  so)  to  that  of  Sulu. 
The  Sultan  of  Sulu  is  also  feudal  lord  of  two  vassal  Sultanates  in 
Mindanao  Island.  There  is,  moreover,  a  half-caste  branch  of  these 
people  in  the  southern  half  of  Palauan  Island  (Paragua)  of  a  very 
subdued  and  peaceful  nature,  compared  with  the  Sulu,  nominally  under 
the  Sulu  Sultan's  rule. 

In  Mindanao  Island  only  a  small  coast  district  here  and  there  was 
really  under  Spanish  empire,  although  Spain  (by  virtue  of  an  old  treaty, 
which  never  was  respected  to  the  letter)  claimed  suzerainty  over  all  the 
territory  subject  to  the  Sultan  of  Sulu.  After  the  Sulu  war  of  1876  the 
Sultan  admitted  the  claim  more  formally,  and  on  March  11,  1877,  a 
protocol  was  signed  by  England  and  Germany  recognizing  Spain's  rights 
to  the  Tawi  Tawi  group  and  the  chain  of  islands  stretching  from  Sulu 
to  Borneo.  At  the  same  time  it  was  understood  that  Spain  would  give 
visible  proof  of  annexation  by  establishing  military  posts,  or  occupying 
these  islands  in  some  way,  but  nothing  was  done  until  1880,  when  Spain 
was  stirred  into  action  by  a  report  that  the  Germans  projected  a 
settlement  there.  A  convict  corps  at  once  took  possession,  military 
posts  were  established,  and  in  1882  the  6th  Regiment  of  regular  troops 
was  quartered  in  the  group  at  Bongao  and  Siassi. 

Meanwhile,  in  1880,  a  foreign  colonizing  company  was  formed  in  the 
Sultanate  of  Brunei,  under  the  title  of  "  British  North  Borneo  Co." 
(Royal  Charter  of  November  7,  1881).  The  company  recognized  the 
suzerain  rights  of  the  Sultan  of  Sulu,  and  agreed  to  pay  to  him  an 
annual  sum  as  feudal  lord.  Spain  protested  that  the  territory  was 
hers,  but  could  show  nothing  to  confirm  the  possession.  There  was 
no  flag,  or  a  detachment  of  troops,  or  anything  whatsoever  to  indicate 
that  the  coast  was  under  European  protection  or  dominion.  Notes 
were  exchanged  between  the  Cabinets  of  Madrid  and  London,  and 
Spain  relinquished  for  ever  her  claim  to  the  Borneo  fief  of  Brunei. 

The  experience  of  the  unfortunate  Sultan  Alimudin  (Ferdinand  I.) 
taught  the  Sulu  people  such  a  sad  lesson  that  subsequent  sultans  have 
not  cared  to  risk  their  persons  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  There 
was,  moreover,  a  Nationalist  Party  which  repudiated  dependence  on 
Spain,  and  hoped  to  be  able  eventually  to  drive  out  the  Spaniards. 
Therefore,  in  1885,  when  the  heir  to  the  throne,  Mohammad  Jamalul 
Kiram  (who  was  then  about  15  years  old)  was  cited  to  Manila  to  receive 
his  investiture  at  the  hands  of  the  Gov.-General,  he  refused  to  comply, 
and  the  Government  at  once  offered  the  Sultanate  to  his  uncle,  Datto 
Harun  Narrasid,  who  accepted  it,  and  presented  himself  to  the  Gov.- 
General  in  the  capital. 

The  ceremony  of  investiture  took  place  in  the  Government  House  at 
Malacanan   near  Manila  on   September  24,  1886,  when  Datto  Harun 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Spain  as  his  sovereign  lord, 
1  Brunei  signifies,  in  pure  Malay,  the  whole  of  Borneo  Island. 


142  Opposition  to  the  Spanish  nominee 

and  received  from  the  Gov.-General,  Emilio  Terrero,  the  title  of  His 
Excellency  Paduca  Majasari  Maulana  Amiril  Mauminin  Sultan  Muhamad 
Harun  Narrasid,  with  the  rank  of  a  Spanish  lieut. -general.  The 
Gov.-General  was  attended  by  his  Secretary,  the  Official  Interpreter, 
and  several  high  officers.  In  the  suite  of  the  Sultan-elect  were  his 
Secretary,  Tuan  Hadji  Omar,  a  priest,  Pandita  Tiian  Sik  Mustafa,  and 
several  dattos.  For  the  occasion,  the  Sultan-elect  was  dressed  in  European 
costume,  and  wore  a  Turkish  fez  with  a  heavy  tassel  of  black  silk.  His 
Secretary  and  Chaplain  appeared  in  long  black  tunics,  white  trousers, 
light  shoes,  and  turbans.  Two  of  the  remainder  of  his  suite  adopted  the 
European  fashion,  but  the  others  wore  rich  typical  Moorish  vestments. 

The  Sultan  returned  to  his  country,  and  in  the  course  of  three 
months  the  Nationalist  Party  chiefs  openly  took  up  arms  against  the 
King  of  Spain's  nominee,  the  movement  spreading  to  the  adjacent 
islands  of  Siassi  and  Bongao,  which  form  part  of  the  Sultanate.1 

The  Mahometans  on  the  Great  Mindanao  River,  from  Cottabato 2 
upwards,  openly  defied  Spanish  authority ;  and  in  the  spring  of  1886 
the  Government  were  under  the  necessity  of  organizing  an  expedition 
against  them.  The  Spaniards  had  ordered  that  native  craft  should 
carry  the  Spanish  flag,  otherwise  they  would  be  treated  as  pirates  or 
rebels.  In  March,  1887,  the  cacique  of  the  Simonor  ranche  (Bongao 
Is.),  named  Pandan,  refused  any  longer  to  hoist  the  christian  ensign, 
and  he  was  pursued  and  taken  prisoner.  He  was  conveyed  on  the 
gunboat  Panay  to  Sulu,  and  on  being  asked  by  the  Governor  why  he 
had  ceased  to  use  the  Spanish  flag,  he  haughtily  replied  that  "  he 
would  only  answer  such  a  question  to  the  Captain-General,"  and  refused 
to  give  any  further  explanation.  Within  a  month  after  his  arrest  the 
garrison  of  Sulu  (Jold)  was  strengthened  by  377  men,  in  expectation  of 
an  immediate  general  rising,  which  indeed  took  place.  The  Spanish 
forces  were  led  by  Majors  Mattos  and  Villa  Abrille,  under  the  command 
of  Brig. -General  Serina.  They  were  stoutly  opposed  by  a  cruel  and 
despotic  chief,  named  Utto,  who  advanced  at  the  head  of  his  subjects 
and  slaves.  With  the  co-operation  of  the  gunboats  up  the  river,  the 
Mahometans  were  repulsed  with  great  loss. 

Scores  of  expeditions  had  been  led  against  the  Mindanao  natives, 
and  their  temporary  submission  had  usually  been  obtained  by  the 
Spaniards — on  whose  retirement,  however,  the  natives  always  inverted  to 
their  old  customs,  and  took  their  revenge  on  the  settlers.  Moreover, 
the  petty  jealousies  existing  between  the  highest  officers  in  the  south 
rendered  every  peaceful  effort  fruitless. 

1  The  Sultan  told  me  years  afterwards  that  his  uncle's  nomination  by  the 
Spaniards  troubled  him  very  little,  as  he  was  always  recognized  by  his  people  as 
their  sovereign.  In  the  end  intrigues  were  made  against  Datto  Harun  Narrasid, 
who  agreed  to  accept  his  nephew's  vassal  sultanate  of  Paragua,  where  he  died,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Sultan  Tattarassa,  whom  I  met  in  Jolo  in  1904. 

-  Cottabato  is  derived  from  Cottu,  a  fort,  and  Buto,  stone. 


Datto   Utto  defies  the  Spaniards  143 

Datto  Utto  having  defiantly  proclaimed  that  no  Spaniard  should 
ever  enter  his  territory,  an  armed  expedition  was  fitted  out ;  and  from 
the  example  of  his  predecessor  in  1881  {vide  p.  124)  the  Gov.-General, 
Emilio  Terrero,  perchance  foresaw  in  a  little  war  the  vision  of  titles 
and  more  material  reward,  besides  counterbalancing  his  increasing 
unpopularity  in  Manila,  due  to  the  influence  of  my  late  friend,  the 
Government  Secretary  Felipe  Canga-Arguelles.  Following  in  the  wake 
of  those  who  had  successfully  checked  the  Mahometans  in  the  previous 
spring,  he  took,  the  chief  command  in  person  in  the  beginning  of 
January,  1887,  to  force  a  recantation  of  Datto  Utto's  utterances. 

The  petty  Sultans  of  Bacat,  Buhayen  and  Kudarangan  in  vain 
united  their  fortunes  with  those  of  Utto.  The  stockades  of  cocoanut 
trunks,  palma-bravas  (q.v.)  and  earth  (cottas)  were  easily  destroyed  by 
the  Spanish  artillery,  and  their  defenders  fled  under  a  desultory  fire. 
There  were  very  few  casualties  on  either  side.  Some  of  the  christian 
native  infantry  soldiers  suffered  from  the  bamboo  spikes  (Spanish, 
pitas)  set  in  the  ground  around  the  stockades,  but  the  enemy  had 
not  had  time  to  cover  with  brushwood  the  pits  dug  for  the  attacking 
party  to  fall  into.  In  about  two  months  the  operations  ended  by  the 
submission  of  some  chiefs  of  minor  importance  and  influence ;  and 
after  spending  so  much  powder  and  shot  and  christian  blood,  the 
General  had  not  even  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  either  the  man  he  was 
fighting  against  or  his  enemy's  ally,  the  Sultan  of  Kudarangan.  This 
latter  sent  a  priest,  Pandita  Kalibaudang,  and  Datto  Andig  to  sue  for 
peace  and  cajole  the  General  with  the  fairest  promises.  Afterwards 
the  son  and  heir  of  this  chief,  Rajahmudah  Tambilanang,  presented 
himself,  and  he  and  his  suite  of  30  followers  were  conducted  to  the 
camp  in  the  steam  launch  Carriedo.  Utto,  whose  residence  had  been 
demolished,  had  not  deigned  to  submit  in  person,  but  sent,  as  emissaries, 
Dattos  Siruhgang,  Buat  and  Dalandung,  who  excused  only  the  absence 
of  Utto's  prime  minister.  Capitulations  of  peace  were  handed  to  Utto's 
subordinates,  who  were  told  to  bring  them  back  signed  without  delay, 
for  despatches  from  the  Home  Government,  received  four  or  five  weeks 
previously,  were  urging  the  General  to  conclude  this  affair  as  speedily 
as  possible.  They  were  returned  signed  by  Utto — or  by  somebody 
else — and  the  same  signature  and  another,  supposed  to  be  that  of  his 
wife,  the  Ranee  Pudtli  (a  woman  of  great  sway  amongst  her  people) 
were  also  attached  to  a  letter,  offering  complete  submission. 

The  Spaniards  destroyed  a  large  quantity  of  rice-paddy,  and  stipulated 
for  the  subsequent  payment  of  a  war  indemnity  in  the  form  of  cannons 
(Jantacas),  buffaloes,  and  horses. 

The  General  gave  the  emissaries  some  trifling  presents,  and  they 
went  their  way  and  he  his, — to  Manila,  which  he  entered  in  state  on 
March  21,  with  flags  flying,  music  playing,  and  the  streets  decorated 
with  bunting  of  the  national  colours,  to  give  welcome  to  the  conqueror 


144  Col.  Avoids'  victory  at  May  bun  (Sulu) 

of  the  Mahometan  chief — whom  he  had  never  seen — the  bearer  of 
peace  capitulations  signed — by  whom  ?  As  usual,  a  Te  Deum  was 
celebrated  in  the  Cathedral  for  the  victories  gained  over  the  infidels ; 
the  officers  and  troops  who  had  returned  were  invited  by  the 
Municipality  to  a  theatrical  performance,  and  the  Gov.-General  held 
a  reception  in  the  Palace  of  Malacanan.  Some  of  the  troops  were 
left  in  Mindanao,  it  having  been  resolved  to  establish  armed  out- 
posts still  farther  up  the  river  for  the  better  protection  of  the  port 
and  settlement  of  Cottabato.  ■ 

Whilst  the  Gov.-General  headed  this  military  parade  in  the  Cottabato 
district,  the  ill-feeling  of  the  Sulu  natives  towards  the  Spaniards  was 
gradually  maturing.  An  impending  struggle  was  evident,  and  Colonel 
Juan  Arolas,  the  Governor  of  Sulu,  concentrated  his  forces  in  expectation. 
The  Sulus,  always  armed,  prepared  for  events  in  their  cottas ;  Arolas 
demanded  their  surrender,  which  was  refused,  and  they  were  attacked. 
Two  cottas,  well  defended,  were  ultimately  taken,  not  without  serious 
loss  to  the  Spaniards.  In  the  report  of  the  slain  a  captain  was  men- 
tioned. Arolas  then  twice  asked  for  authority  to  attack  the  Mahometans 
at  Maybun,  and  was  each  time  refused.  At  length,  acting  on  his  own 
responsibility,  on  April  15,  1887,  he  ordered  a  gunboat  to  steam 
round  to  Maybun  and  open  fire  at  daybreak  on  the  Sultan's  capital, 
which  was  in  possession  of  the  party  opposed  to  the  Spanish  nominee 
(Harun  Narrasid).  At  11  o'clock  the  same  night  he  started  across 
country  with  his  troops  towards  Maybun,  and  the  next  morning,  whilst 
the  enemy  was  engaged  with  the  gunboat,  he  led  the  attack  on  the 
land  side.  The  Mahometans,  quite  surprised,  fought  like  lions,  but  were 
completely  routed,  and  the  seat  of  the  Sultanate  was  razed  to  the  ground. 
It  was  the  most  crushing  defeat  ever  inflicted  on  the  Sulu  Nationalist 
Party.  The  news  reached  Manila  on  April  29,  and  great  praise  was 
justly  accorded  to  Colonel  Arolas,  whose  energetic  operations  contrasted 
so  favourably  with  the  Cottabato  expedition.  All  manner  of  festivities  in 
his  honour  were  projected  in  Manila,  but  Arolas  elected  to  continue  the 
work  of  subduing  the  Moro  country.  Notwithstanding  his  well-known 
republican  tendencies,  on  September  20,  1887,  the  Queen-Regent  cabled 
through  her  Ministry  her  acknowledgment  of  Colonel  Arolas'  valuable 
services,  and  the  pleasure  it  gave  her  to  reward  him  with  a  Brig.- 
General's  commission.1 

In  1895  an  expedition  against  the  Mahometans  was  organized  under 
the  supreme  command  of  Gov.-General  Ramon  Blanco.  It  was  known 
as  the  Marahui  (or  Marauit)  Campaign.  The  tribes  around  Lake 
Lanao  (ancient  name  Malanao)  and  the  Marahui  district  had,  for  some 
time  past,  made  serious  raids  on  the  Spanish  settlement  at  Yligan,  which 
is  connected   with  Lake  Lanao  by  a  river  navigable  only  by  canoes. 

1  By  Royal  Order  of  June,  1890,  Brig. -General  Arolas  was  appointed  Governor 
of  Mindanao.     He  died  in  Valencia  (Spain)  May,  1899. 


The  Marahui  Campaign— Moro  tribes  145 

Indeed,  the  lives  and  property  of  Christians  in  all  the  territory  adjoining 
Yligan  were  in  great  jeopardy,  and  the  Spanish  authorities  were  set  at 
defiance.  It  was  therefore  resolved,  for  the  first  time,  to  attack  the 
tribes  and  destroy  their  cottas  around  the  lake  for  the  permanent 
tranquillity  of  Yligan.  The  Spanish  and  native  troops  alike 
suffered  great  hardships  and  privations.  Steam  launches  in  sections 
(constructed  in  Hong-Kong),  small  guns,  and. war  material  were  carried  up 
from  Yligan  to  the  lake  by  natives  over  very  rugged  ground.  On  the 
lake  shore  the  launches  were  fitted  up  and  operated  on  the  lake,  to  the 
immense  surprise  of  the  tribes.  From  the  land  side  their  cottas  were 
attacked  and  destroyed,  under  the  command  of  my  old  friend  Brig.- 
General  [Gonzalez  Parrado.  The  operations,  which  lasted  about  three 
months,  were  a  complete  success,  and  General  Gonzalez  Parrado  was 
rewarded  with  promotion  to  General  of  Division.  Lake  Lanao,  with  the 
surrounding  district  and  the  route  down  to  Yligan,  was  in  possession  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  in  order  to  retain  that  possession  without  the 
expense  of  maintaining  a  large  military  establishment,  it  was  determined 
to  people  the  conquered  territory  with  christian  families  from  Luzon 
and  the  other  islands  situated  north  of  Mindanao.  It  was  the  attempt 
to  carry  out  this  colonizing  scheme  which  gave  significance  to  the 
Marahui  Expedition  and  contributed  to  that  movement  which,  in  1896, 
led  to  the  downfall  of  Spanish  rule  in  the  Archipelago. 

The  last  Spanish  punitive  expedition  against  the  Mindanao 
Mahometans  was  sent  in  February,  1898,  under  the  command  of 
General  Buille.  The  operations  lasted  only  a  few  days.  The  enemy 
was  driven  into  the  interior  with  great  loss,  and  one  chief  was  slain. 
The  small  gunboats  built  in  Hong-Kong  for  the  Marahui  Campaign — the 
General  Blanco,  Corcuera,  and  Lanao — again  did  good  service. 

There  are  three  branches  or  tribes  of  the  Malanao  Moros  around  the 
Lake  Lanao  : 

(1)  Bayabos,  at  the  north  of  the  Lake,  their  centre  being  Marahui. 

(2)  Onayans,  at  the  south  of  the  Lake,  their  centre  being  Bayan. 

(3)  Macui  tribe  includes  the  remaining  Lake  Lanao  people,  except  a 
few  independent  ranches  to  the  east  of  the  Macui,  belonging  to  the 
Bayabos.  The  Macui  claim  to  be  the  most  ancient,  although  no  tribe 
can  trace  descent  farther  back  than  the  13th  century.  Intermarriage 
has  destroyed  traces,  but  there  are  over  a  hundred  sultans  who  claim 
to  be  of  royal  blood. 

The  other  principal  Mindanao  tribes  are  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

A  etas,  in  the  regions  near  Mount  Apo  (vide  p.  121). 

Bagobos,  on  the  foothills  of  Mount  Apo.  A  peaceful  people,  dis- 
posed to  work,  and  reputed  to  be  human  sacrificers. 

Manobos,  in  the  valley  of  the  Agusan  River.  There  are  also  some  on 
the  Gulf  of  Davao  and  in  the  Cottabato  district. 

Samales  inhabit  the  small  islands  in  the  Gulf  of  Davao,  but  there  is 

10 


146  The  Juramentado — Moro  dress 

quite  a  large  colony  of  them  at  Magay,  a  suburb  of  Zamboanga,  (from 
the  neighbouring  islets)  under  Rajahmudah  Datto  Mandi. 

Subuanos  occupy  the  peninsula  of  the  Zamboanga  Province.  They 
are  docile  and  lazy,  and  much  prone  to  stealing.  They  are  far  less 
courageous  than  the  Samales,  by  whom  they  are  overawed.  Some 
physiognomists  consider  them  to  be  of  the  same  caste  as  the  Manobos, 
the  Guimbanos  of  Sulu,  and  the  Samecas  of  Basilan. 

Tagubans  live  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Davao. 

Tirurayas  inhabit  the  mountains  to  the  west  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

There  is  a  large  number  of  smaller  tribes. 

****** 

A  few  years  ago  we  were  all  alarmed  on  Corpus  Christi  Day,  during 
the  solemn  procession  of  that  feast  in  Cottabato,  by  the  sudden  attack 
of  a  few  Mahometans  on  the  crowd  of  Christians  assembled.  Of  course 
the  former  were  overwhelmed  and  killed,  as  they  quite  expected  to  be. 
They  were  of  that  class  known  as  juramentados,  or  sworn  Mahometans, 
who  believe  that  if  they  make  a  solemn  vow,  in  a  form  binding  on  their 
consciences,  to  die  taking  the  blood  of  a  Christian,  their  souls  will 
immediately  migrate  to  the  happy  hunting-ground,  where  they  will 
ever  live  in  bliss,  in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Prophet.  This  is  the 
most  dangerous  sect  of  Mahometans,  for  no  exhibition  of  force  can 
suffice  to  stay  their  ravages,  and  they  can  only  be  treated  like  mad 
dogs,  or  like  a  Malay  who  has  run  amok. 

The  face  of  a  Mindanao  south  coast  Moro  is  generally  pleasant,  but 
a  smile  spoils  his  appearance  ;  the  parting  lips  disclose  a  filthy  aperture 
with  dyed  teeth  in  a  mahogany  coloured  foam  of  masticated  betel-nut. 
Holes  as  large  as  sixpences  are  in  the  ears  of  the  women,  who,  when  they 
have  no  ear-rings,  wear  a  piece  of  reed  with  a  vermilion  tip.  The  dress 
is  artistically  fantastic,  with  the  sarong  and  the  jdbul  and  no  trousers 
visible.  Apparently  the  large  majority  (perhaps  70  per  cent.)  of  the 
Parang-Parang  Moros  have  a  loathsome  skin  disease.  Those  who  live 
on  shore  crop  their  hair,  but  the  swamp,  river,  and  sea  people  who  live 
afloat  let  it  grow  long. 

The  Sulu  Islanders,  male  and  female,  dress  with  far  greater  taste 
and  ascetic  originality  than  the  christian  natives.  The  women  are  fond 
of  gay  colours,  the  predominant  ones  being  scarlet  and  green.  Their 
nether  bifurcated  garment  is  very  baggy,  the  bodice  is  extremely  tight, 
and,  with  equally  close-fitting  sleeves,  exhibits  every  contour  of  the 
bust  and  arms.  They  use  also  a  strip  of  stuff  sewn  together  at  the 
ends  called  the  jabul,  which  serves  to  protect  the  head  from  the 
sun-rays.  The  end  of  the  jabul  would  reach  nearly  down  to  the  feet, 
but  is  usually  held  retrousse  under  the  arm.  They  have  a  passion 
for  jewellery,  and  wear  many  finger-rings  of  metal  and  sometimes 
of  sea-shells,  whilst  their  ear-rings  are  gaudy  and  of  large  dimensions. 
The  hair  is  gracefully  tied   in    a   coil    on  the    top  of  the   head,   and 


Moro  dress;  character;  arts;  weapons  147 

their  features  are  at  least  as    attractive  as  those  of  the  generality  of 
Philippine  christian  women. 

The  men  wear  breeches  of  bright  colours,  as  tight  as  gymnasts'' 
pantaloons,  with  a  large  number  of  buttons  up  the  sides ;  a  kind  of 
waistcoat  buttoning  up  to  the  throat ;  a  jacket  reaching  to  the  hips, 
with  close  sleeves,  and  a  turban.  A  chiefs  dress  has  many  adornments 
of  trinkets,  and  is  quite  elegant,  a  necessary  part  of  his  outfit  being  the 
barong  (sword),  which  apparently  he  carries  constantly. 

They  are  robust,  of  medium  height,  often  of  superb  physical 
development ;  of  a  dusky  bronze  colour,  piercing  eyes,  low  forehead, 
lank  hair,  which  is  dressed  as  a  chignon  and  hangs  down  the  back  of  the 
neck.  The  body  is  agile,  the  whole  movement  is  rapid,  and  they  have  a 
wonderful  power  of  holding  the  breath  under  water.  They  are  of  quick 
perception,  audacious,  haughty,  resolute,  zealous  about  their  genealogies  ; 
extremely  sober,  ready  to  promise  everything  and  do  nothing,  vindictive 
and  highly  suspicious  of  a  stranger's  intentions.  Their  bearing  towards 
the  Christian,  whom  they  call  the  infidel,  is  full  of  contempt.  They 
know  no  gratitude,  and  they  would  not  cringe  to  the  greatest  Christian 
potentate.  They  are  very  long-suffering  in  adversity,  hesitating  in 
attack,  and  the  bravest  of  the  brave  in  defence.  They  disdain  work  as 
degrading  and  only  a  fit  occupation  for  slaves,  whilst  warfare  is,  to  their 
minds,  an  honourable  calling.  Every  male  over  16  years  of  age  has  to 
carry  at  least  one  fighting-weapon  at  all  times,  and  consider  himself 
enrolled  in  military  service. 

They  have  a  certain  knowledge  of  the  Arts.  They  manufacture  on 
the  anvil  very  fine  kris  daggers,  knives,  lance-heads,  etc.  Many  of  their 
fighting-weapons  are  inlaid  with  silver  and  set  in  polished  hardwood  or 
ivory  handles  artistically  carved. 

In  warfare  they  carry  shields,  and  their  usual  arms  on  land  are  the 
campildn,  a  kind  of  short  two-handed  sword,  wide  at  the  tip  and 
narrowing  down  to  the  hilt,  the  barong  for  close  combat,  the  straight 
kris  for  thrusting  and  cutting,  and  the  waved,  serpent-like  kris  for 
thrusting  only.  They  are  dexterous  in  the  use  of  arms,  and  can  most 
skilfully  decapitate  a  foe  at  a  single  stroke.  At  sea  they  use  a  sort  of 
assegai,  called  bagsacay  or  simbilin,  about  half  an  inch  in  diameter,  with 
a  sharp  point.  Some  can  throw  as  many  as  four  at  a  time,  and  make 
them  spread  in  the  flight ;  they  use  these  for  boarding  vessels.  They 
make  many  of  their  own  domestic  utensils  of  metal,  also  coats  of  mail  of 
metal  wire  and  buffalo  horn,  which  resist  hand-weapons,  but  not  bullets. 
The  wire  probably  comes  from  Singapore. 

The  local  trade  is  chiefly  in  pearls,  mother-of-pearl,  shells,  shark 
fins,  etc.1     The  Sultan,  in  Spanish  times,  had  a  sovereign  right  to  all 

1  According  to  Sonnerat,  Sulu  Island  produced  elephants  ! — vide  "  Voyages  aux 
Indes  et  a  la  Chine,"  Vol.  III.,  Chap.  x.  I  have  not  seen  the  above  statement  con- 
firmed in  any  writing.  Certainly  there  is  no  such  animal  in  these  islands  at  the 
present  day. 


148  Moro  customs — The  Pandita — The  Datto 

pearls  found  which  exceeded  a  certain  size  fixed  by  Sulu  law — hence  it  was 
very  difficult  to  secure  an  extraordinary  specimen.  The  Mahometans 
trade  at  great  distances  in  their  small  craft,  called  vintas,  for  they  are 
wonderfully  expert  navigators.  Their  largest  vessels  do  not  exceed 
seven  tons,  and  they  go  as  far  as  Borneo,  and  even  down  to  Singapore 
on  rare  occasions. 

I  found  that  almost  any  coinage  was  useful  for  purchasing  in  the 
market-places.  I  need  hardly  add  that  the  Chinese  small  traders  have 
found  their  way  to  these  regions ;  and  it  would  be  an  unfavourable  sign 
if  a  Chinaman  were  not  to  be  seen  there,  for  where  the  frugal  Celestial 
cannot  earn  a  living  one  may  well  assume  there  is  little  prosperity. 
Small  Chinese  coins  (known  as  cash  in  the  China  Treaty  Ports)  are 
current  money  there,  and  I  think,  the  most  convenient  of  all  copper 
coins,  for,  having  a  hole  in  the  centre,  they  can  be  strung  together. 
Chinese  began  to  trade  with  this  island  in  1751. 

The  root  of  the  Sulu  language  is  Sanscrit,  mixed  with  Arabic.  Each 
Friday  is  dedicated  to  public  worship,  and  the  faithful  are  called  to  the 
temple  by  the  beating  of  a  box  or  hollow  piece  of  wood.  All  recite  the 
Iman  with  a  plaintive  voice  in  honour  of  the  Great  Prophet ;  a  slight 
gesticulation  is  then  made  whilst  the  Pandita  reads  a  passage  from  the 
Mustah.  I  observed  that  no  young  women  put  in  an  appearance  at  the 
temple  on  the  occasion  of  my  visit. 

At  the  beginning  of  each  year  there  is  a  very  solemn  ceremonial,  and, 
in  the  event  of  the  birth  or  death  of  a  child,  or  the  safe  return  from 
some  expedition,  it  is  repeated.  It  is  a  sort  of  Te  Deum  in  conformity 
with  Mahometan  rites.  During  a  number  of  days  in  a  certain  month  of 
the  year  they  abstain  from  eating,  drinking,  and  pleasure  of  all  kinds, 
and  suffer  many  forms  of  voluntary  penance.  Strangers  are  never 
allowed,  I  was  told,  inside  the  Mosque  of  the  Sultan.  The  higher  clergy 
are  represented  by  the  hereditary  Cherif,  who  has  temporal  power  also. 
The  title  of  Pandita  simply  means  priest,  and  is  the  common  word  used 
in  Mindanao  as  well  as  in  Palauan  Island.  He  seems  to  be  almost  the 
chief  in  his  district — not  in  a  warlike  sense,  like  the  Datto ;  but  his 
word  has  great  influence.  He  performs  all  the  functions  of  a  priest, 
receives  the  vow  of  the  juramentados,  and  expounds  the  mysteries  and 
the  glories  of  that  better  world  whither  they  will  go  without  delay  if 
they  die  taking  the  blood  of  a  Christian. 

In  theory,  the  Moros  accept  the  Koran  and  the  teachings  of 
Mahomet :  in  practice,  they  omit  the  virtues  of  their  religious  system 
and  follow  those  precepts  which  can  be  construed  into  favouring  vice ; 
hence  they  interpret  guidance  of  the  people  by  oppression,  polygamy  by 
licentiousness,  and  maintenance  of  the  faith  by  bloodshed.  Relays  of 
Arabs  come,  from  time  to  time,  under  the  guise  of  Koran  expounders, 
to  feed  on  the  people  and  whet  their  animosity  towards  the  Christian. 

The    Panditas   are    doctors   also.     If  a  Datto  dies,   they   intone  a 


A  SCENE  IN  THE  MORO  COUNTRY. 


ZAMBOANGA   FORT 
Showing  the  niche  of  the  "  Virgen  del  Pilar. 


J  old  (Sulu)  town  149 


dolorous  chant ;  the  family  bursts  into  lamentations,  which  are  finally 
drowned  in  the  din  of  the  clashing  of  cymbals  and  beating  of  gongs, 
whilst  sometimes  a  gun  is  fired.  In  rush  the  neighbours,  and  join  in  the 
shouting,  until  all  settle  down  quietly  to  a  feast.  The  body  is  then 
sprinkled  with  salt  and  camphor  and  dressed  in  white,  with  the  kris 
attached  to  the  waist.  There  is  little  ceremony  about  placing  the  body 
in  the  coffin  and  burying  it.  The  mortuary  is  marked  by  a  wooden 
tablet — sometimes  by  a  stone,  on  which  is  an  inscription  in  Arabic.  A 
slip  of  board,  or  bamboo,  is  placed  around  the  spot,  and  a  piece  of  wood, 
carved  like  the  bows  of  a  canoe,  is  stuck  in  the  earth  ;  in  front  of  this  is 
placed  a  cocoanut  shell  full  of  water. 


The  old  native  town,  or  cotta  of  Sulu  (Jold)  was  a  collection  of 
bamboo  houses  built  upon  piles  extending  a  few  hundred  yards  into  the 
sea.  This  was  all  demolished  by  the  Spaniards  when  they  permanently 
occupied  the  place  in  1876,  excepting  the  Military  Hospital,  which  was 
re-constructed  of  light  materials,  native  fashion.  The  sea-beach  was 
cleared,  and  the  native  village  put  back  inland. 

The  site  is  an  extremely  pretty  little  bay  on  the  north  of  the  island, 
formed  by  the  points  Dangapic  and  Candea,  and  exactly  in  front,  about 
four  or  five  miles  off,  there  are  several  low-lying  islets,  well  wooded,  with 
a  hill  abruptly  jutting  out  here  and  there,  the  whole  forming  a  picturesque 
miniature  archipelago. 

Looking  from  the  sea,  in  the  centre  stands  the  modern  Spanish 
town  of  Sulu  (Jold),  built  on  the  shore,  rising  about  a  couple  of 
yards  above  sea-level,  around  which  there  is  a  short  stone  and  brick 
sea-wall,  with  several  bends  pleasantly  relieving  the  monotony  of  a 
straight  line. 

Forming  a  background  to  the  European  town,  there  are  three  thickly 
wooded  hillocks  almost  identical  in  appearance,  and  at  each  extremity  of 
the  picture,  lying  farther  back  inland,  there  is  a  hill  sloping  down 
gradually  towards  the  coast.  The  slope  on  the  eastern  extremity  has 
been  cleared  of  undergrowth  to  the  extent  of  about  50  acres,  giving  it  the 
appearance  of  a  vast  lawn.  At  the  eastern  and  western  extremities  are 
the  native  suburbs,  with  huts  of  light  material  built  a  few  yards  into  the 
sea.  On  the  east  side  there  is  a  big  Moro  bungalow,  erected  on  small 
tree-trunks,  quite  a  hundred  yards  from  the  beach  seawards.  To  the 
west,  one  sees  a  long  shanty-built  structure  running  out  to  sea  like  a  jetty  ; 
it  is  the  shore  market.  The  panorama  could  not  be  more  charming  and 
curious.  Still  farther  west,  towering  above  every  other,  stands  the  Bad 
Tumantangas  peak  (Mount  of  Tears),  the  last  point  discernible  by  the 
westward -journeying  Joloano,  who  is  said  to  sigh  with  patriotic  anguish 
at  its  loss  to  view,  with  all  the  feeling  of  a  Moorish  Boabdil  bidding 
adieu  to  his  beloved  Granada, 


150  J  old  (Sulu)  town 


The  town  is  uniformly  planned,  with  well-drained  streets,  running 
parallel,  crossed  at  rectangles  by  lovely  avenues  of  shading  trees.  Here 
and  there  are  squares,  pretty  gardens,  and  a  clean  and  orderly  market- 
place. There  is  a  simple  edifice  for  a  church,  splendid  barracks  equal 
to  those  in  Manila  when  these  were  built,  many  houses  of  brick  and 
stone,  others  of  wood,  and  all  roofed  with  corrugated  iron. 

The  neighbourhood  is  well  provided  with  water  from  natural  streams. 
The  town  is  supplied  with  drinking-water  conducted  in  pipes,  laid  for 
the  purpose  from  a  spring  about  a  mile  and  a  quarter  distant,  whilst 
other  piping  carries  water  to  the  end  of  the  pier  for  the  requirements  of 
shipping.  This  improvement,  the  present  salubrity  of  the  town  (once 
a  fever  focus),  and  its  latest  Spanish  embellishments,  are  mainly  due  to 
the  intelligent  activity  of  its  late  Governors,  Colonel  (now  General) 
Gonzalez  Parrado,  and  the  late  General  Juan  Arolas. 

The  town  is  encircled  on  the  land  side  by  a  brick  loop-holed  wall. 
The  outside  (Spanish)  defences  consisted  of  two  forts,  viz : — The 
"  Princesa  de  Asturias "  and  "  Torre  de  la  Reina"  and  within  the  town 
those  of  the  "  Puerto,  Blockaus?  "  Pxierta  Espana"  and  the  redoubt 
"  Alfonso  XII T — this  last  had  a  Nordenfeldt  gun. 

The  Spanish  Government  of  Sulu  was  entirely  under  martial  law, 
and  the  Europeans  (mostly  military  men)  were  constantly  on  the  alert 
for  the  ever-recurring  attacks  of  the  natives. 

The  general  aspect  of  Sulu  (.Told)  is  cheerful  and  attractive.  The  day 
scene,  enlivened  by  the  Moro,  passing  to  and  fro  with  his  lithe  gait,  in 
gay  attire,  with  the  bdrong  in  a  huge  sash,  and  every  white  man,  soldier 
or  civilian,  carrying  arms  in  self-defence,  may  well  inflame  the  imaginative 
and  romantic  mind.  One  can  hardly  believe  one  is  still  in  the  Philippines. 
At  night,  the  shaded  avenues,  bordered  by  stately  trees,  illuminated 
by  a  hundred  lamps,  present  a  beautiful,  picturesque  scene  which  carries 
the  memory  far,  far  away  from  the  surrounding  savage  races.  Yet 
all  may  change  in  a  trice.  There  is  a  hue  and  cry ;  a  Moro  has  run 
amok — his  glistening  weapon  within  a  foot  of  his  escaping  victim  ; 
the  Christian  native  hiding  away  in  fear,  and  the  European  off  in 
pursuit  of  the  common  foe  ;  there  is  a  tramping  of  feet,  a  crack- 
ing of  firearms ;  the  Moro  is  biting  the  dust,  and  the  memory  is 
brought  abruptly  back  from  imagination's  flights  to  full  realization  of 
one's  Mahometan  entourage. 

By  a  decree  dated  September  24,  1877,  all  the  natives,  and  other 
races  or  nationalities  settled  there,  were  exempted  from  all  kinds  of  con- 
tributions or  taxes  for  10  years.  In  1887  the  term  was  extended  for 
another  10  years  ;  hence,  no  imposts  being  levied,  all  the  Spaniards  had 
to  do  was  to  maintain  their  prestige  with  peace. 

In  his  relations  with  the  Spaniards,  the  Sultan  held  the  title  of 
Excellency,  and  he,  as  well  as  several  chiefs,  received  annual  pensions 
from  the  Government  at  the  following  rates  ; — 


The  Sultan  of  Sulu  151 

Pesos. 

Sultan  of  Sulu 2,400 

„      of  Mindanao 1,000 

Datto  Beraduren,  heir  to  the  Sulu  Sultanate  .        700 

Paduca  Datto  Alimbdin,  of  Sulu  ....        600 

Datto  Amiral,  of  Mindanao  ....        800 

Other  minor  pensions  ......        600 

P.6,100 


and  an  allowance  of  2  pesos  for  each  captive  rescued,  and  3  pesos  for 
each  pirate  caught,  whether  in  Sulu  or  Mindanao  waters. 

The  Sultan  is  the  Majasari  (the  stainless,  the  spotless) — the  Pontiff- 
king — the  chief  of  the  State  and  the  Church ;  but  it  is  said  that  he 
acknowledges  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  as  the  Padishah.  He  is  the  irrespon- 
sible lord  and  master  of  all  life  and  property  among  his  subjects,  although 
in  his  decrees  he  is  advised  by  a  Council  of  Elders. 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  his  absolute  authority,  he  does  not  seem  to 
have  perfect  control  over  the  acts  of  his  nobles  or  chiefs,  who  are  a 
privileged  class,  and  are  constantly  waging  some  petty  war  among 
themselves,  or  organizing  a  marauding  expedition  along  the  coast.  The 
Sultan  is  compelled,  to  a  certain  extent,  to  tolerate  their  excesses,  as  his 
own  dignity,  or  at  least  his  own  tranquillity,  is  in  a  great  measure 
dependent  on  their  common  goodwill  towards  him.  The  chiefs  collect 
tribute  in  the  name  of  the  Sultan,  but  they  probably  furnish  their  own 
wants  first  and  pay  differences  into  the  Royal  Treasury,  seeing  that  it  all 
comes  from  their  own  feudal  dependents. 

The  Sultan  claims  to  be  the  nominal  owner  of  all  the  product  of  Sulu 
waters.  In  the  valuable  Pearl  Fisheries  he  claims  to  have  a  prior  right 
to  all  pearls  above  a  certain  value,  although  the  finder  is  entitled  to  a 
relative  bounty  from  the  Sultan.  "  Ambal,"11  a  product  found  floating 
on  the  waters  and  much  esteemed  by  the  Chinese  as  medicine,  is  subject 
to  royal  dues.  The  great  pearl-fishing  centre  is  Siassi  Island  (in  the 
Tapul  group),  lying  about  20  miles  south  of  Sulu  Island. 

The  Sultanate  is  hereditary  under  the  Salic  Law.  The  Sultan  is 
supported  by  three  ministers,  one  of  whom  acts  as  Regent  in  his  absence 
(for  he  might  choose  to  go  to  Singapore,  or  have  to  go  to  Mecca,  if  he 
had  not  previously  done  so)  ;  the  other  is  Minister  of  War,  and  the 
third  is  Minister  of  Justice  and  Master  of  the  Ceremonies. 

Slavery  exists  in  a  most  ample  sense.  There  are  slaves  by  birth  and 
others  by  conquest,  such  as  prisoners  of  war,  insolvent  debtors,  and  those 
seized  by  piratical  expeditions  to  other  islands.  A  creole  friend  of  mine 
was  one  of  these  last.  He  had  commenced  clearing  an  estate  for  cane- 
growing  on  the  Negros  coast,  when  he  was  seized  and  carried  off  to  Sulu 
Island.  In  a  few  years  he  was  ransomed  and  returned  to  Negros,  where 
he  formed  one  of  the  finest  sugar  haciendas  and  factories  in  the  Colony. 


152  A  juramentado  runs  amok 

In  1884  a  Mahometan  was  found  on  a  desolate  isle  lying  off  the 
Antique  coast  (Panay  Is.),  and  of  course  had  no  document  of  identity, 
so  he  was  arrested  and  confined  in  the  jail  of  San  Jose  de  Buenavista. 
From  prison  he  was  eventually  taken  to  the  residence  of  the  Spanish 
Governor,  Don  Manuel  Castellon,  a  very  humane  gentleman  and  a 
personal  friend  of  mine.  In  Don  Manuel's  study  there  was  a  collection 
of  native  arms  which  took  the  stranger's  fancy  ;  one  morning  he  seized  a 
kris  and  lance,  and,  bounding  into  the  breakfast-room,  capered  about, 
gesticulated,  and  brandished  the  lance  in  the  air,  much  to  the  amusement 
of  the  Governor  and  his  guests.  But  in  an  instant  the  fellow  (hitherto 
a  mystery,  but  undoubtedly  a,  juramentado)  hurled  the  lance  with  great 
force  towards  the  Public  Prosecutor,  and  the  missile,  after  severing  his 
watch-chain,  lodged  in  the  side  of  the  table.  The  Governor  and  the 
Public  Prosecutor  at  once  closed  with  the  would-be  assassin,  whilst  the 
Governor's  wife,  with  great  presence  of  mind,  thrust  a  table-knife  into 
the  culprit's  body  between  the  shoulder-blade  and  the  collar-bone.  The 
man  fell,  and,  when  all  supposed  he  was  dead,  he  suddenly  jumped  up. 
No  one  had  thought  of  taking  the  kris  out  of  his  grasp,  and  he  rushed 
around  the  apartment  and  severely  cut  two  of  the  servants,  but  was 
ultimately  despatched  by  the  bayonets  of  the  guards  who  arrived  on 
hearing  the  scuffle.  The  Governor  showed  me  his  wounds,  which  were 
slight,  but  his  life  was  saved  by  the  valour  of  his  wife — Doila  Justa. 

It  has  often  been  remarked  by  old  residents,  that  if  free  licence 
were  granted  to  the  domesticated  natives,  their  barbarous  instincts 
would  recur  to  them  in  all  vigour.  Here  was  an  instance.  The  body 
of  the  Moro  was  carried  off  by  an  excited  populace,  who  tied  a  rope 
to  it,  beat  it,  and  dragged  it  through  the  town  to  a  few  miles  up  the 
coast,  where  it  was  thrown  on  the  sea-shore.  The  priests  did  not 
interfere  ;  like  the  Egyptian  mummies  cast  on  the  Stygian  shores,  the 
culprit  was  unworthy  of  sepulture — besides,  who  would  pay  the  fees  ? 

During  my  first  visit  to  Sulu  in  1881, 1  was  dining  with  the  Governor, 
when  the  conversation  ran  on  the  details  of  an  expedition  about  to  be 
sent  to  May  bun,  to  carry  despatches  received  from  the  Gov. -General  for 
the  Sultan,  anent  the  Protectorate.  The  Governor  seemed  rather 
surprised  when  I  expressed  my  wish  to  join  the  party,  for  the  journey  is 
not  unattended  with  risk  to  one's  life.  [I  may  here  mention  that  only 
a  few  days  before  I  arrived,  a  young  officer  was  sent  on  some  mission  a 
short  distance  outside  the  town  of  Jold,  accompanied  by  a  patrol  of  two 
guards.  He  was  met  by  armed  Mahometans,  and  sent  back  with  one  of 
his  hands  cut  off.  I  remember,  also,  the  news  reaching  us  that  several 
military  officers  were  sitting  outside  a  cafe  in  Jolo  Town,  when  a 
number  of  juramentados  came  behind  them  and  cut  their  throats.] 
However,  the  Governor  did  not  oppose  my  wish — on  the  contrary,  he 
jocosely  replied  that  he  could  not  extend  my  passport  so  far,  because 
the  Sulus  would  not  respect  it,  yet  the  more  Europeans  the  better. 


Across  Sulu  Island  to  Maybun  153 

Officials  usually  went  by  sea  to  Maybun,  and  a  gunboat  was  now 
and  again  sent  round  the  coast  with  messages  to  the  Sultan,  but  there 
was  no  Government  vessel  in  Jold  at  this  time. 

Our  party,  all  told,  including  the  native  attendants,  numbered  about 
30  Christians,  and  we  started  early  in  the  morning  on  horseback.  I 
carried  my  usual  weapon — a  revolver — hoping  there  would  be  no  need 
to  use  it  on  the  journey.  And  so  it  resulted  ;  we  arrived,  without  being 
molested  in  any  way,  in  about  three  hours,  across  a  beautiful  country. 

We  passed  two  low  ranges  of  hills,  which  appeared  to  run  from 
S.W.  to  N.E.,  and  several  small  streams,  whilst  here  and  there  was  a 
ranche  of  the  Sultan's  subjects.  Each  ranche  was  formed  of  a  group  of 
10  to  20  huts,  controlled  by  the  cacique.  Agriculture  seemed  to  be 
pursued  in  a  very  pristine  fashion,  but,  doubtless  owing  to  the  exuberant 
fertility  of  the  soil,  we  saw  some  very  nice  crops  of  Rice,  Indian  Corn, 
Sugar  Cane,  and  Indigo  and  Coffee  plantations  on  a  small  scale.  In  the 
forest  which  we  traversed  there  were  some  of  the  largest  bamboos  I  have 
ever  seen,  and  fine  building  timber,  such  as  Teak,  Narra,  Molave,  Manga- 
chapuy,  and  Camagon  {vide  Woods).  I  was  assured  that  Cedars  also 
flourished  on  the  island.  We  saw  a  great  number  of  monkeys,  wild 
pigeons,  cranes,  and  parrots,  whilst  deer,  buffaloes,  and  wild  goats  are 
said  to  abound  in  these  parts. 

On  our  arrival  at  Maybun,  we  went  first  to  the  bungalow  of  a 
Chinaman — the  Sultan's  brother-in-law — where  we  refreshed  ourselves 
with  our  own  provisions,  and  learnt  the  gossip  of  the  place.  On  inquiry, 
we  were  told  that  the  Sultan  was  sleeping,  so  we  waited  at  the  Chinaman's. 
I  understood  this  man  was  a  trader,  but  there  were  no  visible  signs  of 
his  doing  any  business.  Most  of  our  party  slept  the  siesta,  and  at  about 
four  o'clock  we  called  at  the  Palace.  It  was  a  very  large  building,  well 
constructed,  and  appeared  to  be  built  almost  entirely  of  materials  of  the 
country.  A  deal  of  bamboo  and  wood  were  used  in  it,  and  even  the  roof 
was  made  of  split  bamboo,  although  I  am  told  that  this  was  replaced 
by  sheet-iron  when  the  young  Sultan  came  to  the  throne.  The 
vestibule  was  very  spacious,  and  all  around  was  pleasantly  decorated 
with  lovely  shrubs  and  plants  peculiar  to  most  mid-tropical  regions.  The 
entrance  to  the  Palace  was  always  open,  but  well  guarded,  and  we 
were  received  by  three  Dattos,  who  saluted  us  in  a  formal  way,  and, 
without  waiting  to  ask  us  any  question,  invited  us,  with  a  wave  of  the 
hand,  to  follow  them  into  the  throne-room.1  The  Sultan  was  seated  on 
our  entering,  but  when  the  bearer  of  the  despatches  approached  with 
the  official  interpreter  by  his  side,  and  we  following,  he  rose  in  hi  s 
place  to  greet  us. 

His  Highness  was  dressed  in  very  tight  silk  trousers,  fastened  partly 
up  the  sides  with  showy  chased  gold  or  gilt  buttons,  a  short  Eton-cut 
olive-green  jacket  with  an  infinity  of  buttons,  white  socks,  ornamented 

1  This  building  was  destroyed  by  Colonel  Arolas,  April  15,  1887  (vide  p.  144). 


154  The  Sultans  official  reception 

slippers,  a  red  sash  around  his  waist,  a  kind  of  turban,  and  a  kris  at  his 
side.  His  general  appearance  was  that  of  a  Spanish  bull-fighter  with  an 
Oriental  finish  off.  We  all  bowed  low,  and  the  Sultan,  surrounded  by 
his  Sultanas,  put  his  hands  to  his  temples,  and,  on  lowering  them,  he 
bowed  at  the  same  time.  We  remained  standing  whilst  some  papers 
were  handed  to  him.  He  looked  at  them — a  few  words  were  said  in 
Spanish,  to  the  effect  that  the  bearer  saluted  His  Highness  in  the  name 
of  the  Governor  of  Sulu.  The  Sultan  passed  the  documents  to  the  official 
interpreter,  who  read  or  explained  them  in  the  Sulu  language  ;  then  a  brief 
conversation  ensued,  through  the  interpreter,  and  the  business  was  really 
over.  After  a  short  pause,  the  Sultan  motioned  to  us  to  be  seated  on 
floor-cushions,  and  we  complied.  The  cushions,  covered  with  rich  silk, 
were  very  comfortable.  Servants,  in  fantastic  costumes,  were  constantly 
in  attendance,  serving  betel-nut  to  those  who  cared  to  chew  it. 

One  Sultana  was  fairly  pretty,  or  had  been  so,  but  the  others 
were  heavy,  languid,  and  lazy  in  their  movements  ;  and  their  teeth,  dyed 
black,  did  not  embellish  their  personal  appearance.  The  Sultan  made 
various  inquiries,  and  passed  many  compliments  on  us,  the  Governor, 
Gov. -General,  etc.,  which  were  conveyed  to  us  through  the  interpreter. 
Meanwhile,  the  Sultanas  chatted  among  themselves,  and  were  apparently 
as  much  interested  in  looking  at  us  as  we  were  in  their  style,  features, 
and  attire.  They  all  wore  light-coloured  "  dual  garments M  of  great 
width,  and  tight  bodices.  Their  coiffure  was  carefully  finished,  but  a 
part  of  the  forehead  was  hidden  by  an  ungraceful  fringe  of  hair. 

We  had  so  little  in  common  to  converse  on,  and  that  little  had  to  be 
said  through  the  interpreter,  that  we  were  rather  glad  when  we  were  asked 
to  take  refreshments.  It  at  least  served  to  relieve  the  awkward  feeling 
of  glancing  at  each  other  in  silence.  Chocolate  and  ornamental 
sweetmeats  were  brought  to  us,  all  very  unpalatable.  When  we  were 
about  to  take  our  departure,  the  Sultan  invited  us  to  remain  all  night 
in  the  Palace.  The  leader  of  our  party  caused  to  be  explained  to  him 
that  we  were  thankful  for  his  gracious  offer,  but  that,  being  so  numerous, 
we  feared  to  disturb  His  Highness  by  intruding  so  far  on  his  hospitality. 
Still  the  Sultan  politely  insisted,  and  whilst  the  interpretation  was  being 
transmitted  I  found  an  opportunity  to  acquaint  our  chief  of  my  burning 
curiosity  to  stay  at  the  Palace.  In  any  case,  we  were  a  large  number  to 
go  anywhere,  so  our  leader,  in  reply  to  the  Sultan,  said  that  he  and  four 
Europeans  of  his  suite  would  take  advantage  of  His  Highness's  kindness. 

We  withdrew  from  the  Sultan's  presence,  and  some  of  us  Europeans 
walked  through  the  town  accompanied  by  functionaries  of  the  royal 
household  and  the  interpreter.  There  was  nothing  striking  in  the  place ; 
it  was  like  most  others.  There  were  some  good  bungalows  of  bamboo 
and  thatching.  I  noticed  that  men,  women,  and  children  were  smoking 
tobacco  or  chewing,  and  had  no  visible  occupation.  Many  of  the  smaller 
dwellings  were  built  on  piles  out  to  the  sea.     We  saw  a  number  of  divers 


Subuanos  of  Zamboanga  155 

preparing  to  go  off  to  get  pearls,  mother-of-pearl,  etc.  They  are  very 
expert  in  this  occupation,  and  dive  as  deep  as  100  feet.  Prior  to  the 
plunge  they  go  through  a  grotesque  performance  of  waving  their  arms  in 
the  air  and  twisting  their  bodies,  in  order — as  they  say — to  frighten  away 
the  sharks ;  then  with  a  whoop  they  leap  over  the  edge  of  the  prahu, 
and  continue  to  throw  their  arms  and  legs  about  for  the  purpose 
mentioned.     They  often  dive  for  the  shark  and  rip  it  up  with  a  kris. 

Five  of  us  retired  to  the  Palace  that  night,  and  were  at  once  con- 
ducted to  our  rooms.  There  was  no  door  to  my  room  ;  it  was,  strictly 
speaking,  an  alcove.  During  the  night,  at  intervals  of  about  every  hour, 
as  it  seemed  to  me,  a  Palace  servant  or  guard  came  to  inquire  how  the 
Senor  was  sleeping,  and  if  I  were  comfortable.  "  Duerme  el  Senor  ? " 
("  Does  the  gentleman  sleep  ? 11)  was  apparently  the  limit  of  his  know- 
ledge of  Spanish.  I  did  not  clearly  understand  more  than  the  fact  that 
the  man  was  a  nuisance,  and  I  regretted  there  was  no  door  with  which 
to  shut  him  out.  The  next  morning  we  paid  our  respects  to  His 
Highness,  who  furnished  us  with  an  escort — more  as  a  compliment  than 
a  necessity — and  we  reached  Jold  Town  again,  after  a  very  enjoyable  ride 
through  a  superb  country. 

****** 

The  Sultan's  subjects  are  spread  so  far  from  the  centre  of  govern- 
ment— Maybun — that  in  some  places  their  allegiance  is  but  nominal. 
Many  of  them  residing  near  the  Spanish  settlements  are  quick  at 
learning  Castilian  sufficiently  well  to  be  understood,  but  the  Spaniards 
tried  in  vain  to  subject  them  to  a  European  order  of  things. 

About  20  miles  up  the  coast,  going  north  from  Zamboanga,  the  Jesuits 
sent  a  missionary  in  1 885  to  convert  the  Subuanos.  He  endeavoured  to 
persuade  the  people  to  form  a  village.  They  cleared  a  way  through  the 
forest  from  the  beach,  and  at  the  end  of  this  opening,  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  long,  I  found  a  church  half  built  of  wood,  bamboo,  and 
palm-leaves.  I  had  ridden  to  the  place  on  horseback  along  the  beach,  and 
my  food  and  baggage  followed  in  a  canoe.  The  opening  was  so  roughly 
cleared  that  I  thought  it  better  to  dismount  when  I  got  half  way. 
As  the  church  was  only  in  course  of  construction,  and  not  consecrated, 
I  took  up  my  quarters  there.  I  was  followed  by  a  Subuano,  who  was 
curious  to  know  the  object  of  my  visit.  I  told  him  I  wished  to  see  the 
headman,  so  this  personage  arrived  with  one  of  his  wives  and  a  young 
girl.  They  sat  on  the  floor  with  me,  and  as  the  cacique  could  make 
himself  understood  in  Spanish,  we  chatted  about  the  affairs  of  the  town 
in  posse.  The  visiting  priest  had  gone  to  the  useless  trouble  of  baptizing 
a  few  of  these  people.  They  appeared  to  be  as  much  Christian  as  I  was 
Mahometan.  The  cacique  had  more  than  one  wife — the  word  of  the 
Pandita  of  the  settlement  was  the  local  law,  and  the  Pandita  himself 
of  course  had  his  seraglio.  I  got  the  first  man,  who  had  followed  me, 
to  direct  me  to  the  Pandita1  s  house.     My  guide  was  gaily  attired  in 


156  Subuanos  of  Zamboanga 


bright  red  tight  acrobat  breeches,  with  buttons  up  the  side,  and  a 
jacket  like  a  waistcoat,  with  sleeves  so  close-fitting  that  I  suppose  he 
seldom  took  the  trouble  to  undress  himself.  I  left  the  cacique, 
promising  to  visit  his  bungalow  that  day,  and  then  my  guide  led  me 
through  winding  paths,  in  a  wood,  to  the  hut  of  the  Pandita.  On  the 
way  I  met  a  man  of  the  tribe  carrying  spring-water  in  a  bamboo,  which 
he  tilted  to  give  me  a  drink.  To  my  inquiries  if  he  were  a  Christian, 
and  if  he  knew  the  Castilian  Pandita  (Spanish  priest),  he  replied  in 
the  affirmative  ;  continuing  the  interrogation,  I  asked  him  how  many 
gods  there  were,  and  when  he  answered  "  four,"  I  closed  my  investiga- 
tion of  his  Christianity.  My  guide  was  too  cunning  to  take  me  by  the 
direct  path  to  the  Pandita's  bungalow.  He  led  me  into  a  half-cleared 
plot  of  land  facing  it,  whence  the  inmates  could  see  us  for  at  least  ten 
minutes  making  our  approach.  When  we  arrived,  and  after  scrambling 
up  the  staircase,  which  was  simply  a  notched  trunk  of  a  tree  about  nine 
inches  diameter,  I  discovered  that  the  Pandita,  forewarned,  had  fled  to 
the  mountain  close  by,  leaving  his  wives  to  entertain  the  visitor.  I 
found  them  all  lounging  and  chewing  betel-nut,  and  when  I  squatted 
on  the  floor  amongst  them  they  became  remarkably  chatty.  Then  I 
went  to  the  cacique's  bungalow.  In  the  rear  of  this  dwelling  there 
was  a  small  forge,  and  the  most  effective  bellows  of  primitive  make 
which  I  have  ever  seen  in  any  country.  It  was  a  double-action 
apparatus,  made  entirely  of  bamboo,  except  the  pistons,  which  were 
of  feathers.  These  pistons,  working  up  and  down  alternately  by  a 
bamboo  rod  in  each  hand,  sustained  perfectly  a  constant  draught  of 
air.  One  man  was  squatting  on  a  bamboo  bench  the  height  of  the 
bellows'1  rods,  whilst  the  smith  crouched  on  the  ground  to  forge  his 
kris  on  the  anvil. 

The  headman's  bungalow  was  built  the  same  as  the  others,  but  with 
greater  care.  It  was  rather  high  up,  and  had  the  usual  notched  log-of- 
wood  staircase,  which  is  perhaps  easy  to  ascend  with  naked  feet.  The 
cacique  and  one  of  his  wives  were  seated  on  mats  on  the  floor.  After 
mutual  salutations  the  wife  threw  me  three  cushions,  on  which  I  reclined 
— doing  the  dolce  far  niente  whilst  we  talked  about  the  affairs  of  the 
settlement.  The  conversation  was  growing  rather  wearisome  anent 
the  Spanish  priest  having  ordered  huts  to  be  built  without  giving 
materials,  about  the  scarcity  of  palm-leaves  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
so  forth,  so  I  bade  them  farewell  and  went  on  to  another  hut.  Here 
the  inmates  were  numerous — four  women,  three  or  four  men,  and  two 
rather  pretty  male  children,  with  their  heads  shaven  so  as  to  leave  only 
a  tuft  of  hair  towards  the  forehead  about  the  size  of  a  crown  piece.  To 
entertain  me,  six  copper  tom-toms  were  brought  out,  and  placed  in  a 
row  on  pillows,  whilst  another  large  one,  for  the  bass  accompaniment, 
was  suspended  from  a  wooden  frame.  A  man  beat  the  bass  with  a  stick, 
whilst  the  women  took  it  in  turns  to  kneel  on  the  floor,  with  a  stick  in 


Climate  in  the  South — Palauan  Island 


157 


each  hand,  to  play  a  tune  on  the  series  of  six.  A  few  words  were  passed 
between  the  three  men,  when  suddenly  one  of  them  arose  and  performed 
a  war-dance,  quaintly  twisting  his  arms  and  legs  in  attitudes  of  advance, 
recoil,  and  exultation.  The  dance  finished,  I  mounted  my  horse  and 
left  the  settlement  in  embryo,  called  by  the  missionaries  Reus,  which  is 
the  name  of  a  town  in  Catalonia. 

The  climate  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu  Islands  is  healthy  and  delightful. 
The  heat  of  Zamboanga  is  moderated  by  daily  breezes,  and  in  Sulu,  in 
the  month  of  June,  it  is  not  oppressive.  A  year's  temperature  readings 
on  the  Illana  Bay  coast  (Mindanao  Is.)  are  as  follows,  viz.  : — 


Average  of 

Inside  the  House, 
Fahrenheit. 

Outside  in  the  Shade. 
Fahrenheit. 

Jan. — -March     . 
April — June 
July — Sept. 
Oct.— Dec. 

G  a.m. 

Noon. 

6  p.m. 

6  a.m. 

Noon. 

6   p.m. 

73° 

74i° 

74" 

73° 

84° 
83 ' 
84° 
85° 

83° 
78f 
8(T 
80° 

72° 
74i° 

73° 

84° 
92J° 

88" 
83° 

80° 
78° 

79° 
78° 

The  Island  of  Palauan  (Paragua)  was  anciently  a  dependency  of 
the  Sultanate  of  Brunei  (Borneo),  hence  the  dominion  over  this  island 
of  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  as  suzerain  lord  of  Brunei.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  18th  century  Spaniards  had  already  settled  in  the  north  of  it. 
It  had  a  very  sparse  population,  and  a  movement  was  set  on  foot  to 
subjugate  the  natives.  In  order  to  protect  the  Spanish  settlers  from 
Mahometan  attacks  a  fort  was  established  at  Labo.  However,  the 
supplies  were  not  kept  up,  and  many  of  the  garrison  died  of  misery, 
hunger,  and  nakedness,  until  1720,  when  it  was  abandoned. 

Some  years  afterwards  the  island  was  gratuitously  ceded  to  the 
Spaniards  by  the  Sultan  of  Sulu,  at  their  request.  Captain  Antonio 
Fabeau  was  sent  there  with  troops  to  take  formal  possession,  being 
awarded  the  handsome  salary  of  P. 50  per  month  for  this  service.  On  the 
arrival  of  the  ships,  an  officer  was  sent  ashore  ;  the  people  fled  inland, 
and  the  formalities  of  annexation  were  proceeded  with  unwitnessed. 
The  only  signs  of  possession  left  there  were  the  corpses  of  the  troops 
and  sailors  who  died  from  eating  rotten  food,  or  were  murdered  by 
Mahometans  who  attacked  the  expedition.  Subsequently  a  fortress  was 
established  at  Taytay,  where  a  number  of  priests  and  laymen  in  a  few 
years  succeeded  in  forming  a  small  colony,  which  at  length  shared  the 
fate  of  Labo.  The  only  Spanish  settlement  in  the  island  at  the  date 
of  the  evacuation  was  the  colony  of  Puerta  Princesa,  on  the  east  coast.1 

1  A  few  outposts  had  recently  been  established  by  Royal  Decree.  They  were  all 
under  the  command  of  a  captain,  vide  Chap.  xiii. 


158  Across  Palawan  Island — Tagbanuas 

Before  starting  on  my  peregrination  in  Palauan  Island,  I  sought  in 
vain  for  information  respecting  the  habits  and  nature  of  the  Tagbanuas, 
a  half-caste  Malay- Aeta  tribe,  disseminated  over  a  little  more  than  the 
southern  half  of  the  island.1  It  was  only  on  my  arrival  at  Puerta 
Princesa  that  I  was  able  to  procure  a  vague  insight  into  the  peculiarities 
of  the  people  whom  I  intended  to  visit.  The  Governor,  Don  Felipe 
Canga-Argiielles,  was  highly  pleased  to  find  a  traveller  who  could 
sympathize  with  his  efforts,  and  help  to  make  known,  if  only  to  the  rest 
of  the  Archipelago,  this  island  almost  unexplored  in  the  interior.  He 
constantly  wrote  articles  to  one  of  the  leading  journals  of  Manila,  under 
the  title  of  "  Echoes  from  Paragua  r'  (Palauan),  partly  with  the  view  of 
attracting  the  attention  of  the  Government  to  the  requirements  of  the 
Colony,  but  also  to  stimulate  a  spirit  of  enterprise  in  favour  of  this 
island,  rich  in  hardwoods,  etc. 

Puerta  Princesa  is  a  good  harbour,  situated  on  a  gulf.  The  soil  was 
levelled,  trees  were  planted,  and  a  slip  for  repairing  vessels  was  constructed. 
There  was  a  fixed  white  light  visible  eleven  miles  off.  It  was  a  naval 
station  for  two  gunboats,  the  Commander  of  the  station  being  ex-officio 
Governor  of  the  Colony.  It  was  also  a  Penal  Settlement  for  convicts, 
and  those  suspected  by  the  civil  or  religious  authorities.  To  give 
employment  to  the  convicts  and  suspects,  a  model  sugar-estate  was 
established  by  the  Government.  The  locality  supplied  nearly  all  the 
raw  material  for  working  and  preserving  the  establishment,  such  as  lime, 
stone,  bricks,  timber,  sand,  firewood,  straw  for  bags,  rattans,  etc. 

The  aspect  of  the  town  is  agreeable,  and  the  environs  are  pretty, 
but  there  is  a  great  drawback  in  the  want  of  drinking-water,  which,  in 
the  dry  season,  has  to  be  procured  from  a  great  distance. 

The  Governor  showed  me  great  attention,  and  personally  took 
command  of  a  gunboat,  which  conducted  me  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Iguajit  River.  This  is  the  great  river  of  the  district,  and  is  navigable 
for  about  three  miles.  I  put  off  in  a  boat  manned  by  marines,  and  was 
rowed  about  two  miles  up,  as  far  as  the  mission  station.  The  missionary 
received  me  well,  and  I  stayed  there  that  night,  with  five  men,  whom 
I  had  engaged  to  carry  my  luggage,  for  we  had  a  journey  before  us 
of  some  days  on  foot  to  the  opposite  coast. 

My  luggage,  besides  the  ordinary  travelling  requisites  and  provisions, 
included  about  90  yards  of  printed  stuffs  of  bright  colours,  six 
dozen  common  handkerchiefs,  and  some  12  pounds'1  weight  of  beads 
on  strings,  with  a  few  odds  and  ends  of  trinkets  ;  whilst  my  native 
bearers  were  provided  with  rice,  dried  fish,  betel-nut,  tobacco,  etc.,  for 
a  week  or  more.  We  set  out  on  foot  the  next  day,  and  in  three  days 
and  a  half  we  reached  the  western  shore. 

The  greatest  height  above    the   sea-level  on   our  route   was  about 

1  There  is  another  tribe  in  Palauan  Island  called  Batacs,  with  Papuan  noses,  curly 
hair,  and  very  dark  skin.     Their  origin  is  a  mystery. 


Their  dress,  customs  and  country  159 

900  metres,  according  to  my  aneroid  reading,  and  the  maximum  heat 
at  mid-day  in  the  shade  (month  of  January)  was  82°  Fahr.  The  nights 
were  cold,  comparatively  speaking,  and  at  midnight  the  thermometer 
once  descended  to  59°  Fahr. 

The  natives  proved  to  be  a  very  pacific  people.  We  found  some 
engaged  in  collecting  gum  from  the  trees  in  the  forest,  and  others 
cutting  and  making  up  bundles  of  rattans.  They  took  these  products 
down  to  the  Iguajit  River  mission  station,  where  Chinese  traders 
bartered  for  them  stuffs  and  other  commodities.  The  value  of  coin  was 
not  altogether  unknown  in  the  mission  village,  although  the  difference 
in  value  between  copper  and  silver  coinage  was  not  understood.  In  the 
interior  they  lived  in  great  misery,  their  cabins  being  wretched  hovels. 
They  planted  their  rice  without  ploughing  at  all,  and  all  their 
agricultural  implements  were  made  of  wood  or  bamboo. 

The  native  dress  is  made  of  the  bark  of  trees,  smashed  with  stones, 
to  extract  the  ligneous  parts.  In  the  cool  weather  they  make  tunics  of 
bark,  and  the  women  wear  drawers  of  the  same  material.  They  adorn 
their  waists  with  sea-shell  and  cocoanut  shell  ornaments,  whilst  the 
fibre  of  the  palm  serves  for  a  waistband.  The  women  pierce  very  large 
holes  in  their  ears,  in  which  they  place  shells,  wood,  etc.  They  never 
bathe  intentionally.  Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows,  and  darts  blown 
through  a  kind  of  pea-shooter  made  of  a  reed  resembling  bojo  (q.v). 
They  are  a  very  dirty  people,  and  they  eat  their  fish  or  flesh  raw. 

I  had  no  difficulty  whatever  in  procuring  guides  from  one  group  of 
huts  to  the  next  on  payment  in  goods,  and  my  instructions  were  always 
to  lead  me  towards  the  coast,  the  nearest  point  of  which  I  knew  was 
due  west  or  a  few  points  to  the  north. 

We  passed  through  a  most  fertile  country  the  whole  way.  There 
were  no  rivers  of  any  importance,  but  we  were  well  supplied  with 
drinking-water  from  the  numerous  springs  and  rivulets.  The  forests 
are  very  rich  in  good  timber,  chiefly  Ipil  (Eperma  decandria),  a  very 
useful  hardwood  {vide  Woods).  I  estimated  that  many  of  these  trees,  if 
felled,  would  have  given  clean  logs  of  70  to  80  feet  long.  I  presume 
the  felling  of  timber  was  not  attempted  by  these  natives  on  account 
of  the  difficulties,  or  rather,  total  want  of  transport  means.  From  a 
plateau,  within  half  a  day's  journey  of  the  opposite  coast,  the  scenery 
was  remarkably  beautiful,  with  the  sea  to  the  west  and  an  interminable 
grandeur  of  forest  to  the  east.  There  were  a  few  fishermen  on  the  west 
coast,  but  further  than  that,  there  was  not  a  sign  of  anything  beyond 
the  gifts  of  Nature.  About  half  a  mile  from  the  coast,  on  the  fringe 
of  the  forest,  there  was  a  group  of  native  huts,  two  of  which  were 
vacated  for  our  accommodation  in  exchange  for  goods. 

With  an  abundance  of  fish,  we  were  able  to  economize  our  provisions. 
One  of  my  men  fell  ill  with  fever,  so  that  we  had  to  wait  two  days  on 
the  west  coast,  whilst  I  dosed  him  with  Eno's  fruit  salt  and  quinine. 


160  Endeavour  to  colonize  Palauan  Island 

In  the  meantime,  I  studied  the  habits  of  these  people.  Among  the 
many  things  which  astonished  them  was  the  use  of  matches,  whilst  our 
cooking  highly  amused  them.  Such  a  thing  as  a  horse  I  suppose  had 
never  been  seen  here,  although  I  would  gladly  have  bought  or  hired 
one,  for  I  was  very  weary  of  our  delay.  We  all  went  on  the  march 
again,  on  foot  nearly  all  the  way,  by  the  same  passes  to  the  Iguajit 
River,  where  we  found  a  canoe,  which  carried  us  back  to  Puerta  Princesa. 
The  island  produces  many  marketable  articles,  such  as  beeswax, 
edible  birds"'  nests,  fine  shells,  dried  shell-fish,  a  few  pearls,  bush-rope  or 
palasan  (q.v.)  of  enormous  length,  wild  nutmegs,  ebony,  logwood,  etc., 
which  the  Chinese  obtain  in  barter  for  knives  and  other  small 
manufactures. 

The  first  survey  of  the  Palauan  Island  coast  is  said  to  have  been  made 
by  the  British.  A  British  map  of  Puerta  Princesa,  with  a  few  miles  of 
adjoining  coast,  was  shown  to  me  in  the  Government  House  of  this 
place.  It  appears  that  the  west  coast  is  not  navigable  for  ships  within 
at  least  two  miles  of  the  shore,  although  there  are  a  few  channels 
leading  to  creeks.  Vessels  coming  from  the  west  usually  pass  through 
the  Straits  of  Balabac,  between  the  island  of  that  name  and  the  islets  off 
the  Borneo  Island  coast. 

In  the  Island  of  Balabac  there  was  absolutely  nothing  remarkable  to 
be  seen,  unless  it  were  a  little  animal  about  the  size  of  a  big  cat,  but  in 
shape  a  perfect  model  of  a  doe.1  I  took  one  to  Manila,  but  it  died  the 
day  we  arrived.  No  part  of  the  island  (which  is  very  mountainous  and 
fertile)  appeared  to  be  cultivated,  and  even  the  officials  at  the  station 
had  to  obtain  supplies  from  Manila,  whilst  cattle  were  brought  from 
the  Island  of  Cuyo,  one  of  the  Calamianes  group. 

In  the  latter  years,  the  Home  Government  made  efforts  to  colonize 
Palauan  Island  by  offering  certain  advantages  to  emigrants.  By  Royal 
Order,  dated  February  25,  1885,  the  Islands  of  Palauan  and  Mindanao 
were  to  be  occupied  in  an  effectual  manner,  and  outposts  established, 
wherever  necessary,  to  guarantee  the  secure  possession  of  these  islands. 
The  points  mentioned  for  such  occupation  in  Palauan  Island  were 
Tagbusao  and  Malihut  on  the  east  coast,  and  Colasian  and  Malanut 
on  the  west  coast.  It  also  confirmed  the  Royal  Decree  of  July  30, 1860, 
granting  to  all  families  emigrating  to  these  newly  established  military 
posts,  and  all  peaceful  tribes  of  the  Islands  who  might  choose  to  settle 
there,  exemption  from  the  payment  of  tribute  for  six  years.  The 
families  would  be  furnished  with  a  free  passage  to  these  places,  and 
each  group  would  be  supplied  with  seed  and  implements. 

A  subsequent  Royal  Order,  dated  January  19,  1886,  was  issued,  to 
the  effect : — That  the  Provincial  Governors  of  the  Provinces  of  North 

1  Alfred  Marche  calls  this  the  Trugulus  runchil,  and  says  it  is  also  to  be  found 
in  Malacca,  Cochin  China,  and  Pulo  Condor  (vide  "  Lucon  et  Palaouan,"  par  A, 
Marche.     Paris,  1887). 


Concessions  to  Palaiian  Island  colonists  161 

and  South  Ilocos  were  to  stimulate  voluntary  emigration  of  the  natives 
to  Palauan  Island,  to  the  extent  of  25  families  from  each  of  the  two 
provinces  per  annum.  That  any  payments  due  by  them  to  the  Public 
Treasury  were  to  be  condoned.  That  such  families  and  any  persons 
of  good  character  who  might  establish  themselves  in  Palauan  should 
be  exempt  from  the  payment  of  taxes  for  ten  years,  and  receive  free 
passage  there  for  themselves  and  their  cattle,  and  three  hectares  of 
land  gratis,  to  be  under  cultivation  within  a  stated  period.  That 
two  chupas  of  rice  (vide  Rice  measure)  and  ten  cents  of  a  peso  should 
be  given  to  each  adult,  and  one  chupa  of  rice  to  each  minor  each  day 
during  the  first  six  months  from  the  date  of  their  embarking.  That 
the  Governor  of  Palauan  should  be  instructed  respecting  the  highways 
to  be  constructed,  and  the  convenience  of  opening  free  ports  in  that 
island.  That  the  land  and  sea  forces  should  be  increased  ;  and  of  the 
latter,  a  third-rate  man-o'-war  should  be  stationed  on  the  west  coast. 
That  convicts  should  continue  to  be  sent  to  Palauan,  and  the  Governor 
should  be  authorized  to  employ  all  those  of  bad  conduct  in  public 
works.  That  schools  of  primary  instruction  should  be  established 
in  the  island  wherever  such  might  be  considered  convenient,  etc.,  etc.1 

The  Spaniards  (in  1898)  left  nearly  half  the  Philippine  Archipelago 
to  be  conquered,  but  only  its  Mahometan  inhabitants  ever  persistently 
took  the  aggressive  against  them  in  regular  continuous  warfare.  The 
attempts  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  to  convert  them  to  Christianity 
were  entirely  futile,  for  the  Panditas  and  the  Romish  priests  were 
equally  tenacious  of  their  respective  religious  beliefs.  The  last  treaty 
made  between  Spain  and  Sulu  especially  stipulated  that  the  Mahometans 
should  not  be  persecuted  for  their  religion. 

To  overturn  a  dynasty,  to  suppress  an  organized  system  of  feudal 
laws,  and  to  eradicate  an  ancient  belief,  the  principles  of  which  had 
firmly  established  themselves  among  the  populace  in  the  course  of 
centuries,  was  a  harder  task  than  that  of  bringing  under  the  Spanish 
yoke  detached  groups  of  Malay  immigrants.    The  pliant,  credulous  nature 

1  By  Royal  Order  of  August  20,  1888,  a  concession  of  12,000  to  14,000  hectares 
of  land  in  Palauan  was  granted  to  Felipe  Canga-Argiielles  y  Villalba,  ex-Governor 
of  Puerta  Princesa,  for  the  term  of  20  years. 

He  could  work  mines,  cut  timber,  and  till  the  land  so  conceded  under  the  law 
called  "  Ley  de  Colonias  Agricolas,"  of  September  4,  1884,  which  was  little 
more  than  an  extension  to  the  Philippines  of  the  Peninsula  forest  and  agricultural 
law  of  June  3,  1868  (vide  Gaceta  de  Madrid  of  September  29,  1888).  It 
appears,  however,  from  the  Colonial  Minister's  despatch  No.  515,  to  the  Gov.- 
General  of  the  Colony,  dated  May  24,  1890,  that  the  concessionaire  had  endeavoured 
to  associate  himself  with  foreigners  for  the  working  of  the  concession.  I  myself 
had  received  from  him  several  letters  on  the  subject.  The  wording  of  the  despatch 
shows  that  suspicion  was  entertained  of  an  eventual  intention  to  declare  territorial 
independence  in  Palauan.  The  Government,  wishing  to  avoid  the  possibility  of 
embroilment  with  a  foreign  nation,  unfortunately  felt  constrained  to  impose  such 
restrictions  upon  the  concessionaire  as  to  render  his  enterprise  valueless. 

11 


162  The  Moro  problem 


of  the  Luzon  settlers — the  fact  that  they  professed  no  deeply-rooted 
religion,  and — although  advanced  from  the  migratory  to  the  settled 
condition — were  mere  nominal  lieges  of  their  puppet  kinglings,  were 
facilities  for  the  achievement  of  conquest.  True  it  is  that  the  dynasties 
of  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico  and  the  Incas  of  Peru  yielded  to  Spanish 
valour,  but  there  was  the  incentive  of  untold  wealth  ;  here,  only  of 
military  glory,  and  the  former  outweighed  the  latter. 

If  the  Spaniards  failed  to  subjugate  the  Mahometans,  or  to  in- 
corporate their  territory  in  the  general  administrative  system  of  the 
Colony,  after  three  centuries  of  intermittent  endeavour,  it  is  difficult 
to  conceive  that  the  Philippine  Republic  (had  it  subsisted)  would  have 
been  more  successful.  It  would  have  been  useless  to  have  resolved  to 
leave  the  Moros  to  themselves,  practically  ignoring  their  existence. 
Any  Philippine  Government  must  needs  hold  them  in  check  for  the 
public  weal,  for  the  fact  is  patent  that  the  Moro  hates  the  native 
Christian  not  one  iota  less  than  he  does  the  white  man. 


163 


CHAPTER   XI 

DOMESTICATED   NATIVES— ORIGIN— CHARACTER 

The  generally-accepted  theory  regarding  the  origin  of  the  composite 
race  which  may  be  termed  "domesticated  natives,"  is,  that  their 
ancestors  migrated  to  these  Islands  from  Malesia,  or  the  Malay  Peninsula. 
But  so  many  learned  dissertations  have  emanated  from  distinguished 
men,  propounding  conflicting  opinions  on  the  descent  of  the  Malays 
themselves,  that  we   are  still  left  on  the  field  of  conjecture. 

There  is  good  reason  to  surmise  that,  at  some  remote  period,  these 
Islands  and  the  Islands  of  Formosa  and  Borneo  were  united,  and 
possibly  also  they  conjointly  formed  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  mainland. 
Many  of  the  islets  are  mere  coral  reefs,  and  some  of  the  larger  islands 
are  so  distinctly  of  coral  formation  that,  regarded  together  with  the 
numerous  volcanic  evidences,  one  is  induced  to  believe  that  the 
Philippine  Archipelago  is  the  result  of  a  stupendous  upheaval  by 
volcanic  action.1  At  least  it  seems  apparent  that  no  autochthonous 
population  existed  on  these  lands  in  their  island  form.  The  first 
settlers  were  probably  the  A  etas,  called  also  Negritos  and  Balugas, 
who  may  have  drifted  northwards  from  New  Guinea  and  have  been 
carried  by  the  strong  currents  through  the  San  Bernadino  Straits  and 
round  Punta  Santiago  until  they  reached  the  still  waters  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Corregidor  Island,  whilst  others  were  carried  west- 
wards to  the  tranquil  Sulu  Sea,  and  travelling  thence  northwards  would 
have  settled  on  the  Island  of  Negros.  It  is  a  fact  that  for  over  a  century 
after  the  Spanish  conquest,  Negros  Island  had  no  other  inhabitants 
but  these  mountaineers  and  escaped  criminals  from  other  islands. 

The  sturdy  races  inhabiting  the  Central  Luzon  highlands,  decidedly 
superior  in  physique  and  mental  capacity  to  the  A  etas,  may  be  of  Japanese 
origin,  for  shortly  after  the  conquest  by  Legaspi  a  Spanish  galley 
cruising  off  the  north  coast  of  Luzon  fell  in  with  Japanese,  who  probably 

1  We  have  several  modern  instances  of  similar  volcanic  disturbances  creating 
and  demolishing  land  surface,  on  an  infinitely  lesser  scale — e.g.,  the  disappearance  of 
Krakatoa  and  the  entire  town  and  busy  port  of  Anger  in  1883  ;  the  eruption  which 
swallowed  up  the  whole  inhabited  Japanese  island  Torii  Shima  ;  the  appearance 
of  an  entirely  new  island,  Nii  Shima  (about  lat.  25°  N.),  within  the  past  twelve 
months  ;  and,  within  the  historical  period,  the  apparition  of  the  Kurile  Islands. 


164  Origin  of  the  Filipinos 

penetrated  to  the  interior  of  that  island  up  the  Rio  Grande  de  Cagayan. 
Tradition  tells  us  how  the  Japanese  used  to  sail  down  the  east  coast 
of  Luzon  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Lamon  Bay,  where  they  landed 
and,  descending  the  little  rivers  which  flowed  into  the  Lake  of  Bay, 
settled  in  that  region  which  was  called  by  the  first  Spanish  conquerors 
Pagsanjan  Province,  and  which  included  the  Laguna  Province  of  to-day, 
with  a  portion  of  the  modern  Tayabas  Province. 

Either  the  Japanese  extended  their  sphere  from  the  Lake  of  Bay 
shore,  or,  as  some  assert  (probably  erroneously),  shipwrecked  Japanese 
went  up  the  Pansipit  River  to  the  Bombon  Lake  :  the  fact  remains 
that  Taal,  with  the  Bombon  Lake  shore,  was  a  Japanese  settlement, 
and  even  up  to  now  the  Taalenos  have  characteristics  differing  from  those 
of  the  pure  Malay  immigrant  descendants.  The  Philippine  patriot, 
Dr.  Jose  Rizal,  was  a  good  Japanese-Malay  type. 

The  Tagalogs,  who  occupy  a  small  portion  of  Luzon  Island,  chiefly 
the  provinces  of  Batangas,  Laguna,  Rizal,  and  Bulacan,  are  believed 
to  be  the  cross-breed  descendants  of  these  Japanese  immigrants.  At 
the  period  of  the  Spanish  conquest  the  Tao  (log,  that  is  to  say,  "  the 
man  who  came  by  the  river,"  afterwards  corrupted  into  the  more 
euphonious  name  of  Tagdlog,  occupied  only  the  lands  from  the  south 
shore  of  Laguna  de  Bay  southwards.  Some  traded  with  the  Malay 
settlers  at  Maynila  (as  the  city  on  the  Pasig  River  was  then  called) 
and,  little  by  little,  radicated  themselves  in  the  Manila  suburbs  of 
Quiapo,  Sampaloc,  and  Santa  Cruz.1 

From  the  West,  long  before  the  Spanish  conquest,  there  was  a 
great  influx  of  Malays,  who  settled  on  the  shores  and  the  lowlands 
and  drove  the  first  settlers  (Aetas)  to  the  mountains.  Central  Luzon 
and  the  Lake  environs  being  already  occupied,  they  spread  all  over 
the  vacant  lands  and  adjacent  islands  south  of  Luzon.  These  expeditions 
from  Malesia  were  probably  accompanied  by  Mahometan  propagandists, 
who  had  imparted  to  the  Malays  some  notions,  more  or  less  crude,  of 
their  religion  and  culture,  for  at  the  time  of  Legaspi's  arrival  in 
Manila  we  find  he  had  to  deal  with  two  chiefs,  or  petty  kings,  both 
assuming  the  Indian  title  of  Rajah,  whilst  one  of  them  had  the 
Mahometan  Arabic  name  of  Soliman.  Hitherto  the  Tao  flog,  or  Tagalog, 
had  not  descended  the  Pasig  River  so  far  as  Manila,  and  the  religious 
rites  of  the  Tondo-Manila  people  must  have  appeared  to  Legaspi 
similar   to  the  Mahometan  rites,2    for  in  several  of  his  despatches  to 

1  Vide  Chap.  v.  By  way  of  retaliation  for  the  expulsion  of  Spanish  missionaries 
from  Japan  in  the  17th  century,  all  the  male  Japanese  above  ten  years  of  age 
were  ordered  to  leave  their  settlements  up  the  Lake.  Under  this  order  over 
20,000  of  them  were  expelled  from  the  Colony.  There  was  a  Japanese  temple 
existing  (though  not  in  use  as  such)  in  the  suburbs  of  Manila  up  to  last  century, 
when  Gov.-General  Norzagaray  (1857-60)  had  it  destroyed. 

2  The  Spaniards  must  have  been  quite  cognisant  of  these  rites,  seeing  that  the 
Moorish  invasion  of  Spain  lasted  nearly  eight  centuries,  namely  from  the  year  71 1 
up  to  1492  —only  a  couple  of  decades  before  Legaspi's  generation. 


Before  the  Spanish  conquest  165 

his  royal  master  he  speaks  of  these  people  as  Moros.  All  the  dialects 
spoken  by  the  Filipinos  of  Malay  and  Japanese  descent  have  their 
root  in  the  pure  Malay  language.  After  the  expulsion  of  all  the 
adult  male  Japanese  Lake  settlers  in  the  17th  century,  it  is  feasible 
to  suppose  that  the  language  of  the  males  who  took  their  place  in 
the  Lake  district  and  intermarried  there,  should  prevail  over  the  idiom 
of  the  primitive  settlers,  and  possibly  this  amalgamation  of  speech 
accounts  for  the  difference  between  the  Tagalog  dialect  and  others  of 
these  islands  peopled  by  Malays. 

The  Malay  immigration  must  have  taken  place  several  generations 
prior  to  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards,  for  at  that  period  the  lowland 
occupants  were  already  divided  into  peoples  speaking  different  dialects 
and  distinguishing  themselves  by  groups  whose  names  seem  to  be 
associated  with  the  districts  they  inhabited,  such  as  Pampanga,  Iloco, 
and  Cagayan ;  these  denominations  are  probably  derived  from  some 
natural  condition,  such  as  Pampang,  meaning  a  river  embankment,  Ilog, 
a  river,  Cauayan,  a  bamboo,  etc. 

In  a  separate  chapter  (x.)  the  reputed  origin  of  the  Mahometans  of  the 
southern  islands  is  alluded  to.  They  are  also  believed  to  be  immigrants 
from  the  West,  and  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  recent  traditions 
which  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Spaniards,  and  were  recorded  by 
them,  prove  that  commercial  relations  existed  between  Borneo  and 
Manila.  There  is  a  tradition  x  also  of  an  attempted  conquest  of  Luzon 
by  a  Borneo  chief  named  Lacasama,  about  250  years  before  the 
Spanish  advent ;  but  appai'ently  the  expedition  came  to  grief  near 
Luzon,  off  an  island  supposed  by  some  to  be  Masbate. 

The  descendants  of  the  Japanese  and  Malay  immigrants  were  the 
people  whom  the  Spanish  invaders  had  to  subdue  to  gain  a  footing. 
To  the  present  day  they,  and  the  correlative  Chinese  and  Spanish  half- 
castes,  are  the  only  races,  among  the  several  in  these  Islands,  subjected, 
in  fact,  to  civilized  methods.  The  expression  "  Filipino ,-1  neither 
denotes  any  autochthonous  race,  nor  any  nationality,  but  simply  one  born 
in  those  islands  named  the  Philippines  :  it  is,  therefore,  open  to  argument 
whether  the  child  of  a  Filipino,  born  in  a  foreign  country,  could  be 
correctly  called  a  Filipino. 

The  christianized  Filipinos,  enjoying  to-day  the  benefits  of 
European  training,  are  inclined  to  repudiate,  as  compatriots,  the 
descendants  of  the  non-christian  tribes,  although  their  concurrent 
existence,  since  the  time  of  their  immigrant  forefathers,  makes  them 
all  equally  Filipinos.  Hence  many  of  them  who  were  sent  to  the 
St.  Louis  Exhibition  in  1904  were  indignant  because  the  United  States 
Government  had  chosen  to  exhibit  some  types  of  uncivilized  natives, 
representing  about  one-twelfth  of  the  Philippine  population.     Without 

1  Based  on  this  tradition,  Don  Jose  Carvajal  has  written  a  very  interesting  play 
entitled  Ligaya.     It  was  produced  at  the  National  Theatre,  Manila,  in  1904. 


166  Japanese  and  Chinese  early  immigrants 

these  exhibits,  and  on  seeing  only  the  educated  Filipinos  who  formed 
the  Philippine  Commission,  the  American  people  at  home  might  well 
have  asked — Is  not  American  civilization  a  superfluity  in  those  islands  ? 

The  inhabitants  of  these  Islands  were  by  no  means  savages,  entirely 
unreclaimed  from  barbarism  before  the  Spanish  advent  in  the  16th 
century.  They  had  a  culture  of  their  own,  towards  which  the  Malay 
settlers  themselves  appear  to  have  contributed  very  little.  In  the  nascent 
pre-Spanish  civilization,  Japanese  immigrants  were  almost  the  only 
agriculturists,  mine-workers,  manufacturers,  gold-seekers,  goldsmiths, 
and  masters  of  the  industrial  arts  in  general.  Pagsanjan  (Laguna) 
was  their  great  industrial  centre.  Malolos  (Bulacan)  was  also  an  im- 
portant Japanese  trading  base.  Whilst  working  the  mines  of  Ilocos  their 
exemplary  industry  must  undoubtedly  have  influenced  the  character  of 
the  Ilocanos.  Away  down  in  the  Bicol  country  of  Camarines,  the 
Japanese  pushed  their  trade,  and  from  their  great  settlement  in  Taal 
their  traffic  must  have  extended  over  the  whole  province,  first 
called  by  the  Spaniards  Taal  y  Balayan,  but  since  named  Batangas. 
From  the  Japanese,  the  Malays  learnt  the  manufacture  of  arms,  and 
the  Igorrotes  the  art  of  metal- working.  J  Along  the  coasts  of  the  large 
inhabited  islands  the  Chinese  travelled  as  traders  or  middlemen,  at 
great  personal  risk  of  attack  by  individual  robbers,  bartering  the  goods 
of  manufacturers  for  native  produce,  which  chiefly  consisted  of  sinamay 
cloth,  shark-fin,  balate  (trepang),  edible  birds'-nests,  gold  in  grain, 
and  siguey -shells,  for  which  there  was  a  demand  in  Siam  for  use  as 
money.  Every  north-east  monsoon  brought  down  the  junks  to  barter 
leisurely  until  the  south-west  monsoon  should  waft  them  back,  and 
neither  Chinese  nor  Japanese  made  the  least  attempt,  nor  apparently 
had  the  least  desire,  to  govern  the  Islands  or  to  overrule  the  natives. 
Without  coercion,  the  Malay  settlers  would  appear  to  have  uncon- 
sciously submitted  to  the  influence  of  the  superior  talent  or  astuteness 
of  the  sedulous  races  with  whom  they  became  merged  and  whose 
customs  they  adopted,  proof  of  which  can  be  traced  to  the  present 
day.1  Presumably  the  busy,  industrious  immigrants  had  neither  time 
nor  inclination  for  sanguinary  conflicts,  for  those  recorded  appear  to  be 
confined  to  the  raids  of  the  migratory  mountaineers  and  an  occasional 
attack  by  some  ambitious  Borneo  buccaneer.  The  reader  who  would 
wish  to  verify  these  facts  is  recommended  to  make  a  comparative  study 
of  native  character  in  Vigan,  Malolos,  Taal,  and  Pagsanjan. 

In  treating  of  the  domesticated  natives'1  character,  I  wish  it  to  be 
understood  that  my  observations  apply  solely  to  the  large  majority  of 
the  six  or  seven  millions  of  them  who  inhabit  these  Islands. 

In  the  capital  and  the  ports  open  to  foreign  trade,  where 
cosmopolitan    vices    and    virtues    obtain,   and    in    large   towns,    where 

1  Possibly  the  people  of  Tondo  (Manila)  learnt  from  the  Chinese  the  art  of 
preparing  that  canine  delicacy  called  Cubung-aso. 


Native  character ;  idiosyncrasies  167 

there  is  a  constant  number  of  domiciled  Europeans  and  Americans, 
the  native  has  become  a  modified  being.  It  is  not  in  such  places  that 
a  just  estimate  of  character  can  be  arrived  at,  even  during  many  years1 
sojourn.  The  native  must  be  studied  by  often-repeated  casual  residence 
in  localities  where  his,  or  her,  domestication  is  only  "  by  law 
established,1"1  imposing  little  restraint  upon  natural  inclinations,  and 
where  exotic  notions  have  gained  no  influence. 

Several  writers  have  essayed  to  derjict  the  Philippine  native 
character,  but  with  only  partial  success.  Dealing  with  such  an 
enigma,  the  most  eminent  physiognomists  would  surely  differ  in 
their  speculations  regarding  the  Philippine  native  of  the  present  day. 
That  Catonian  figure,  with  placid  countenance  and  solemn  gravity  of 
feature,  would  readily  deceive  any  one  as  to  the  true  mental  organism 
within.  The  late  parish  priest  of  Alaminos  (Batangas)  — a  Franciscan 
friar,  who  spent  half  his  life  in  the  Colony — left  a  brief  manuscript 
essay  on  the  native  character.  I  have  read  it.  In  his  opinion,  the 
native  is  an  incomprehensible  phenomenon,  the  mainspring  of  whose 
line  of  thought  and  the  guiding  motive  of  whose  actions  have  never 
yet  been,  and  perhaps  never  will  be,  discovered. 

The  reasoning  of  a  native  and  a  European  differs  so  largely  that 
the  mental  impulse  of  the  two  races  is  ever  clashing.  Sometimes  a 
native  will  serve  a  master  satisfactorily  for  years,  and  then  suddenly 
abscond,  or  commit  some  such  hideous  crime  as  conniving  with  a 
brigand  band  to  murder  the  family  and  pillage  the  house. 

When  the  hitherto  faithful  servant  is  remonstrated  with  for  having 
committed  a  crime,  he  not  unfrequently  accounts  for  the  fact  by  saying, 
"  Senor,  my  head  was  hot.11  When  caught  in  the  act  on  his  first  start 
on  highway  robbery  or  murder,  his  invariable  excuse  is  that  he  is 
not  a  scoundrel  himself,  but  that  he  was  "  invited M  by  a  relation  or 
compadre  to  join  the  company. 

He  is  fond  of  gambling,  profligate,  lavish  in  his  promises,  but 
lache  in  the  extreme  as  to  their  fulfilment.  He  will  never  come 
frankly  and  openly  forward  to  make  a  clean  breast  of  a  fault  committed, 
or  even  a  pardonable  accident,  but  will  hide  it,  until  it  is  found  out. 
In  common  with  many  other  non-European  races,  an  act  of  generosity 
or  a  voluntary  concession  of  justice  is  regarded  as  a  sign  of  weakness. 
Hence  it  is  that  the  experienced  European  is  often  compelled  to 
be  more  harsh  than  his  real  nature  dictates. 

If  one  pays  a  native  20  cents  for  a  service  performed,  and  that 
be  exactly  the  customary  remuneration,  he  will  say  nothing,  but  if  a 
feeling  of  compassion  impels  one  to  pay  30  cents,  the  recipient  will 
loudly  protest  that  he  ought  to  be  paid  more.1     In  Luzon  the  native 

1  Consequent  on  the  American  advent,  wages  steadily  rose  proportionately  to 
the  increased  cost  of  everything.  But  when,  later  on,  wages  far  exceeded  the 
native's  needs,  he  demanded  more  and  actually  went  on  strike  to  obtain  it  ! 


i 
S    ! 


S 


168  Native  characteristics 

is  able  to  say  "  Thank  you "  (salamat-po)  in  his  mother-tongue,  but 
in  Panay  and  Negros  there  is  no  way  of  expressing  thanks  in  native 
dialect  to  a  donor  (the  nearest  approach  to  it  is  Dios  macbayat) ;  and 
although  this  may,  at  first  sight,  appear  to  be  an  insignificant  fact, 
I  think,  nevertheless,  a  great  deal  may  be  deduced  from  it,  for  the 
deficiency  of  the  word  in  the  Visaya  vernacular  denotes  a  deficiency 
of  the  idea  which  that  word  should  express. 

If  the  native  be  in  want  of  a  trivial  thing,  which  by  plain  asking 
he  could  readily  obtain,  he  will  come  with  a  long  tale,  often  begin  by 
telling  a  lie,  and  whilst  he  invariably  scratches  his  head,  he  will  beat 
about  the  bush  until  he  comes  to  the  point,  with  a  supplicating  tone 
and  a  saintly  countenance  hiding  a  mass  of  falsity.  But  if  he  has 
nothing  to  gain  for  himself,  his  reticence  is  astonishingly  inconvenient, 
for  he  may  let  one's  horse  die  and  tell  one  afterwards  it  was  for  want 
of  rice-paddy,  or,  just  at  the  very  moment  one  wants  to  use  something, 
he  will  tell  one  "  Uala-po  " — there  is  not  any. 

I  have  known  natives  whose  mothers,  according  to  their  statement, 
have  died  several  times,  and  each  time  they  have  tried  to  beg  the  loan 
of  the  burial  expenses.  The  mother  of  my  first  servant  died  twice, 
according  to  his  account. 

Even  the  best  class  of  natives  do  not  appreciate,  or  feel  grateful 
for,  or  even  seem  to  understand  a  spontaneous  gift.  Apparently, 
they  only  comprehend  the  favour  when  one  yields  to  their  asking. 
The  lowest  classes  never  give  to  each  other,  unsolicited,  a  cent's  worth, 
outside  the  customary  reciprocal  feast-offerings.  If  a  European  makes 
voluntary  gratuities  to  the  natives,  he  is  considered  a  fool — they 
entertain  a  contempt  for  him,  which  develops  into  intolerable  im- 
pertinence. If  the  native  comes  to  borrow,  lend  him  a  little  less  than 
he  asks  for,  after  a  verbose  preamble  ;  if  one  at  once  lent,  or  gave, 
the  full  value  requested,  he  would  continue  to  invent  a  host  of  pressing 
necessities,  until  one's  patience  was  exhausted.  He  seldom  restores  the 
loan  of  anything  voluntarily.  On  being  remonstrated  with  for  his 
remissness,  after  the  date  of  repayment  or  return  of  the  article  has 
expired,  he  will  coolly  reply,  "  You  did  not  ask  me  for  it."  An 
amusing  case  of  native  reasoning  came  within  my  experience  just 
recently.  I  lent  some  articles  to  an  educated  Filipino,  who  had 
frequently  been  my  guest,  and,  at  the  end  of  three  months,  I  requested 
their  return.  Instead  of  thanking  me  for  their  use,  he  wrote  a  letter 
expressing  his  indignation  at  my  reminder,  saying  that  I  "ought  to  know 
they  were  in  very  good  hands  !  "  A  native  considers  it  no  degradation 
to  borrow  money :  it  gives  him  no  recurrent  feeling  of  humiliation  or 
distress  of  mind.  Thus,  he  will  often  give  a  costly  feast  to  impress 
his  neighbours  with  his  wealth  and  maintain  his  local  prestige,  whilst 
on  all  sides  he  has  debts  innumerable.  At  most,  with  his  looseness 
of  morality,  he  regards  debt  as  an  inconvenience,  not  as  a  calamity. 


Notion  of  sleep — "  Castila  !  "  169 

Before  entering  another  (middle-  or  lower-class)  native's  house, 
he  is  very  complimentary,  and  sometimes  three  minutes'1  polite  excusatory 
dialogue  is  exchanged  between  the  visitor  and  the  native  visited  before 
the  former  passes  the  threshold.  When  the  same  class  of  native 
enters  a  European's  house,  he  generally  satisfies  his  curiosity  by 
looking  all  around,  and  often  pokes  his  head  into  a  private  room,  asking 
permission  to  enter  afterwards. 

The  lower-class  native  never  comes  at  first  call ;  among  themselves 
it  is  usual  to  call  five  or  six  times,  raising  the  voice  each  time.  If 
a  native  is  told  to  tell  another  to  come,  he  seldom  goes  to  him  to 
deliver  the  message,  but  calls  him  from  a  distance.  When  a  native 
steals  (and  I  must  say  they  are  fairly  honest),  he  steals  only  what 
he  wants.  One  of  the  rudest  acts,  according  to  their  social  code,  is 
to  step  over  a  person  asleep  on  the  floor.  Sleeping  is,  with  them, 
a  very  solemn  matter ;  they  are  very  averse  to  waking  any  one,  the 
idea  being,  that  during  sleep  the  soul  is  absent  from  the  body,  and 
that  if  slumber  be  suddenly  arrested  the  soul  might  not  have  time 
to  return.  When  a  person,  knowing  the  habits  of  the  native,  calls 
upon  him  and  is  told  "  He  is  asleep,"  he  does  not  inquire  further — 
the  rest  is  understood  :  that  he  may  have  to  wait  an  indefinite  time 
until  the  sleeper  wakes  up — so  he  may  as  well  depart.  To  urge  a 
servant  to  rouse  one,  one  has  to  give  him  very  imperative  orders  to 
that  effect :  then  he  stands  by  one's  side  and  calls  "  Senor,  senor  !  " 
repeatedly,  and  each  time  louder,  until  one  is  half  awake ;  then  he 
returns  to  the  low  note,  and  gradually  raises  his  voice  again  until 
one  is  quite  conscious. 

In  Spanish  times,  wherever  I  went  in  the  whole  Archipelago — near 
the  capital,  or  500  miles  from  it — I  found  mothers  teaching  their 
offspring  to  regard  the  European  as  a  demoniacal  being,  an  evil  spirit, 
or,  at  least,  as  an  enemy  to  be  feared  !  If  a  child  cried,  it  was  hushed 
by  the  exclamation,  "  Castila !  "  (European).  If  a  white  man  approached 
a  poor  hut  or  a  fine  native  residence,  the  cry  of  caution,  the  watchword 
for  defence  was  always  heard — "  Castila  P1 — and  the  children  hastened  their 
retreat  from  the  dreaded  object.  But  this  is  now  a  thing  of  the  past 
since  the  native  crossed  swords  with  the  "  Castila  "  (q.v.)  and  the  American 
on  the  battle-field,  and,  rightly  or  wrongly,  thoroughly  believes  himself 
to  be  a  match  for  either  in  equal  numbers. 

The  Filipino,  like  most  Orientals,  is  a  good  imitator,  but  having 
no  initiative  genius,  he  is  not  efficient  in  anything.  He  will  copy 
a  model  any  number  of  times,  but  one  cannot  get  him  to  make 
two  copies  so  much  alike  that  the  one  is  undistinguishable  from  the 
other.  Yet  he  has  no  attachment  for  any  occupation  in  particular. 
To-day  he  will  be  at  the  plough  ;  to-morrow  a  coachman,  a  collector 
of  accounts,  a  valet,  a  sailor,  and  so  on ;  or  he  will  suddenly  renounce 
social  trammels   in   pursuit  of  lawless   vagabondage.     I  once  travelled 


170  Native  characteristics 

with  a  Colonel  Marques,  acting-Governor  of  Cebu,  whose  valet  was 
an  ex-law  student.  Still,  many  are  willing  to  learn,  and  really  become 
very  expert  artisans,  especially  machinists. 

The  native  is  indolent  in  the  extreme,  and  never  tires  of  sitting 
still,  gazing  at  nothing  in  particular.  He  will  do  no  regular  woi'k 
without  an  advance ;  his  word  cannot  be  depended  upon ;  he  is  fertile 
in  exculpatory  devices ;  he  is  momentarily  obedient,  but  is  averse  to 
subjection.  He  feigns  friendship,  but  has  no  loyalty  ;  he  is  calm  and 
silent,  but  can  keep  no  secret ;  he  is  daring  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
but  fails  in  resolution  if  he  reflects.  He  is  wantonly  unfeeling  towards 
animals  ;  cruel  to  a  fallen  foe  ;  tyrannical  over  his  own  people  when 
in  power ;  rarely  tempers  his  animosities  with  compassion  or  pity, 
but  is  devotedly  fond  of  his  children.  He  is  shifty,  erratic,  void 
of  chivalrous  feeling ;  and  if  familiarity  be  permitted  with  the  common- 
class  native,  he  is  liable  to  presume  upon  it.  The  Tagalog  is  docile 
and  pliant,  but  keenly  resents  an  injustice. 

Native  superstition  and  facile  credulity  are  easily  imposed  upon. 
A  report  emitted  in  jest,  or  in  earnest,  travels  with  alarming  rapidity, 
and  the  consequences  have  not  unfrequently  been  serious.  The  native 
rarely  sees  a  joke,  and  still  more  rarely  makes  one.  He  never  reveals 
anger,  but  he  will,  with  the  most  profound  calmness,  avenge  himself, 
awaiting  patiently  the  opportunity  to  use  his  bowie-knife  with  effect. 
Mutilation  of  a  vanquished  enemy  is  common  among  these  Islanders. 
If  a  native  recognizes  a  fault  by  his  own  conscience,  he  will  receive  a 
flogging  without  resentment  or  complaint ;  if  he  is  not  so  convinced 
of  the  misdeed,  he  will  await  his  chance  to  give  vent  to  his  rancour. 

He  has  a  profound  respect  only  for  the  elders  of  his  household,  and 
the  lash  justly  administered.  He  rarely  refers  to  past  generations  in 
his  lineage,  and  the  lowest  class  do  not  know  their  own  ages.  The 
Filipino,  of  any  class,  has  no  memory  for  dates.  In  1904  not  one 
in  a  hundred  remembered  the  month  and  year  in  which  General 
Aguinaldo  surrendered.  During  the  Independence  war,  an  esteemed 
friend  of  mine,  a  Philippine  priest,  died,  presumably  of  old  age.  I 
went  to  his  town  to  inquire  all  about  it  from  his  son,  but  neither 
the  son  nor  another  near  relation  could  recollect,  after  two  days1 
reflection,  even  the  year  the  old  man  passed  away.  Another  friend 
of  mine  had  his  brains  blown  out  during  the  Revolution.  His  brother 
was  anxious  to  relate  the  tragedy  to  me  and  how  he  had  lost  20,000 
pesos  in  consequence,  but  he  could  not  tell  me  in  which  month  it 
happened.  Families  are  very  united,  and  claims  for  help  and  protection 
are  admitted  however  distant  the  relationship  may  be.  Sometimes  the 
connection  of  a  "  hanger-on "  with  his  host's  family  will  be  so  remote 
and  doubtful,  that  he  can  only  be  recognized  as  "  un  poco  pariente  nada 
mas  "  (a  sort  of  kinsman).     But  the  house  is  open  to  all. 

The  native  is  a   good   father   and   a   good  husband,  unreasonably 


Native  characteristics  171 

jealous  of  his  wife,  careless  of  the  honour  of  his  daughter,  and  will 
take  no  heed  of  the  indiscretions  of  his  spouse  committed  before 
marriage.  Cases  have  been  known  of  natives  having  fled  from  their 
burning  huts,  taking  care  to  save  their  fighting-cocks,  but  leaving 
their  wives  and  children  to  look  after  themselves. 

If  a  question  be  suddenly  put  to  a  native,  he  apparently  loses 
his  presence  of  mind,  and  gives  the  reply  most  convenient  to  save 
himself  from  trouble,  punishment,  or  reproach.  It  is  a  matter  of 
perfect  indifference  to  him  whether  the  reply  be  true  or  not.  Then, 
as  the  investigation  proceeds,  he  will  amend  one  statement  after 
another,  until,  finally,  he  has  practically  admitted  his  first  explanation 
to  be  quite  false.  One  who  knows  the  native  character,  so  far  as  its 
mysteries  are  penetrable,  would  never  attempt  to  get  at  the  truth  of  a 
question  by  a  direct  inquiry — he  would  "beat  about  the  bush,11  and 
extract  the  truth  bit  by  bit.  Nor  do  the  natives,  rich  or  poor,  of  any 
class  in  life,  and  with  very  few  exceptions  in  the  whole  population, 
appear  to  regard  lving  as  a  sin,  but  rather  as  a  legitimate,  though 
cunning,  convenience,  which  should  be  resorted  to  whenever  it  will 
serve  a  purpose.  It  is  my  frank  opinion  that  they  do  not,  in  their 
consciences,  hold  lying  to  be  a  fault  in  any  degree.  If  the  liar  be 
discovered  and  faced,  he  rarely  appears  disconcerted — his  countenance 
rather  denotes  surprise  at  the  discovery,  or  disappointment  at  his  being 
foiled  in  the  object  for  which  he  lied.  As  this  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  characteristics  of  the  Filipino  of  both  sexes  in  all  spheres  of 
life,  I  have  repeatedly  discussed  it  with  the  priests,  several  of  whom 
have  assured  me  that  the  habit  prevails  even  in  the  confessional.1  In 
the  administration  of  justice  this  circumstance  is  inconvenient,  because 
a  witness  is  always  procurable  for  a  few  pesos.  In  a  law-case,  in  which 
one  or  both  parties  belong  to  the  lowest  class,  it  is  sometimes  difficult 
to  say  whether  the  false  or  the  true  witnesses  are  in  majority. 

Men  and  women  alike  find  exaggerated  enjoyment  in  litigation, 
which  many  keep  up  for  years.  Among  themselves  they  are  tyrannical. 
They  have  no  real  sentiment,  nor  do  they  practise  virtue  for  virtue's 
sake,  and,  apart  from  their  hospitality,  in  which  they  (especially  the 
Tagalogs)  far  excel  the  European,  all  their  actions  appear  to  be  only 
guided  by  fear,  or  interest,  or  both. 

The  domesticated  Tagalogs  of  Luzon  have  made  greater  progress  in 
civilization  and  good  manners  than  the  Visayos  of  Panay  and  Negros. 
The  Tagalog  differs  vastly  from  his  southern  brother  in  his  true 
nature,  which  is  more  pliant,  whilst   he  is  by  instinct  cheerfully  and 

1  With  regard  to  this  characteristic  among  the  Chinese,  Sir  John  Bowring 
(late  Governor  of  Hong-Kong)  affirms  that  the  Chinese  respect  their  writings  and 
traditions,  whilst  they  do  not  believe  a  lie  to  be  a  fault,  and  in  some  of  their 
classical  works  it  is  especially  recommended,  in  order  to  cheat  and  confuse  foreign 
intruders  {vide  "  A  Visit  to  the  Philippine  Islands,"  by  Sir  John  Bowring,  LL.U., 
F.R.S.     Manila,  1876   Spanish  edition,  p.  176). 


172  Tagalog  and  Visayo  hospitality 

disinterestedly  hospitable.  Invariably  a  European  wayfarer  in  a  Tagalog 
village  is  invited  by  one  or  another  of  the  principal  residents  to 
lodge  at  his  house  as  a  free  guest,  for  to  offer  payment  would  give 
offence.  A  present  of  some  European  article  might  be  made,  but  it  is  not 
at  all  looked  for.  The  Tagalog  host  lends  his  guest  horses  or  vehicles  to 
go  about  the  neighbourhood,  takes  him  round  to  the  houses  of  his 
friends,  accompanies  him  to  any  feast  which  may  be  celebrated  at 
the  time  of  his  visit,  and  lends  him  his  sporting-gun,  if  he  has  one. 
The  whole  time  he  treats  him  with  the  deference  due  to  the 
superiority  which  he  recognizes.  He  is  remarkably  inquisitive,  and  will 
ask  all  sorts  of  questions  about  one's  private  affairs,  but  that  is  of  no 
consequence — he  is  not  intrusive,  and  if  he  be  invited  to  return  the 
visit  in  the  capital,  or  wherever  one  may  reside,  he  accepts  the 
invitation  reluctantly,  but  seldom  pays  the  visit.  Speaking  of  the 
Tagalog  as  a  host,  pure  and  simple,  he  is  generally  the  most  genial 
man  one  could  hope  to  meet. 

The  Negros  and  Panay  Visayo's  cold  hospitality  is  much 
tempered  with  the  prospect  of  personal  gain — quite  a  contrast  to  the 
Tagalog.  On  the  first  visit  he  might  admit  the  white  traveller  into 
his  house  out  of  mere  curiosity  to  know  all  about  him — whence 
he  comes — why  he  travels — how  much  he  possesses — and  where  he  is 
going.  The  basis  of  his  estimation  of  a  visitor  is  his  worldly  means ; 
or,  if  the  visitor  be  engaged  in  trade,  his  power  to  facilitate  his  host's 
schemes  would  bring  him  a  certain  measure  of  civility  and  com- 
plaisance. He  is  fond  of,  and  seeks  the  patronage  of  Europeans  of  posi- 
tion. In  manners,  the  Negros  and  Panay  Visayo  is  uncouth  and  brusque, 
and  more  conceited,  arrogant,  self-reliant,  ostentatious,  and  unpolished 
than  his  northern  neighbour.  If  remonstrated  with  for  any  fault,  he  is 
quite  disposed  to  assume  a  tone  of  impertinent  retort  or  sullen  defiance. 
The  Cebuano  is  more  congenial  and  hospitable. 

The  women,  too,  are  less  affable  in  Panay  and  Negros,  and  evince 
an  almost  incredible  avarice.  They  are  excessively  fond  of  ornament, 
and  at  feasts  they  appear  adorned  with  an  amount  of  gaudy  French 
jewellery  which,  compared  with  their  means,  cost  them  a  lot  of  money 
to  purchase  from  the  swarm  of  Jew  pedlars  who,  before  the  Revolution 
of  1896,  periodically  invaded  the  villages. 

If  a  European  calls  on  a  well-to-do  Negros  or  Panay  Visavo,  the 
women  of  the  family  saunter  off  in  one  direction  or  another,  to  hide 
themselves  in  other  rooms,  unless  the  visitor  be  well  known  to  the 
family.  If  met  by  chance,  perhaps  they  will  return  a  salutation, 
perhaps  not.  They  seldom  indulge  in  a  smile  before  a  stranger ;  have 
no  conversation  ;  no  tuition  beyond  music  and  the  lives  of  the  Saints, 
and  altogether  impress  the  traveller  with  their  insipidity  of  character, 
which  chimes  badly  with  their  manifest  air  of  disdain. 

The  women  of  Luzon  (and  in  a  slightly  less  degree  the  Cebuanas) 


Good  qualities  of  the  native  173 

are  more  frank,  better  educated,  and  decidedly  more  courteous  and 
sociable.  Their  manners  are  comparatively  lively,  void  of  arrogance, 
cheerful,  and  buoyant  in  tone.  However,  all  over  the  Islands  the 
women  are  more  parsimonious  than  the  men  ;  but,  as  a  rule,  they 
are  more  clever  and  discerning  than  the  other  sex,  over  whom  they 
exercise  great  influence.  Many  of  them  are  very  dexterous  business 
women  and  have  made  the  fortunes  of  their  families.  A  notable 
example  of  this  was  the  late  Dona  Cornelia  Laochanco,  of  Manila, 
with  whom  I  was  personally  acquainted,  and  who,  by  her  own  talent 
in  trading  transactions,  accumulated  considerable  wealth.  Doiia 
Cornelia  (who  died  in  1899)  was  the  foundress  of  the  system  of 
blending  sugar  to  sample  for  export,  known  in  Manila  as  the  farderta. 
In  her  establishment  at  San  Miguel  she  had  a  little  tower  erected, 
whence  a  watchman  kept  his  eye  on  the  weather.  When  threatening 
clouds  appeared  a  bell  was  tolled  and  the  mats  were  instantly  picked 
up  and  carried  off  by  her  Chinese  coolie  staff,  which  she  managed  with 
great  skill,  due,  perhaps,  to  the  fact  that  her  three  husbands  were 
Chinese. 

The  Philippine  woman  makes  an  excellent  general  servant  in 
native  families  ;  in  the  same  capacity,  in  European  service,  she  is,  as 
a  rule,  almost  useless,  but  she  is  a  good  nursemaid. 

The  Filipino  has  many  excellent  qualities  which  go  far  to  make 
amends  for  his  shortcomings.  He  is  patient  and  forbearing  in  the 
extreme,  remarkably  sober,  plodding,  anxious  only  about  providing 
for  his  immediate  wants,  and  seldom  feels  "  the  canker  of  ambitious 
thoughts."  In  his  person  and  his  dwelling  he  may  serve  as  a  pattern 
of  cleanliness  to  all  other  races  in  the  tropical  East.  He  has  little 
thought  beyond  the  morrow,  and  therefore  never  racks  his  brains 
about  events  of  the  far  future  in  the  political  world,  the  world  to  come, 
or  any  other  sphere.  He  indifferently  leaves  everything  to  happen  as 
it  may,  with  surprising  resignation.  The  native,  in  general,  will  go 
without  food  for  many  hours  at  a  time  without  grumbling  ;  and  fish, 
rice,  betel-nut,  and  tobacco  are  his  chief  wants.  Inebriety  is  almost 
unknown,  although  strong  drink  (nipa  wine)  is  plentiful. 

In  common  with  other  races  whose  lives  are  almost  exclusively 
passed  amid  the  ever-varying  wonders  of  land  and  sea,  Filipinos  rarely 
express  any  spontaneous  admiration  for  the  beauties  of  Nature,  and 
seem  little  sensible  to  any  aspect  thereof  not  directly  associated 
with  the  human  interest  of  their  calling.  Few  Asiatics,  indeed,  go 
into  raptures  over  lovely  scenery  as  Europeans  do,  nor  does  "  the 
gorgeous  glamour  of  the  Orient "  which  we  speak  of  so  ecstatically 
strike  them  as  such. 

When  a  European  is  travelling,  he  never  needs  to  trouble  about 
where  or  when  his  servant  gets  his  food  or  where  he  sleeps — he  looks 
after  that.     When  a  native  travels,  he  drops  in   amongst  any  group 


174  Good  qualities  of  the  native 

of  his  fellow-countrymen  whom  he  finds  having  their  meal  on  the 
roadside,  and  wherever  he  happens  to  be  at  nightfall,  there  he  lies 
down  to  sleep.  He  is  never  long  in  a  great  dilemma.  If  his  hut  is 
about  to  fall,  he  makes  it  fast  with  bamboo  and  rattan-cane.  If  a 
vehicle  breaks  down,  a  harness  snaps,  or  his  canoe  leaks  or  upsets,  he 
always  has  his  remedy  at  hand.  He  stoically  bears  misfortune  of  all  kinds 
with  the  greatest  indifference,  and  without  the  least  apparent  emotion. 
Under  the  eye  of  his  master  he  is  the  most  tractable  of  all  beings. 
He  never  (like  the  Chinese)  insists  upon  doing  things  his  own  way, 
but  tries  to  do  just  as  he  is  told,  whether  it  be  right  or  wrong.  A 
native  enters  one's  service  as  a  coachman,  but  if  he  be  told  to  paddle 
a  boat,  cook  a  meal,  fix  a  lock,  or  do  any  other  kind  of  labour 
possible  to  him,  he  is  quite  agreeable.  He  knows  the  duties  of  no 
occupation  with  efficiency,  and  he  is  perfectly  willing  to  be  a  "jack-of- 
all-trades.r>  Another  good  feature  is  that  he  rarely,  if  ever,  repudiates 
a  debt,  although  he  may  never  pay  it.  So  long  as  he  gets  his  food  and 
fair  treatment,  and  his  stipulated  wages  in  advance,  he  is  content  to  act 
as  a  general-utility  man  ;  lodging  he  will  find  for  himself.  If  not 
pressed  too  hard,  he  will  follow  his  superior  like  a  faithful  dog.  If 
treated  with  kindness,  according  to  European  notions,  he  is  lost.  The 
native  never  looks  ahead  ;  if  left  to  himself,  he  will  do  all  sorts  of 
imprudent  things,  from  sheer  want  of  reflection  on  the  consequences, 
when,  as  he  puts  it,  "  his  head  is  hot "  from  excitement  due  to  any  cause. 

On  March  15,  1886,  I  was  coming  round  the  coast  of  Zam bales 
in  a  small  steamer,  in  which  I  was  the  only  saloon  passenger.  The 
captain,  whom  I  had  known  for  years,  found  that  one  of  the  cabin 
servants  had  been  systematically  pilfering  for  some  time  past.  He 
ordered  the  steward  to  cane  him,  and  then  told  him  to  go  to  the 
upper  deck  and  remain  there.  He  at  once  walked  up  the  ladder  and 
threw  himself  into  the  sea ;  but  the  vessel  stopped,  a  boat  was  lowered, 
and  he  was  soon  picked  up.  Had  he  been  allowed  to  reach  the  shore, 
he  would  have  become  what  is  known  as  a  remontado  and  perhaps 
eventually  a  brigand,  for  such  is  the  beginning  of  many  of  them. 

The  thorough-bred  native  has  no  idea  of  organization  on  a  large 
scale,  hence  a  successful  revolution  is  not  possible  if  confined  to  his 
own  class  unaided  by  others,  such  as  Creoles  and  foreigners.  He  is 
brave,  and  fears  no  consequences  when  with  or  against  his  equals,  or  if 
led  by  his  superiors  ;  but  a  conviction  of  superiority — moral  or  physical 
— in  the  adversary  depresses  him.  An  excess  of  audacity  calms  and 
overawes  him  rather  than  irritates  him. 

His  admiration  for  bravery  and  perilous  boldness  is  only  equalled 
by  his  contempt  for  cowardice  and  puerility,  and  this  is  really  the  secret 
of  the  native's  disdain  for  the  Chinese  race.  Under  good  European 
officers  he  makes  an  excellent  soldier,  and  would  follow  a  brave  leader 
to  death  ;  however,  if  the  leader  fell,  he  would  at  once  become  demora- 


His  aversion  to  discipline;    bravery  175 

lized.  There  is  nothing  he  delights  in  more  than  pillage,  destruction, 
and  bloodshed,  and  when  once  he  becomes  master  of  the  situation  in 
an  affray,  there  is  no  limit  to  his  greed  and  savage  cruelty. 

Yet,  detesting  order  of  any  kind,  military  discipline  is  repugnant 
to  him,  and,  as  in  other  countries  where  conscription  is  the  law,  all 
kinds  of  tricks  are  resorted  to  to  avoid  it.  On  looking  over  the  deeds 
of  an  estate  which  I  had  purchased,  I  saw  that  two  brothers,  each 
named  Catalino  Raymundo,  were  the  owners  at  one  time  of  a  portion 
of  the  land.  I  thought  there  must  have  been  some  mistake,  but,  on 
close  inquiry,  I  found  that  they  were  so  named  to  dodge  the  Spanish 
recruiting  officers,  who  would  not  readily  suppose  there  were  two 
Catalino  Raymundos  born  of  the  same  parents.  As  one  Catalino  Ray- 
mundo had  served  in  the  army  and  the  other  was  dead,  no  further 
secret  was  made  in  the  matter,  and  I  was  assured  that  this  practice  was 
common  among  the  poorest  natives. 

In  November,  1887,  a  deserter  from  the  new  recruits  was  pursued 
to  Langca,  a  ward  of  Meycauayan,  Bulacan  Province,  where  nearly  all 
the  inhabitants  rose  up  in  his  defence,  the  result  being  that  the 
Lieutenant  of  Cuadrilleros  was  killed  and  two  of  his  men  were 
wounded.  When  the  Civil  Guard  appeared  on  the  spot,  the  whole 
ward  was  abandoned. 

According  to  the  Spanish  army  regulations,  a  soldier  cannot  be 
on  sentinel  duty  for  more  than  two  hours  at  a  time  under  any 
circumstances.  Cases  have  been  known  of  a  native  sentinel  having 
been  left  at  his  post  for  a  little  over  that  regulation  time,  and  to  have 
become  phrenetic,  under  the  impression  that  the  two  hours  had  long 
since  expired,  and  that  he  had  been  forgotten.  In  one  case  the  man 
had  to  be  disarmed  by  force,  but  in  another  instance  the  sentinel  simply 
refused  to  give  up  his  rifle  and  bayonet,  and  defied  all  who  approached 
him.  Finally,  an  officer  went  with  the  colours  of  the  regiment  in 
hand  to  exhort  him  to  surrender  his  arms,  adding  that  justice  would 
attend  his  complaint.  The  sentinel,  however,  threatened  to  kill  any 
one  who  should  draw  near,  and  the  officer  had  no  other  recourse  open 
to  him  but  to  order  a  European  soldier  to  climb  up  behind  the 
sentry-box  and  blow  out  the  insubordinate  native's  brains. 

In  the  seventies,  a  contingent  of  Philippine  troops  was  sent  to  assist 
the  French  in  Tonquin,  where  they  rendered  very  valuable  service. 
Indeed,  some  officers  are  of  opinion  that  they  did  more  to  quell  the 
Tuh  Due  rising  than  the  French  troops  themselves.  When  in  the 
fray,  they  throw  off  their  boots,  and,  barefooted,  they  rarely  falter. 
Even  over  mud  and  swamp,  a  native  is  almost  as  sure-footed  as  a  goat 
on  the  brink  of  a  quarry.  I  have  frequently  been  carried  for  miles  in 
a  hammock  by  four  natives  and  relays,  through  morassy  districts  too 
dangerous  to  travel  on  horseback.  They  are  great  adepts  at  climbing 
wherever    it    is    possible   for   a   human    being  to  scale  a  height ;    like 


176        Native  resignation  ;  geniality — Mixed  races 

monkeys,  they  hold  as  much  with  their  feet  as  with  their  hands ;  they 
ride  any  horse  barebacked  without  fear ;  they  are  utterly  careless  about 
jumping  into  the  sea  among  the  sharks,  which  sometimes  they  will 
intentionally  attack  with  knives,  and  I  never  knew  a  native  who  could 
not  swim,  There  are  natives  who  dare  dive  for  the  caiman  and  rip  it 
up.  If  they  meet  with  an  accident,  they  bear  it  with  supreme  resignation, 
simply  exclaiming  "  desgracia  pa  " — it  was  a  misfortune. 

I  can  record  with  pleasure  my  happy  recollection  of  many  a  light- 
hearted,  genial,  and  patient  native  who  accompanied  me  on  my 
journeys  in  these  Islands.  Comparatively  very  few  thorough-bred 
natives  travel  beyond  their  own  islands,  although  there  is  a  constant 
flow  of  half-castes  to  and  from  the  adjacent  colonies,  Europe,  etc. 

The  native  is  very  slowly  tempted  to  abandon  the  habits  and 
traditional  customs  of  his  forefathers,  and  his  ambitionless  felicity  may 
be  envied  by  any  true  philosopher. 

No  one  who  has  lived  in  the  Colony  for  years  could  sketch  the  real 
moral  portrait  of  such  a  remarkable  combination  of  virtues  and  vices. 
The  domesticated  native's  character  is  a  succession  of  surprises.  The 
experience  of  each  year  modifies  one's  conclusions,  and  the  most  exact 
definition  of  such  an  inscrutable  being  is,  after  all,  hypothetical. 
However,  to  a  certain  degree,  the  characteristic  indolence  of  these 
Islanders  is  less  dependent  on  themselves  than  on  natural  law,  for  the 
physical  conditions  surrounding  them  undoubtedly  tend  to  arrest  their 
vigour  of  motion,  energy  of  life,  and  intellectual  power. 

The  organic  elements  of  the  European  differ  widely  from  those  of 
the  Philippine  native,  and  each,  for  his  own  durability,  requires  his 
own  special  environment.  The  half-breed  partakes  of  both  organisms, 
but  has  the  natural  environment  of  the  one.  Sometimes  artificial 
means — the  mode  of  life  into  which  he  is  forced  by  his  European 
parent — will  counteract  in  a  measure  natural  law,  but,  left  to  himself, 
the  tendency  will  ever  be  towards  an  assimilation  to  the  native.  Original 
national  characteristics  disappear  in  an  exotic  climate,  and,  in  the  course 
of  time,  conform  to  the  new  laws  of  nature  to  which  they  are  exposed. 

It  is  an  ascertained  fact  that  the  increase  of  energy  introduced  into 
the  Philippine  native  by  blood  mixture  from  Europe  lasts  only  to  the 
second  generation,  whilst  the  effect  remains  for  several  generations 
when  there  is  a  similarity  of  natural  surroundings  in  the  two  races 
crossed.  Moreover,  the  peculiar  physique  of  a  Chinese  or  Japanese 
progenitor  is  preserved  in  succeeding  generations,  long  after  the  Spanish 
descendant  has  merged  into  the  conditions  of  his  environment. 

The  Spanish  Government  strove  in  vain  against  natural  law  to 
counteract  physical  conditions  by  favouring  mixed  marriages,1  but 
Nature  overcomes  man's  law,  and  climatic  influence  forces  its  conditions 

1  See  the  Army  Regulations  for  the  advantages  granted  to  military  men  who 
married  Philippine-born  women  (vide  also  p.  53). 


Native  physiognomy ;    marriages  177 

on  the  half-breed.  Indeed,  were  it  not  for  new  supplies  of  extraneous 
blood  infusion,  European  characteristics  would,  in  time,  become  indis- 
cernible among  the  masses.  Even  on  Europeans  themselves,  in  defiance 
of  their  own  volition,  the  new  physical  conditions  and  the  influence 
of  climate  on  their  mental  and  physical  organisms  are  perceptible  after 
two  or  three  decades  of  years'*  residence  in  the  mid-tropics. 

All  the  natives  of  the  domesticated  type  have  distinct  Malay,  or 
Malay-Japanese,  or  Mongol  features — prominent  cheek-bones,  large  and 
lively  eyes,  and  flat  noses  with  dilated  nostrils.  They  are,  on  the 
average,  of  rather  low  stature,  very  rarely  bearded,  and  of  a  copper 
colour  more  or  less  dark.  Most  of  the  women  have  no  distinct  line  of 
hair  on  the  forehead.  Some  there  are  with  a  frontal  hairy  down 
extending  to  within  an  inch  of  the  eyes,  possibly  a  reversion  to  a 
progenitor  (the  Macacus  radiata)  in  whom  the  forehead  had  not  become 
quite  naked,  leaving  the  limit  between  the  scalp  and  the  forehead 
undefined.  The  hair  of  both  males  and  females  stands  out  from  the 
skin  like  bristles,  and  is  very  coarse.  The  coarseness  of  the  female's 
hair  is,  however,  more  than  compensated  by  its  luxuriance ;  for,  provided 
she  be  in  a  normal  state  of  health,  up  to  the  prime  of  life  the  hair 
commonly  reaches  down  to  the  waist,  and  ocasionally  to  the  ankles. 
The  women  are  naturally  proud  of  this  mark  of  beauty,  which  they 
preserve  by  frequent  washings  with  gogo  (q.v.)  and  the  use  of  cocoanut 
oil  (q.v.).  Hare-lip  is  common.  Children,  from  their  birth,  have  a 
spot  at  the  base  of  the  vertebrae,  thereby  supporting  the  theory  of 
Professor  Huxley's  Anthropidae  sub-order — or  man  {vide  Professor 
Huxley's  "  An  Introduction  to  the  Classification  of  Animals,"  p.  99. 
Published  1869). 

****** 

Marriages  between  natives  are  usually  arranged  by  the  parents 
of  the  respective  families.  The  nubile  age  of  females  is  from  about 
11  years.  The  parents  of  the  young  man  visit  those  of  the  maiden, 
to  approach  the  subject  delicately  in  an  oratorical  style  of  allegory. 
The  response  is  in  like  manner  shrouded  with  mystery,  and  the  veil 
is  only  thrown  off  the  negotiations  when  it  becomes  evident  that  both 
parties  agree.  Among  the  poorer  classes,  if  the  young  man  has  no  goods 
to  offer,  it  is  frequently  stipulated  that  he  shall  serve  on  probation  for 
an  indefinite  period  in  the  house  of  his  future  bride, — as  Jacob  served 
Laban  to  make  Rachel  his  wife, — and  not  a  few  drudge  for  years  with 
this  hope  before  them. 

Sometimes,  in  order  to  secure  service  gratis,  the  elders  of  the  young 
woman  will  suddenly  dismiss  the  young  man  after  a  prolonged  expecta- 
tion, and  take  another  Catipad.  as  he  is  called,  on  the  same  terms. 
The  old  colonial  legislation — "  Leyes  de  Indias"" — in  vain  prohibited  this 
barbarous  ancient  custom,  and  there  was  a  modern  Spanish  law  (of 
which  few  availed  themselves)  which  permitted  the  intended  bride  to  be 

12 


178  Native  nuptials ;  minors   rights 

"  deposited  "  away  from  parental  custody,  whilst  the  parents  were  called 
upon  to  show  cause  why  the  union  should  not  take  place.  However, 
it  often  happens  that  when  Cupid  has  already  shot  his  arrow  into 
the  virginal  breast,  and  the  betrothed  foresee  a  determined  opposition 
to  their  mutual  hopes,  they  anticipate  the  privileges  of  matrimony,  and 
compel  the  bride's  parents  to  countenance  their  legitimate  aspirations 
to  save  the  honour  of  the  family.  Honi  soit  qui  mal  y  pense — they 
simply  force  the  hand  of  a  dictatorial  mother-in-law.  The  women  are 
notably  mercenary,  and  if,  on  the  part  of  the  girl  and  her  people,  there 
be  a  hitch,  it  is  generally  on  the  question  of  dollars  when  both  parties 
are  native.  Of  course,  if  the  suitor  be  European,  no  such  question 
is  raised — the  ambition  of  the  family  and  the  vanity  of  the  girl  being 
both  satisfied  by  the  alliance  itself. 

When  the  proposed  espousals  are  accepted,  the  donations  propter 
nuptias  are  paid  by  the  father  of  the  bridegroom  to  defray  the  wedding 
expenses,  and  often  a  dowry  settlement,  called  in  Tagalog  dialect 
"  bigaycaya"  is  made  in  favour  of  the  bride.  Very  rarely  the  bride's 
property  is  settled  on  the  husband.  I  never  heard  of  such  a  case.  The 
Spanish  laws  relating  to  married  persons1  property  were  quaint.  If 
the  husband  were  poor  and  the  wife  well-off,  so  they  might  remain, 
notwithstanding  the  marriage.  He,  as  a  rule,  became  a  simple  ad- 
ministrator of  her  possessions,  and,  if  honest,  often  depended  on  her 
liberality  to  supply  his  own  necessities.  If  he  became  bankrupt  in  a 
business  in  which  he  employed  also  her  capital  or  possessions,  she 
ranked  as  a  creditor  of  the  second  class  under  the  "  Commercial  Code." 
If  she  died,  the  poor  husband,  under  no  circumstances,  by  legal  right 
(unless  under  a  deed  signed  before  a  notary)  derived  any  benefit  from 
the  fact  of  his  having  espoused  a  rich  wife  :  her  property  passed  to 
their  legitimate  issue,  or — in  default  thereof — to  her  nearest  blood 
relation.  The  children  might  be  rich,  and,  but  for  their  generosity, 
their  father  might  be  destitute,  whilst  the  law  compelled  him  to  render 
a  strict  account  to  them  of  the  administration  of  their  property  during 
their  minority.     This  fact  has  given  rise  to  many  lawsuits. 

A  married  woman  often  signs  her  maiden  name,  sometimes  adding 

"  de  11  (her  husband's  surname).     If  she  survives  him,  she  again 

takes  up  her  nomen  ante  nuptias  amongst  her   old   circle   of  friends, 

and  only  adds  "  widow  of  ,1  to  show  who  she  is  to  the  public 

(if  she  be  in  trade),  or  to  those  who  have  only  known  her  as  a  married 
woman.  The  offspring  use  both  the  parental  surnames,  the  mother's 
coming  after  the  father's ;  hence  it  is  the  more  prominent.  Frequently, 
in  Spanish  documents  requiring  the  mention  of  a  person's  name  in  full, 
the  mother's  maiden  surname  is  revived. 

Thus  marriage,  as  I  understand  the  spirit  of  the  Spanish  law,  seems 
to  be  a  simple  contract  to  legitimize  and  license  procreation. 

Up  to  the  year  1844,  only  a  minority  of  the  christian  natives  had 


Family  names — The  catapusan  179 

distinctive  family  names.  They  were,  before  that  date,  known  by 
certain  harsh  ejaculations,  and  classification  of  families  was  uncared  for 
among  the  majority  of  the  population.  Therefore,  in  that  year,  a  list 
of  Spanish  surnames  was  sent  to  each  parish  priest,  and  every  native 
family  had  to  adopt  a  separate  appellation,  which  has  ever  since  been 
perpetuated.  Hence  one  meets  natives  bearing  illustrious  names  such 
as  Juan  Salcedo,  Juan  de  Austria,  JRianzares,  Ramon  de  Cabrera,  Pio 
Nono  Lopez,  and  a  great  many  Legaspis. 

When  a  wedding  among  natives  was  determined  upon,  the  betrothed 
went  to  the  priest — not  necessarily  together — kissed  his  hand,  and 
informed  him  of  their  intention.  There  was  a  tariff  of  marriage  fees, 
but  the  priest  usually  set  this  aside,  and  fixed  his  charges  according  to 
the  resources  of  the  parties.  This  abuse  of  power  could  hardly  be 
resisted,  as  the  natives  have  a  radicate  aversion  to  being  married 
elsewhere  than  in  the  village  of  the  bride.  The  priest,  too  (not  the 
bride),  usually  had  the  privilege  of  "naming  the  day.""  The  fees 
demanded  were  sometimes  enormous,  the  common  result  being  that 
many  couples  merely  cohabited  under  mutual  vows  because  they  could 
not  pay  the  wedding  expenses. 

The  banns  were  verbally  published  after  the  benediction  following 
the  conclusion  of  the  Mass.  In  the  evening,  prior  to  the  marriage,  it 
was  compulsory  on  the  couple  to  confess  and  obtain  absolution  from 
the  priest.  The  nuptials  almost  invariably  took  place  after  the  first 
Mass,  between  five  and  six  in  the  morning,  and  those  couples  who  were 
spiritually  prepared  first  presented  themselves  for  Communion.  Then  an 
acolyte  placed  over  the  shoulders  of  the  bridal  pair  a  thick  mantle  or 
pall.  The  priest  recited  a  short  formula  of  about  five  minutes1  duration, 
put  his  inteiTogations,  received  the  muttered  responses,  and  all  was 
over.  To  the  espoused,  as  they  left  the  church,  was  tendered  a  bowl 
of  coin  ;  the  bridegroom  passed  a  handful  of  the  contents  to  the  bride, 
who  accepted  it  and  returned  it  to  the  bowl.  This  act  was  symbolical 
of  his  giving  to  her  his  worldly  goods.  Then  they  left  the  church 
with  their  friends,  preserving  that  solemn,  stoical  countenance  common 
to  all  Malay  natives.  There  was  no  visible  sign  of  emotion  as  they  all 
walked  off,  with  the  most  matter-of-fact  indifference,  to  the  paternal 
abode.  This  was  the  custom  under  the  Spaniards,  and  it  still  largely 
obtains  ;  the  Revolution  decreed  civil  marriage,  which  the  Americans 
have  declared  lawful,  but  not  compulsory. 

After  the  marriage  ceremony  the  feast  called  the  Catapusan  1  begins. 
To  this  the  vicar  and  headmen  of  the  villages,  the  immediate  friends 
and   relatives   of  the   allied   families,    and   any    Europeans   who    may 

1  Catapusan  signifies  in  native  dialect  the  gathering  of  friends,  which  terminates 
the  festival  connected  with  any  event  or  ceremony,  whether  it  be  a  wedding,  a 
funeral,  a  baptism,  or  an  election  of  local  authorities,  etc.  The  festivities  after 
a  burial  last  nine  days,  and  on  the  last  day  of  wailing,  drinking,  praying,  and 
eating,  the  meeting  is  called  the  Catapusan. 


180  Dancing — the  balitao;    the  comitan 

happen  to  be  resident  or  sojourning,  are  invited.  The  table  is  spread, 
a  la  Russe,  with  all  the  good  things  procurable  served  at  the  same 
time — sweetmeats  predominating.  Imported  beer,  Dutch  gin,  chocolate, 
etc.,  are  also  in  abundance.  After  the  early  repast,  both  men  and 
women  are  constantly  being  offered  betel-nut  to  masticate,  and  cigars 
or  cigarettes,  according  to  choice. 

Meanwhile,  the  company  is  entertained  by  native  dancers.  Two  at 
a  time — a  young  man  and  woman — stand  vis-a-vis  and  alternately  sing 
a  love  ditty,  the  burthen  of  the  theme  usually  opening  by  the  regret 
of  the  young  man  that  his  amorous  overtures  have  been  disregarded. 
Explanations  follow,  in  the  poetic  dialogue,  as  the  parties  dance 
around  each  other,  keeping  a  slow  step  to  the  plaintive  strains  of  music. 
This  is  called  the  Balitao.     It  is  most  popular  in  Visayas. 

Another  dance  is  performed  by  a  young  woman  only.  If  well 
executed  it  is  extremely  graceful.  The  girl  begins  singing  a  few 
words  in  an  ordinary  tone,  when  her  voice  gradually  drops  to  the 
diminuendo,  whilst  her  slow  gesticulations  and  the  declining  vigour  of 
the  music  together  express  her  forlornness.  Then  a  ray  of  joy  seems 
momentarily  to  lighten  her  mental  anguish ;  the  spirited  crescendo 
notes  gently  return  ;  the  tone  of  the  melody  swells ;  her  measured 
step  and  action  energetically  quicken — until  she  lapses  again  into 
resigned  sorrow,  and  so  on  alternately.  Coy  in  repulse,  and  languid  in 
surrender,  the  danseuse  in  the  end  forsakes  her  sentiment  of  melancholy 
for  elated  passion. 

The  native  dances  are  numerous.  Another  of  the  most  typical,  is 
that  of  a  girl  writhing  and  dancing  a  pas  seul  with  a  glass  of  water  on 
her  head.     This  is  known  as  the  Comitan. 

When  Europeans  are  present,  the  bride  usually  retires  into  the 
kitchen  or  a  back  room,  and  only  puts  in  an  appearance  after  repeated 
requests.  The  conversation  rarely  turns  upon  the  event  of  the 
meeting  ;  there  is  not  the  slightest  outward  manifestation  of  affection 
between  the  newly-united  couple,  who,  during  the  feast,  are  only  seen 
together  by  mere  accident.  If  there  are  European  guests,  the  repast 
is  served  three  times— firstly  for  the  Europeans  and  headmen,  secondly 
for  the  males  of  less  social  dignity,  and  lastly  for  the  women.  Neither 
at  the  table  nor  in  the  reception-room  do  the  men  and  women 
mingle,  except  for  perhaps  the  first  quarter  of  an  hour  after  the 
arrival,  or  whilst  dancing  continues. 

About  an  hour  after  the  mid-day  meal,  those  who  are  not  lodging 
at  the  house  return  to  their  respective  residences  to  sleep  the  siesta. 
On  an  occasion  like  this — at  a  Catapusan  given  for  any  reason — native 
outsiders,  from  anywhere,  always  invade  the  kitchen  in  a  mob,  lounge 
around  doorways,  fill  up  corners,  and  drop  in  for  the  feast  uninvited, 
and  it  is  usual  to  be  liberally  complaisant  to  all  comers. 

As  a  rule,  the  married  couple  live  with  the  parents  of  one  or  the 


The  asuan — Mixed  marriages  181 

other,  at  least  until  the  family  inconveniently  increases.  In  old  age,  the 
elder  members  of  the  families  come  under  the  protection  of  the  younger 
ones  quite  as  a  matter  of  course.  In  any  case,  a  newly-married  pair 
seldom  reside  alone.  Relations  from  all  parts  flock  in.  Cousins,  uncles 
and  aunts,  of  more  or  less  distant  grade,  hang  on  to  the  recently- 
established  household,  if  it  be  not  extremely  poor.  Even  when  a 
European  marries  a  native  woman,  she  is  certain  to  introduce  some 
vagabond  relation — a  drone  to  hive  with  the  bees — a  condition  quite 
inevitable,  unless  the  husband  be  a  man  of  specially  determined  character. 

Death  at  childbirth  is  very  common,  and  it  is  said  that  25  per 
cent,  of  the  new-born  children  die  within  a  month. 

Among  the  lowest  classes,  whilst  a  woman  is  lying-in,  the  husband 
closes  all  the  windows  to  prevent  the  evil  spirit  {asuan)  entering ; 
sometimes  he  will  wave  about  a  stick  or  bowie-knife  at  the  door,  or 
on  top  of  the  roof,  for  the  same  purpose.  Even  among  the  most 
enlightened,  at  the  present  day,  the  custom  of  shutting  the  windows 
is  inherited  from  their  superstitious  forefathers,  probably  in  ignorance 
of  the  origin  of  this  usage. 

In  Spanish  times  it  was  considered  rather  an  honour  than  otherwise 
to  have  children  by  a  priest,  and  little  secret  was  made  of  it. 

In  October,  1888,  I  was  in  a  village  near  Manila,  at  the  bedside  of 
a  sick  friend,  when  the  curate  entered.  He  excused  himself  for  not 
having  called  earlier,  by  explaining  that  "  Turing "  had  sent  him  a 
message  informing  him  that  as  the  vicar  (a  native)  had  gone  to  Manila, 
he  might  take  charge  of  the  church  and  parish.  "  Is  '  Turing '  an 
assistant  curate  ? "  I  inquired.  My  friend  and  the  pastor  were  so 
convulsed  with  laughter  at  the  idea,  that  it  was  quite  five  minutes 
before  they  could  explain  that  the  intimation  respecting  the  parochial 
business  emanated  from  the  absent  vicar's  bonne  amie. 

Consanguine  marriages  are  very  common,  and  perhaps  this  accounts 
for  the  low  intellect  and  mental  debility  perceptible  in  many  families. 

Poor  parents  offer  their  girls  to  Europeans  for  a  loan  of  money,  and 
they  are  admitted  under  the  pseudonym  of  sempstress  or  housekeeper. 
Natives  among  themselves  do  not  kiss — they  smell  each  other,  or  rather, 
they  place  the  nose  and  lip  on  the  cheek  and  draw  a  long  breath. 

Marriages  between  Spaniards  and  pure  native  women,  although  less 
frequent  than  formerly,  still  take  place.  Since  1899  many  Americans, 
too,  have  taken  pure  native  wives.  It  is  difficult  to  apprehend  an 
alliance  so  incongruous,  there  being  no  affinity  of  ideas,  the  only 
condition  in  common  being,  that  they  are  both  human  beings  professing 
Christianity.  The  husband  is  either  drawn  towards  the  level  of  the 
native  by  this  heterogeneous  relationship,  or,  in  despair  of  remedying 
the  error  of  a  passing  passion,  he  practically  ignores  his  wife  in  his  own 
social  connections.  Each  forms  then  a  distinct  circle  of  friends  of  his, 
or  her,  own  selection,  whilst  the  woman  is  but  slightly  raised  above  her 


182  The  Half-caste  f mestizo,) 

own  class  by  the  white  man's  influence  and  contact.  There  are  some 
exceptions,  but  I  have  most  frequently  observed  in  the  houses  of 
Europeans  married  to  native  women  in  the  provinces,  that  the  wives 
make  the  kitchen  their  chief  abode,  and  are  only  seen  by  the  visitor 
when  some  domestic  duty  requires  them  to  move  about  the  house. 
Familiarity  breeds  contempt,  and  these  mesalliances  diminish  the 
dignity  of  the  superior  race  by  reducing  the  birth-origin  of  both  parents 
to  a  common  level  in  their  children. 

The  Spanish  half-breeds  and  Creoles  constitute  a  very  influential 
body.  A  great  number  of  them  are  established  in  trade  in  Manila  and 
the  provinces.  Due  to  their  European  descent,  more  or  less  distant, 
they  are  of  quicker  perception,  greater  tact,  and  gifted  with  wider 
intellectual  faculties  than  the  pure  Oriental  class.  Also,  the  Chinese 
half-breeds, — a  caste  of  Chinese  fathers  and  Philippine  mothers, — who 
form  about  one-sixth  of  the  Manila  population,  are  shrewder  than  the 
natives  of  pure  extraction,  their  striking  characteristic  being  distrust 
and  suspicion  of  another's  intentions.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the 
Chinese  half-caste  speaks  with  as  much  contempt  of  the  Chinaman  as  the 
thorough-bred  Filipino  does,  and  would  fain  hide  his  paternal  descent. 
There  are  numbers  of  Spanish  half-breeds  fairly  well  educated,  and  just 
a  few  of  them  very  talented.  Many  of  them  have  succeeded  in  making 
pretty  considerable  fortunes  in  their  negotiations,  as  middlemen,  between 
the  provincial  natives  and  the  European  commercial  houses.  Their  true 
social  position  is  often  an  equivocal  one,  and  the  complex  question 
has  constantly  to  be  confronted  whether  to  regard  a  Spanish  demi-sang 
from  a  native  or  European  standpoint.  Among  themselves  they  are 
continually  struggling  to  attain  the  respect  and  consideration  accorded 
to  the  superior  class,  whilst  their  connexions  and  purely  native  relations 
link  them  to  the  other  side.  In  this  perplexing  mental  condition,  we 
find  them  on  the  one  hand  striving  in  vain  to  disown  their  affinity 
to  the  inferior  races,  and  on  the  other  hand,  jealous  of  their  true-born 
European  acquaintances.  A  morosity  of  disposition  is  the  natural 
outcome.  Their  character  generally  is  evasive  and  vacillating.  They 
are  captious,  fond  of  litigation,  and  constantly  seeking  subterfuges. 
They  appear  always  dissatisfied  with  their  lot  in  life,  and  inclined 
to  foster  grievances  against  whoever  may  be  in  office  over  them. 
Pretentious  in  the  extreme,  they  are  fond  of  pomp  and  paltry  show, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  trace  any  popular  movement,  for  good  or  for 
evil,  without  discovering  a  half-breed  initiator,  or  leader,  of  one  caste 
or  another.     They  are  locally  denominated  Mestizos. 

The  Jesuit  Father,  Pedro  Murillo  Velarde,  at  p.  272  of  his  work 
on  this  Colony,  expressed  his  opinion  of  the  political-economical  result 
of  mixed  marriages  to  the  following  effect : — "  Now,"  he  says,  "  we  have 
a  querulous,  discontented  population  of  half-castes,  who,  sooner  or 
later,  will   bring  about  a  distracted  state  of  society,  and  occupy  the 


rr  'ME 
UNIVERSITY 

OF 


Holy  Child  of  Cebu — Saint  Francis  of  Tears      183 

whole  force  of  the  Government  to  stamp  out  the  discord."     How  far 
the  prophecy  was  fulfilled  will  be  seen  in  another  chapter. 

Being  naturally  prone  to  superstitious  beliefs,  the  Islanders  accepted, 
without  doubting,  all  the  fantastic  tales  which  the  early  missionaries 
taught  them.  Miraculous  crosses  healed  the  sick,  cured  the  plague, 
and  scared  away  the  locusts.  Images,  such  as  the  Holy  Child  of  Bafigi, 
relieved  them  of  all  worldly  sufferings.  To  this  day  they  revere  many 
of  these  objects,  which  are  still  preserved. 

The  most  ancient  miraculous  image  in  these  Islands  appears  to  be 
the  Santo  Nino  de  Cebu — the  Holy  Child  of  Cebu.  It  is  recorded  that 
on  July  28,  1565,  an  image  of  the  Child  Jesus  was  found  on  Cebu 
Island  shore  by  a  Basque  soldier  named  Juan  de  Camus.  It  was 
venerated  and  kept  by  the  Austin  friars.  Irreverent  persons  have 
alleged  it  was  a  pagan  idol.  Against  this,  it  may  be  argued  that  the 
heathen  Cebuanos  were  not  known  to  have  been  idolaters.  In  1627  a 
fire  occurred  in  Cebu  city,  when  the  Churches  of  Saint  Nicholas  and 
of  the  Holy  Child  were  burnt  down.  The  image  was  saved,  and 
temporarily  placed  in  charge  of  the  Recoleto  friars.  A  fire  also  took 
place  on  the  site  of  the  first  cross  erected  on  the  island  by  Father 
Martin  de  Rada,  the  day  Legaspi  landed,  and  it  is  said  that  this  cross, 
although  made  of  bamboo,  was  not  consumed.  There  now  stands  an 
Oratory,  wherein  on  special  occasions  is  exposed  the  original  cross. 
Close  by  is  the  modern  Church  of  the  Holy  Child. 

In  June,  1887,  the  Prior  of  the  convent  conducted  me  to  the  strong- 
room where  the  wonderful  image  is  kept.  The  Saint  is  of  wood,  about 
fifteen  inches  high,  and  laden  with  silver  trinkets,  which  have  been 
presented  on  different  occasions.  When  exposed  to  public  view,  it  has 
the  honours  of  field-marshal  accorded  to  it.  It  is  a  mystic  deity 
with  ebon  features — so  different  from  the  lovely  Child  presented  to 
us  on  canvas  by  the  great  masters !  During  the  feast  held  in  its 
honour  (January  20),  pilgrims  from  the  remotest  districts  of  the  island 
and  from  across  the  seas  come  to  purify  their  souls  at  the  shrine  of 
"  The  Holy  Child."  In  the  same  room  was  a  beautiful  image  of  the 
Madonna,  besides  two  large  tin  boxes  containing  sundry  arms,  legs, 
and  heads  of  Saints,  with  their  robes  in  readiness  for  adjustment  on 
procession  days.     The  patron  of  Cebu  City  is  Saint  Vidal. 

The  legend  of  the  celestial  protector  of  Manila  is  not  less  interesting. 
It  is  related  that  in  Dilao  (now  called  Paco),  near  Manila,  a  wooden 
image  of  Saint  Francis  de  Assisi,  which  was  in  the  house  of  a  native 
named  Alonso  Cuyapit,  was  seen  to  weep  so  copiously  that  many  cloths 
were  moistened  by  its  tears.  The  image,  with  its  hands  outspread 
during  three  hours,  invoked  God's  blessing  on  Manila.  And  then,  on 
closing  its  hands,  it  grasped  a  cross  and  skull.  Vows  were  made  to  the 
Saint,  who  was  declared  protector  of  the  capital,  and  the  same  image 


184      Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay — Virgin  of  Antipolo 

is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Franciscan  Church,  under  the  appellation  of 
San  Francisco  de  las  lagrimas — "  Saint  Francis  of  Tears." 

Up  to  the  seventies  of  last  century,  a  disgusting  spectacle  used  to  be 
annually  witnessed  at  the  Church  of  San  Miguel  (Manila)  on  December  8  ; 
it  was  a  realistic  representation  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  ! 

"  Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay,"  near  Taal  (Batangas),  has  been  revered 
for  many  years  both  by  Europeans  and  natives.  So  enthusiastic  was 
the  belief  in  the  miraculous  power  of  this  image,  that  the  galleons, 
when  passing  the  Batangas  coast  on  their  way  to  and  from  Mexico, 
were  accustomed  to  fire  a  salute  from  their  guns  {vide  pp.  18,  19). 
This  image  was  picked  up  by  a  native  in  his  fishing-net,  and  he 
placed  it  in  a  cave,  where  it  was  discovered  by  other  natives,  who 
imagined  they  saw  many  extraordinary  lights  around  it.  According 
to  the  local  legend,  they  heard  sweet  sonorous  music  -proceeding  from 
the  same  spot,  and  the  image  came  forward  and  spoke  to  a  native 
woman,  who  had  brought  her  companions  to  adore  the  Saint. 

The  history  of  the  many  shrines  all  over  the  Colony  would  well  fill 
a  volume ;  however,  by  far  the  most  popular  one  is  that  of  the  Virgin 
of  Antipolo — Nuestra  Seno?'a  de  Buen  Viaje  y  de  la  Paz,  "  Our  Lady 
of  Good  Voyage  and  Peace.11 

This  image  is  said  to  have  wrought  many  miracles.  It  was  first 
brought  from  Acapulco  (Mexico)  in  1626  in  the  State  galleon,  by  Juan 
Nino  de  Tabora,  who  was  appointed  Gov. -General  of  these  Islands 
(1626-32)  by  King  Philip  IV.  The  Saint,  it  is  alleged,  had  encountered 
numberless  reverses  between  that  time  and  the  year  1672,  since  which 
date  it  has  been  safely  lodged  in  the  Parish  Church  of  Antipolo — a 
village  in  the  old  Military  District  of  Mdrong  (Rizal  Province) — in  the 
custody  of  the  Austin  friars.  In  the  month  of  May,  thousands  of 
people  repair  to  this  shrine  ;  indeed,  this  village  of  3,800  inhabitants 
(diminished  to  2,800  in  1903)  chiefly  depends  upon  the  pilgrims  for  its 
existence,  for  the  land  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Antipolo  is  all 
mountainous  and  very  limited  in  extent.  The  priests  also  do  a  very 
good  trade  in  prints  of  Saints,  rosaries,  etc.,  for  the  sale  of  which,  in 
Spanish  times,  they  used  to  open  a  shop  during  the  feast  inside  and  just 
in  front  of  the  convent  entrance.  The  total  amount  of  money  spent  in 
the  village  by  visitors  during  the  pilgrimage  has  been  roughly  computed 
to  be  P.  30,000.     They  come  from  all  parts  of  the  Islands. 

The  legends  of  the  Saint  are  best  described  in  a  pamphlet  published 
in  Manila,1  from  which  I  take  the  following  information. 

The  writer  says  that  the  people  of  Acapulco  (Mexico)  were  loth  to 
part  with  their  Holy  Image,  but  the  saintly  Virgin  herself,  desirous 
of  succouring  the  inhabitants  of  the  Spanish  Indies,  smoothed  all 
difficulties.     During  her  first  voyage,  in  the  month  of  March,  1626,  a 

1  "Historia  de  Nuestra  Sefiora  La  Virgen  de  Antipolo/'  by  M.  Romero.  Pub- 
lished in  Manila,  1886. 


The  Virgin  of  Antipolo  185 

tempest  arose,  which  was  calmed  by  the  Virgin,  and  all  arrived  safely 
in  the  ealleon  at  the  shores  of  Manila.  She  was  then  carried  in 
procession  to  the  Cathedral,  whilst  the  church  bells  tolled  and  the 
artillery  thundered  forth  salutes  of  welcome.  A  solemn  Mass  was  cele- 
brated, which  all  the  religious  communities,  civil  authorities,  and  a 
multitude  of  people  attended. 

Six  years  afterwards  the  Gov.-General  Juan  Nino  de  Tabora  died. 
By  his  will  he  intrusted  the  Virgin  to  the  care  of  the  Jesuits,  whilst 
a  church  was  being  built  under  the  direction  of  Father  Juan  Salazar 
for  her  special  reception.  During  the  erection  of  this  church,  the  Virgin 
often  descended  from  the  altar  and  exhibited  herself  amongst  the  flowery 
branches  of  a  tree,  called  by  the  natives  Antipolo  (Artocarpus  incisa). 
The  tree  itself  was  thenceforth  regarded  as  a  precious  relic  by  the  natives, 
who,  leaf  by  leaf  and  branch  by  branch,  were  gradually  carrying  it 
off.  Then  Father  Salazar  decreed  that  the  tree-trunk  should  serve 
for  a  pedestal  to  the  Divine  Miraculous  Image — hence  the  title  "  Virgin 
of  Antipolo."1'' 

In  1639  the  Chinese  rebelled  against  the  Spanish  authority  (vide 
p.  115).  In  their  furious  march  through  the  ruins  and  the  blood  of 
their  victims,  and  amidst  the  wailing  of  the  crowd,  they  attacked  the 
Sanctuary  wherein  reposed  the  Virgin.  Seizing  the  Holy  Image,  they 
cast  it  into  the  flames,  and  when  all  around  was  reduced  to  ashes, 
there  stood  the  Virgin  of  Antipolo,  resplendent,  with  her  hair,  her 
lace,  her  ribbons  and  adornments  intact,  and  her  beautiful  body  of 
brass  without  wound  or  blemish  !  Passionate  at  seeing  frustrated  their 
designs  to  destroy  the  deified  protectress  of  the  Christians,  a  wanton 
infidel  stabbed  her  in  the  face,  and  all  the  resources  of  art  have  ever 
failed  to  heal  the  lasting  wound.  Again  the  Virgin  was  enveloped  in 
flames,  which  hid  the  appalling  sight  of  her  burning  entrails.  Now 
the  Spanish  troops  arrived,  and  fell  upon  the  heretical  marauders  with 
great  slaughter  ;  then,  glancing  with  trembling  anxiety  upon  the  scene 
of  the  outrage,  behold  !  with  glad  astonishment  they  descried  the  Holy 
Image  upon  a  smouldering  pile  of  ashes — unhurt  !  With  renewed 
enthusiasm,  the  Spanish  warriors  bore  away  the  Virgin  on  their  shoulders 
in  triumph,  and  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera,  the  Gov.-General  at 
the  time,  had  her  conveyed  to  Cavite  to  be  the  patroness  of  the  faithful 
upon  the  high  seas. 

A  galleon  arrived  at  Cavite,  and  being  unable  to  go  into  port,  the 
commander  anchored  off  at  a  distance.  Then  the  new  Gov.-General, 
Diego  Fajardo  (1644-53),  sent  the  Virgin  on  board,  and,  by  her  help, 
a  passage  was  found  for  the  vessel  to  enter. 

Later  on,  twelve  Dutch  warships  appeared  off  Mariveles,  the  north- 
western extremity  of  Manila  Bay.  They  had  come  to  attack  Cavite, 
and  in  their  hour  of  danger  the  Spaniards  appealed  to  the  Virgin,  who 
gave  them  a  complete  victory  over  the  Dutchmen,  causing  them  to  flee, 


186  The  Virgin  of  Antipolo 

with  their  commander  mortally  wounded.  During  the  affray,  the  Virgin 
had  been  taken  away  for  safety  on  board  the  San  Diego,  commanded  by 
Cepeda.  In  1650  this  vessel  returned,  and  the  pious  prelate,  Jose 
Millan  Poblete,1  thought  he  perceived  clear  indications  of  an  eager  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  Virgin  to  retire  to  her  Sanctuary.  The  people,  too, 
clamoured  for  the  Saint,  attributing  the  many  calamities  with  which 
they  were  afflicted  at  that  period  to  her  absence  from  their  shores. 
Assailed  by  enemies,  frequently  threatened  by  the  Dutch,  lamenting  the 
loss  of  several  galleons,  and  distressed  by  a  serious  earthquake,  their 
only  hope  reposed  in  the  beneficent  aid  of  the  Virgin  of  Antipolo. 

But  the  galleon  San  Francisco  Xavier  feared  to  make  the  journey 
to  Mexico  without  the  saintly  support,  and  for  the  sixth  time  the 
Virgin  crossed  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In  Acapulco  the  galleon  lay  at  anchor 
until  March,  1653,  when  the  newly-appointed  Gov.-General,  Sabiniano 
Manrique  de  Lara,  Archbishop  Miguel  Poblete,  Father  Rodrigo 
Cardenas,  Bishop-elect  of  Cagayan,  and  many  other  passengers  embarked 
and  set  sail  for  Manila.  Their  sufferings  during  the  voyage  were 
horrible.  Almost  overcome  by  a  violent  storm,  the  ship  became 
unmanageable.  Rain  poured  in  torrents,  whilst  her  decks  were  washed 
by  the  surging  waves,  and  all  was  on  the  point  of  utter  destruction.  In 
this  plight  the  Virgin  was  exhorted,  and  not  in  vain,  for  at  her  command 
the  sea  lessened  its  fury,  the  wind  calmed,  black  threatening  clouds 
dispersed,  all  the  terrors  of  the  voyage  ceased,  and  under  a  beautiful 
blue  sky  a  fair  wind  wafted  the  galleon  safely  to  the  port  of  Cavite. 

These  circumstances  gained  for  the  Saint  the  title  of  "  Virgin  of 
Good  Voyage  and  Peace '', ;  and  the  sailors, — who  gratefully  acknowledged 
that  their  lives  were  saved  by  her  sublime  intercession, — followed  by  the 
ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  military  chiefs,  carried  the  image  to  her 
retreat  in  Antipolo  (September  8,  1653),  where  it  was  intended  she 
should  permanently  remain.  However,  deprived  of  the  succour  of 
the  Saint,  misfortunes  again  overtook  the  galleons.  Three  of  them 
were  lost,  and  the  writer  of  the  brochure  to  which  I  refer  supposes 
(Chap,  iv.)  that  perchance  the  sea,  suffering  from  the  number  of 
furrows  cut  by  the  keels  of  the  ships,  had  determined  to  take  a  fierce 
revenge  by  swallowing  them  up  ! 

Once  more,  therefore,  the  Virgin  condescended  to  accompany  a 
galleon  to  Mexico,  bringing  her  back  safely  to  Philippine  shores  in  1672. 

This  was  the  Virgin's  last  sea  voyage.  Again,  and  for  ever,  she 
was  conveyed  by  the  joyous  multitude  to  her  resting-place  in  Antipolo 
Church,  and  on  her  journey  thither,  there  was  not  a  flower,  adds  the 
chronicler,  which  did  not  greet  her  by  opening  a  bud — not  a  mountain 
pigeon  which  remained  in  silence,  whilst  the  breezes  and  the  rivulets 
poured  forth  their  silent  murmurings  of  ecstasy.     Saintly  guardian  of  the 

1  He  became  a  prelate  twenty-one  years  afterwards,  having  been  ordained 
Bishop  of  Nueva  Segovia  in  1671. 


Miraculous  Saints  187 


soul,  dispersing  mundane  evils  ! — no  colours,  the  chronicler  tells  us,  can 
paint  the  animation  of  the  faithful ;  no  discourse  can  describe  the 
consolation  of  the  pilgrims  in  their  adoration  at  the  Shrine  of  the  Holy 
Virgin  of  Antipole 

Yet  the  village  of  Antipolo  and  its  neighbourhood  was,  in  Spanish 
times,  the  centre  of  brigandage,  the  resort  of  murderous  highwaymen, 
the  focus  of  crime.  What  a  strange  contrast  to  the  sublime  virtues 
of  the  immortal  divinity  enclosed  within  its  Sanctuary  ! 

On  November  26,  1904,  this  miraculous  Image  was  temporarily 
removed  from  Antipolo  to  Manila  for  the  celebration  of  the  feast  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception.  Carried  by  willing  hands  to  the  place  of 
embarkation,  it  made  the  voyage  to  the  capital,  down  the  Pasig  River, 
in  a  gorgeously  decorated  barge,  towed  by  a  steam  launch,  escorted  by 
hundreds  of  floating  craft  and  over  20,000  natives,  marching  along 
the  river  banks  in  respectful  accompaniment.  The  next  day  a  pro- 
cession of  about  35,000  persons  followed  the  Virgin  to  the  Cathedral 
of  Manila,  where  she  was  enshrined,  awaiting  the  great  event  of 
December  8.     Subsequently  she  was  restored  to  her  shrine  at  Antipolo. 

The  most  lucrative  undertaking  in  the  Colony  is  that  of  a  shrine. 
It  yields  all  gain,  without  possible  loss.  Among  the  most  popular  of 
these  "  Miraculous  Saint  Shows "  was  that  of  Gusi,  belonging  to  the 
late  parish  priest  of  Hug,  in  Negros  Island.  At  Gusi,  half  an  hour's 
walk  from  the  Father's  parish  church,  was  enthroned  San  Joaquin,  who, 
for  a  small  consideration,  consoled  the  faithful  or  relieved  them  of 
their  sufferings.  His  spouse,  Santa  Ana,  having  taken  up  her  residence 
in  the  town  of  Molo  (Yloilo  Province),  was  said  to  have  been  visited  by 
San  Joaquin  once  a  year.  He  was  absent  on  the  journey  at  least  a 
fortnight,  but  the  waters  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Shrine  being 
sanctified  the  clientele  was  not  dispersed.  Some  sceptics  have  dared  to 
doubt  whether  San  Joaquin  really  paid  this  visit  to  his  saintly  wife, 
and  alleged  that  his  absence  was  feigned,  firstly  to  make  his  presence 
longed  for,  and  secondly  to  remove  the  cobwebs  from  his  hallowed 
brow,  and  give  him  a  wash  and  brush  up  for  the  year.  The  Shrine 
paid  well  for  years — every  devotee  leaving  his  mite.  At  the  time  of 
my  pilgrimage  there,  the  holy  Father's  son  was  the  petty-governor 
of  the  same  town  of  Hug. 

Shrine-owners  are  apparently  no  friends  of  free  trade.  In  1888 
there  was  a  great  commotion  amongst  them  when  it  was  discovered 
that  a  would-be  competitor  and  a  gownsman  had  conspired,  in 
Pampanga  Province,  to  establish  a  Miraculous  Saint,  by  concealing 
an  image  in  a  field  in  order  that  it  should  "  make  itself  manifest  to 
the  faithful,11  and  thenceforth  become  a  source  of  income. 

It  is  notorious  that  in  a  church  near  Manila,  a  few  years  ago,  an 
image  was  made  to  move  the  parts  of  its  body  as  the  reverend  preacher 


188  Miraculous  Saints — Doll-saints 

exhorted  it  in  the  course  of  his  sermon.  When  he  appealed  to  the 
Saint,  it  wagged  its  head  or  extended  its  arms,  whilst  the  female 
audience  wept  and  wailed.  Such  a  scandalous  disturbance  did  it 
provoke  that  the  exhibition  was  even  too  monstrous  for  the  clergy 
themselves,  and  the  Archbishop  prohibited  it.  But  religion  has  many 
wealth-producing  branches.  In  January,  1889,  a  friend  of  mine  showed 
me  an  account  rendered  by  the  Superior  of  the  Jesuits'  School  for  the 
education  of  his  sons,  each  of  whom  was  charged  with  one  peso  as  a 
gratuity  to  the  Pope,  to  induce  him  to  canonize  a  deceased  member  of 
their  Order.  I  have  been  most  positively  assured  by  friends,  whose 
good  faith  I  ought  not  to  doubt,  that  San  Pascual  Baildn  really  has, 
on  many  occasions,  had  compassion  on  barren  women  (their  friends)  and 
given  them  offspring.  Jose  Rizal,  in  his  "  Noli  me  tangere "  hints 
that  the  real  Pascual  was  a  friar. 

Trading  upon  the  credulity  of  devout  enthusiasts  by  fetishism  and 
shrine  quackery  is  not  altogether  confined  to  the  ecclesiastics.  A  Spanish 
layman  in  Yloilo,  some  few  years  ago,  when  he  was  an  official  of  the 
prison,  known  as  the  "  Cotta,"  conceived  the  idea  of  declaring  that  the 
Blessed  Virgin  and  Child  Jesus  had  appeared  in  the  prison  well,  where 
they  took  a  bath  and  disappeared.  When,  at  length,  the  belief 
became  popular,  hundreds  of  natives  went  there  to  get  water  from  the 
well,  and  the  official  imposed  a  tax  on  the  pilgrims,  whereby  he  became 
possessed  of  a  modest  fortune,  and  owned  two  of  the  best  houses  in  the 
Square  of  Yloilo. 

The  Feast  of  Tigbauang  (near  Yloilo),  which  takes  place  in  January, 
is  also  much  frequented  on  account  of  the  miracles  performed  by  the 
patron  Saint  of  the  town.  The  faith  in  the  power  of  this  minor 
divinity  to  dispel  bodily  suffering  is  so  deeply  rooted  that  members 
of  the  most  enlightened  families  of  Yloilo  and  the  neighbouring 
towns  go  to  Tigbauang  simply  to  attend  High  Mass,  and  return  at 
once.  I  have  seen  steamers  entering  Yloilo  from  this  feast  so  crowded 
with  passengers  that  there  was  only  standing  room  for  them. 

An  opprobrious  form  of  religious  imposture — perhaps  the  most 
contemptible — which  frequently  offended  the  public  eye,  before  the 
American  advent,  was  the  practice  of  prowling  about  with  doll-saints 
in  the  streets  and  public  highways.  A  vagrant,  too  lazy  to  earn  an 
honest  subsistence,  procured  a  licence  from  the  monks  to  hawk  about 
a  wooden  box  containing  a  doll  or  print  covered  by  a  pane  of  glass. 
This  he  offered  to  hold  before  the  nose  of  any  ignorant  passer-by 
who  was  willing  to  pay  for  the  boon  of  kissing  the  glass  ! 

During  Holy  Week,  a  few  years  ago,  the  captain  of  the  Civil  Guard 
in  Tayabas  Province  went  to  the  town  of  Atimonan,  and  saw  natives 
in  the  streets  almost  in  a  state  of  nudity  doing  penance  "  for  the  wounds 
of  Our  Lord.11  They  were  actually  beating  themselves  with  flails,  some 
of  which  were  made  of  iron  chain,  and  others  of  rope  with  thongs  of 


Santones — Native  conception  of  religion  189 

rattan-cane.  Having  confiscated  the  flails — one  of  which  he  gave  to 
me — he  effectually  assisted  the  fanatics  in  their  penitent  castigation. 
Alas !  to  what  excesses  will  faith,  unrestrained  by  reason,  bring  one ! 

The  result  of  tuition  in  mystic  influences  is  sometimes  manifested 
in  the  appearance  of  native  Santones — indolent  scamps  who  roam  about 
in  remote  villages,  feigning  the  possession  of  supernatural  gifts,  the 
faculty  of  saving  souls,  and  the  healing  art,  with  the  object  of  living 
at  the  expense  of  the  ignorant.  I  never  happened  to  meet  more  than 
one  of  these  creatures — an  escaped  convict  named  Apolonio,  a  native 
of  Cabuyao  (Laguna),  who,  assuming  the  character  of  a  prophet  and 
worker  of  miracles,  had  fled  to  the  neighbourhood  of  San  Pablo  village. 
I  have  often  heard  of  them  in  other  places,  notably  in  Capis  Province, 
where  the  Santones  were  vigorously  pursued  by  the  Civil  Guard,  and 
as  recently  as  May,  1904,  a  notorious  humbug  of  this  class,  styling 
himself  Pope  Isio,  alias  Nazarenong  Gala,  was  arrested  in  West  Negros 
and  punished  under  American  authority. 

The  Spanish  clergy  were  justifiably  zealous  in  guarding  the  Filipinos 
from  a  knowledge  of  other  doctrines  which  would  only  lead  them  to 
immeasurable  bewilderment.  Hence  all  the  civilized  natives  were  Roman 
Catholics  exclusively.  The  strict  obedience  to  one  system  of  Christianity, 
even  in  its  grossly  perverted  form,  had  the  effect  desired  by  the 
State,  of  bringing  about  social  unity  to  an  advanced  degree.  Yet, 
so  far  as  I  have  observed,  the  native  seems  to  understand  extremely 
little  of  the  "  inward  and  spiritual  grace  "  of  religion.  He  is  so 
material  and  realistic,  so  devoid  of  all  conception  of  things  abstract, 
that  his  ideas  rarely,  if  ever,  soar  beyond  the  contemplation  of  the 
"  outward  and  visible  signs "  of  christian  belief.  The  symbols  of 
faith  and  the  observance  of  religious  rites  are  to  him  religion  itself. 
He  also  confounds  morality  with  religion.  Natives  go  to  church 
because  it  is  the  custom.  Often  if  a  native  cannot  put  on  a  clean 
shirt,  he  abstains  from  going  to  Mass.  The  petty-governor  of  a  town 
was  compelled  to  go  to  High  Mass  accompanied  by  his  "  ministry."  In 
some  towns  the  Barangay  Chiefs  were  fined  or  beaten  if  they  were 
absent  from  church  on  Sundays  and  certain  Feast  Days.1 

As  to  the  women,  little  or  no  pressure  was  necessary  to  oblige  them 
to  attend  Mass  ;  many  of  them  pass  half  their  existence  between  private 
devotion  and  the  confessional. 

1  A  decree  issued  by  Don  Juan  de  Ozaeta,  a  magistrate  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
in  his  general  visit  of  inspection  to  the  provinces,  dated  May  26,  1696,  enacts 
the  following,  viz.  : — "  That  Chinese  half-castes  and  headmen  shall  be  compelled 
"  to  go  to  church  and  attend  Divine  Service,  and  act  according  to  the  customs 
"established  in  the  villages."  The  penalty  for  an  infraction  of  this  mandate  by 
a  male  was  "  20  lashes  in  the  public  highway  and  two  months'  labour  in  the  Royal 
Rope  Walk  (in  Taal),  or  in  the  Galleys  of  Cavite."  If  the  delinquent  was  a  female, 
the  chastisement  was  "  one  month  of  public  penance  in  the  church."  The  Alcalde 
or  Governor  of  the  Province  who  did  not  promptly  inflict  the  punishment  was  to 
be  mulcted  in  the  sum  of  "  P. 200,  to  be  paid  to  the  Royal  Treasury." 


190  A  'penitent  milkman — Music 

The  parish  priest  of  Lipa  (Batangas)  related  to  a  friend  of  mine  that 
having  on  one  occasion  distributed  all  his  stock  of  pictures  of  the 
Saints  to  those  who  had  come  to  see  him  on  parochial  business,  he 
had  to  content  the  last  suppliant  with  an  empty  raisin-box,  without 
noticing  that  on  the  lid  there  was  a  coloured  print  of  Garibaldi.  Later 
on  Garibaldi's  portrait  was  seen  in  a  hut  in  one  of  the  suburbs  with 
candles  around  it,  being  adored  as  a  Saint. 

A  curious  case  of  native  religious  philosophy  was  reported  in  a 
Manila  newspaper.1  A  milkman,  accused  by  one  of  his  customers  of 
having  adulterated  the  milk,  of  course  denied  it  at  first,  and  then, 
yielding  to  more  potent  argument  than  words,  he  confessed  that  he 
had  diluted  the  milk  with  holy  water  from  the  church  fonts,  for  at 
the  same  time  that  he  committed  the  sin  he  was  penitent. 

Undoubtedly  Roman  Catholicism  appears  to  be  the  form  of 
Christianity  most  successful  in  proselytizing  uncivilized  races,  which  are 
impressed  more  through  their  eyes  than  their  understanding.  If  the 
grandeur  of  the  ritual,  the  magnificence  of  the  processions,  the  lustre 
of  the  church  vessels  and  the  images  themselves  have  never  been 
understood  by  the  masses  in  the  strictly  symbolic  sense  in  which  they 
appeal  to  us,  at  least  they  have  had  their  influence  in  drawing  millions 
to  civilization  and  to  a  unique  uniformity  of  precept,  the  practice  of 
which  it  is  beyond  all  human  power  to  control. 

****** 

For  Music  the  native  has  an  inherent  passion.  Musicians  are  to 
be  found  in  every  village,  and  even  among  the  very  poorest  classes. 
Before  the  Revolution  there  was  scarcely  a  parish,  however  remote, 
without  its  orchestra,  and  this  natural  taste  was  laudably  encouraged 
by  the  priests.  Some  of  these  bands  acquired  great  local  fame,  and 
were  sought  for  wherever  there  was  a  feast  miles  away.  The  players 
seemed  to  enjoy  it  as  much  as  the  listeners,  and  they  would  keep  at 
it  for  hours  at  a  time,  as  long  as  their  bodily  strength  lasted.  Girls 
from  six  years  of  age  learn  to  play  the  harp  almost  by  instinct,  and 
college  girls  quickly  learn  the  piano.  There  are  no  native  composers 
—they  are  but  imitators.  There  is  an  absence  of  sentimental  feeling 
in  the  execution  of  set  music  (which  is  all  foreign),  and  this  is  the 
only  drawback  to  their  becoming  fine  instrumentalists.  For  the  same 
reason,  classical  music  is  very  little  in  vogue  among  the  Philippine 
people,  who  prefer  dance  pieces  and  ballad  accompaniments.  In  fact, 
a  native  musical  performance  is  so  void  of  soul  and  true  conception 
of  harmony  that  at  a  feast  it  is  not  an  uncommon  thing  to  hear  three 
bands  playing  close  to  each  other  at  the  same  time ;  and  the  mob 
assembled  seem  to  enjoy  the  confusion  of  the  melody !  There  are 
no  Philippine  vocalists  worth  hearing. 

Travelling  through  the  Laguna  Province  in  1882  I  was  impressed 
1  Diario  de  Manila,  Saturday,  July  28.  1888. 


Musical  rustics — Slavery  191 

by  the  ingenuity  of  the  natives  in  their  imitation  of  European 
musical  instruments.  Just  an  hour  before  I  had  emerged  from  a  dense 
forest,  abundantly  adorned  with  exquisite  foliage,  and  where  majestic 
trees,  flourishing  in  gorgeous  profusion,  afforded  a  gratifying  shelter 
from  the  scorching  sun.  Not  a  sound  was  heard  but  the  gentle  ripple 
of  a  limpid  stream,  breaking  over  the  boulders  on  its  course  towards 
the  ravine  below.  But  it  was  hardly  the  moment  to  ponder  on  the 
poetic  scene,  for  fatigue  and  hunger  had  almost  overcome  sentimentality, 
and  I  got  as  quickly  as  I  could  to  the  first  resting-place.  This  I 
found  to  be  a  native  cane-grower's  plantation  bungalow,  where  quite 
a  number  of  persons  was  assembled,  the  occasion  of  the  meeting  being 
the  baptism  and  benediction  of  the  sugar-cane  mill.  Before  I  was  near 
enough,  however,  to  be  seen  by  the  party — for  it  was  nearly  sunset — 
I  heard  the  sound  of  distant  music  floating  through  the  air.  Such  a 
strange  occurrence  excited  my  curiosity  immensely,  and  I  determined 
to  find  out  what  it  all  meant.  I  soon  discovered  that  it  was  a  bamboo 
band  returning  from  the  feast  of  the  "  baptism  of  the  mill.''''  Each 
instrument  was  made  of  bamboo  on  a  semi-European  model,  and  the 
players  were  merely  farm -labourers. 

Philippine  musicians  have  won  fame  outside  their  own  country. 
Some  years  ago  there  was  a  band  of  them  in  Shanghai  and  another  in 
Cochin  China  on  contract.  It  was  reported,  too,  that  the  band  of  the 
Constabulary  sent  to  the  St.  Louis  Exhibition  in  1904  was  the  delight 
of  the  people  in  Honolulu,  where  they  touched  en  route. 

Slavery  was  prohibited  by  law  as  far  back  as  the  reign  of  Philip  II. ; 1 
it  nevertheless  still  exists  in  an  occult  form  among  the  natives.  Rarely, 
if  ever,  do  its  victims  appeal  to  the  law  for  redress,  firstly,  because  of 
their  ignorance,  and  secondly,  because  the  untutored  class  have  an 
innate  horror  of  resisting  anciently-established  custom,  and  it  would 
never  occur  to  them  to  do  so.  Moreover,  in  the  time  of  the  Spaniards, 
the  numberless  procuradores  and  pica-pleitos — touting  solicitors — had 
no  interest  in  taking  up  cases  so  profitless  to  themselves.  Under  the 
pretext  of  guaranteeing  a  loan,  parents  readily  sell  their  children  (male 
or  female)  into  bondage.  The  child  is  handed  over  to  work  until 
the  loan  is  repaid ;  but  as  the  day  of  restitution  of  the  advance  never 
arrives,  neither  does  the  liberty  of  the  youthful  victim.  Among 
themselves  it  was  a  law,  and  is  still  a  practised  custom,  for  the  debts 
of  the  parents  to  pass  on  to  the  children,  and,  as  I  have  said  before, 
debts  are  never  repudiated  by  them.  Slavery,  in  an  overt  form,  now 
only  exists  among  some  wild  tribes  and  the  Moros. 

****** 

1  Vide  p.  54.  According  to  Conception,  there  were  headmen  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest  who  had  as  many  as  300  slaves,  and  as  a  property  they  ranked  next  in 
value  to  gold  (vide  "  Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,"  by  Juan  de  la  Conception, 
published  in  Manila  in  ]  788,  in  14  volumes). 


192  Education  in  Spanish  times 

Education  was  almost  exclusively  under  the  control  of  the  friars. 
Up  to  the  year  1844  anything  beyond  religious  tuition  was  reserved 
for  the  Spanish  youth,  the  half-castes,  and  the  children  of  those  in 
office.  Among  the  many  reforms  introduced  in  the  time  of  Gov.- 
General  Narciso  Claveria  (1844-49),  that  of  extending  Education  to  the 
provincial  parishes  was  a  failure.  In  the  middle  of  the  reign  of 
Isabella  II.  (about  1850)  it  was  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  classes 
mentioned  and  the  native  petty  aristocracy,  locally  designated  the 
gente  ilustrada  and  the  pudientes  (Intellectuals  and  people  of  means 
and  influence).  Education,  thus  limited,  divided  the  people  into  two 
separate  castes,  as  distinct  as  the  ancient  Roman  citizen  and  the 
plebeian.  Residing  chiefly  in  the  ports  open  to  foreign  trade,  the 
Intellectuals  acquired  wealth,  possessed  rich  estates  and  fine  houses 
artistically  adorned.  Blessed  with  all  the  comforts  which  money  could 
procure  and  the  refinement  resulting  from  education,  they  freely 
associated  and  intermarried  with  the  Spaniards,  whose  easy  grace  and 
dignified  manners  they  gradually  acquired  and  retain,  to  a  great  extent, 
to  the  present  day.  The  other  caste — the  Illiterates — were  dependents 
of  the  Intellectuals.  Without  mental  training,  with  few  wants,  and 
little  expenses,  they  were  as  contented,  in  their  sphere,  as  the  upper 
class  were  in  theirs.  Like  their  masters,  they  had  their  hopes,  but 
they  never  knew  what  misery  was,  as  one  understands  it  in  Europe,  and 
in  this  felicitous,  ambitionless  condition,  they  never  urgently  demanded 
education,  even  for  their  children.  The  movement  came  from  higher 
quarters,  and  during  the  CDonnell  ministry  a  Royal  Decree  was  sent 
from  Madrid  establishing  schools  throughout  the  provinces. 

On  the  banks  of  the  Pasig  River  there  was  a  training  college  for 
schoolmasters,  who  were  drafted  off  to  the  villages  with  a  miserable 
stipend,  to  teach  the  juvenile  rustics.  But  the  governmental  system 
of  centralization  fell  somewhat  hard  on  the  village  teacher.  For 
instance,  I  knew  one  who  received  a  monthly  salary  of  16  pesos,  and 
every  month  he  had  to  spend  two  of  them  to  travel  to  Manila  and 
back  to  receive  the  money — an  outlay  equal  to  12|  per  cent,  of  his 
total  income.  For  such  a  wretched  pittance  great  things  were  not 
to  be  expected  of  the  teacher,  even  though  he  had  had  a  free  hand 
in  his  work.  Other  circumstances  of  greater  weight  contributed  to 
keep  the  standard  of  education  among  the  common  town  folk  very 
low  ;  in  some  places  to  abolish  it  totally.  The  parish  priests  were 
ex-officio  Inspectors  of  Schools  for  primary  instruction,  wherein  it  was 
their  duty  to  see  that  the  Spanish  language  was  taught.  The  old 
"  Laws  of  the  Indies  ,1  provided  that  christian  doctrine  should  be  taught 
to  the  heathen  native  in  Spanish.1  Several  decrees  confirming  that 
law  were  issued  from  time  to  time,  but  their  fulfilment  did  not  seem 
to  suit  the  policy  of  the  friars.  On  June  30,  1887,  the  Gov. -General 
1   Vide  ' '  Recopilacion  de  las  Leyes  de  Iudias/'  Ley  V.  xiii.j  lib.  i. 


State  aid  for  Public  Instruction  193 

published  another  decree  with  the  same  object,  and  sent  a  communication 
to  the  Archbishop  to  remind  him  of  this  obligation  of  his  subordinates, 
and  the  urgency  of  its  strict  observance.  But  it  had  no  effect  what- 
ever, and  the  poor-class  villagers  were  only  taught  to  gabble  off  the 
christian  doctrine  by  rote,  for  it  suited  the  friar  to  stimulate  that 
peculiar  mental  condition  in  which  belief  precedes  understanding. 
The  school-teacher,  being  subordinate  to  the  inspector,  had  no  voice 
in  the  matter,  and  was  compelled  to  follow  the  views  of  the  priest. 
Few  Spaniards  took  the  trouble  to  learn  native  dialects  (of  which  there 
are  about  30),  and  only  a  small  percentage  of  the  natives  can  speak 
intelligible  Spanish.  There  is  no  literature  in  dialect ;  the  few  odd 
compositions  in  Tagalog  still  extant  are  wanting  in  the  first  principles 
of  literary  style.  There  were  many  villages  with  untrained  teachers 
who  could  not  speak  Spanish  ;  there  were  other  villages  with  no  schools 
at  all,  hence  no  preparation  whatever  for  municipal  life. 

If  the  friars  had  agreed  to  the  instruction  of  the  townfolk  through 
the  medium  of  Spanish,  as  a  means  to  the  attainment  of  higher  culture, 
one  could  well  have  understood  their  reluctance  to  teach  it  to  the 
rural  labourers,  because  it  is  obvious  to  any  one  who  knows  the 
character  of  this  class  that  the  knowledge  of  a  foreign  language  would 
unfit  them  for  agricultural  labour  and  the  lower  occupations,  and 
produce  a  new  social  problem.  Even  this  class,  however,  might  have 
been  mentally  improved  by  elementary  books  translated  into  dialect. 
But,  unfortunately,  the  friars  were  altogether  opposed  to  the  educa- 
tion of  the  masses,  whether  through  dialect  or  Spanish,  in  order  to 
hold  them  in  ignorant  subjection  to  their  own  will,  and  the  result  was 
that  the  majority  grew  up  as  untutored  as  when  they  were  born. 

Home  discipline  and  training  of  manners  were  ignored,  even  in 
well-to-do  families.  Children  were  left  without  control,  and  by  excessive 
indulgence  allowed  to  do  just  as  they  pleased;  hence  they  became  ill- 
behaved  and  boorish. 

Planters  of  means,  and  others  who  could  afford  it,  sent  their  sons 
and  daughters  to  private  schools,  or  to  the  colleges  under  the  direction 
of  the  priests  in  Manila,  Jaro  (Yloilo  Province),  or  Cebu.  A  few — very 
few — sent  their  sons  to  study  in  Europe,  or  in  Hong-Kong. 

According  to  the  Budget  of  1888  the  State  contributed  to  the 
expense  of  Education,  in  that  year,  as  follows,  viz.  :— 

P.    cts. 
Schools  and  Colleges  for  high-class  education  in  Manila, 
including  Navigation,   Drawing,  Painting,  Book-keep- 
ing,  Languages,    History,    Arts   and   Trades,    Natural 
History  Museum  and  Library  and  general  instruction   .       86,450  00 
School  of  Agriculture  (including  10  schools  and  model 

farms  in  10  Provinces) 113,686  64 

General  Expenses  of  Public  Instruction,  including  National 

Schools  in  the  Provinces       ......       38,513  70 

P.  238,650  34 
13 


194     The  Athenceum — Girls'  colleges — The  University 

The  teaching  offered  to  students  in  Manila  was  very  advanced,  as 
will  be  seen  from  the  following  Syllabus  of  Education  in  the  Municipal 
Athenaeum  of  the  Jesuits  : — 

Agriculture.  Geometry.  Philosophy. 

Algebra.  Greek.  Physics  and  Chemistry. 

Arithmetic.  History.  Rhetoric  and  Poetry. 

Commerce.  Latin.  Spanish  Classics. 

Geography.  Mechanics.  Spanish  Composition. 

English.  Natural  History.  Topography. 

French.  Painting.  Trigonometry. 

In  the  highest  Girls'  School — the  Santa  Isabel  College — the  following 
was  the  curriculum,  viz.  : — 

Arithmetic.  Geology.  Philippine  History. 

Drawing.  Geometry.  Physics. 

Dress-Cutting.  History  of  Spain.  Reading. 

French.  Music.  Sacred  History. 

Geography.  Needlework.  Spanish  Grammar. 

There  were  also  (for  girls)  the  Colleges  of  Santa  Catalina,  Santa 
Rosa,  La  Concordia,  the  Municipal  School,  etc.  A  few  were  sent  to 
the  Italian  Convent  in  Hong-Kong. 

A  college  known  as  Saint  Thomas1  was  founded  in  Manila  by  Fray 
Miguel  de  Benavides,  third  Archbishop  of  Manila,  between  the  years 
1603  and  1610.  He  contributed  to  it  his  library  and  P.1,000,  to  which 
was  added  a  donation  by  the  Bishop  of  Nueva  Segovia  of  P. 3,000  and 
his  library.  In  1620  it  already  had  professors  and  masters  under 
Government  auspices.  It  received  three  Papal  Briefs  for  10  years  each, 
permitting  students  to  graduate  in  Philosophy  and  Theology.  It  was 
then  raised  to  the  status  of  a  University  in  the  time  of  Philip  IV.  by 
Papal  Bull  of  November  20,  1645.  The  first  rector  of  Saint  Thomas' 
University  was  Fray  Martin  Real  de  la  Cruz.  In  the  meantime,  the 
Jesuits'  University  had  been  established.  Until  1645  it  was  the  only 
place  of  learning  superior  to  primary  education,  and  conferred  degrees. 
The  Saint  Thomas'  University  (under  the  direction  of  Dominican  friars) 
now  disputed  the  Jesuits'  privilege  to  confer  degrees,  claiming  for 
themselves  exclusive  right  by  Papal  Bull.  A  lawsuit  followed,  and  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Manila  decided  in  favour  of  Saint  Thomas'.  The 
Jesuits  appealed  to  the  King  against  this  decision.  The  Supreme 
Council  of  the  Indies  was  consulted,  and  revoked  the  decision  of  the 
Manila  Supreme  Court,  so  that  the  two  Universities  continued  to  give 
degrees  until  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  the  Colony  in  1768.  From 
1785  Saint  Thomas'  University  was  styled  the  "  Royal  University,"  and 
was  declared  to  rank  equally  with  the  Peninsular  Universities. 

There  were  also  the  Dominican  College  of  San  Juan  de  Letran, 
founded  in  the  middle  of  the  17th  century,  the  Jesuit  Normal  School, 
the  Convent  of  Mercy  for  Orphan  Students,  and  the  College  of  Saint 
Joseph.     This  last  was    founded  in  1601,    under  the  direction  of  the 


The  Nautical  School — The  Provincial  Student      195 

Jesuits.  King  Philip  V.  gave  it  the  title  of  "  Royal  College,"  and 
allowed  an  escutcheon  to  be  erected  over  the  entrance.  The  same  king 
endowed  three  professorial  chairs  with  P.10,000  each.  Latterly  it  was 
governed  by  the  Rector  of  the  University,  whilst  the  administration 
was  confided  to  a  licentiate  in  pharmacy. 

At  the  time  of  the  Spanish  evacuation,  therefore,  the  only  university 
in  the  City  of  Manila  was  that  of  Saint  Thomas,  which  was  empowered 
to  issue  diplomas  of  licentiate  in  law,  theology,  medicine,  and  pharmacy 
to  all  successful  candidates,  and  to  confer  degrees  of  LL.D.  The  public 
investiture  was  presided  over  by  the  Rector  of  the  University,  a 
Dominican  friar ;  and  the  speeches  preceding  and  following  the  cere- 
mony, which  was  semi-religious,  were  made  in  the  Spanish  language. 

In  connection  with  this  institution  there  was  the  modern  Saint 
Thomas'1  College  for  preparing  students  for  the  University. 

The  Nautical  School  naturally  stood  outside  the  sphere  of  ecclesi- 
astical control.  Established  in  1839  in  Calle  Cabildo  (walled  city),  its 
purpose  was  to  instruct  youths  in  the  science  of  navigation  and  pre- 
pare them  for  the  merchant  service  within  the  waters  of  the  Archipelago 
and  the  adjacent  seas.  During  the  earthquake  of  1863  the  school 
building  was  destroyed.  It  was  then  re-established  in  Calle  San  Juan 
de  Letran,  subsequently  located  in  Calle  del  Palacio,  and  was  finally 
(in  1898)  removed  from  the  walled  city  to  the  business  quarter  of 
Binondo.  Special  attention  was  given  to  the  teaching  of  mathematics, 
and  considerable  sums  of  money  were  allocated,  from  time  to  time,  for 
the  equipment  of  this  technical  centre  of  learning. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  and  amusing  types  of  the  native  was 
the  average  college  student  from  the  provinces.  After  a  course  of  two, 
three,  up  to  eight  years,  he  learnt  to  imitate  European  dress  and  ape 
Western  manners ;  to  fantastically  dress  his  hair ;  to  wear  patent- 
leather  shoes,  jewellery,  and  a  latest-fashioned  felt  hat  adjusted 
carefully  towards  one  side  of  his  head.  He  went  to  the  theatre,  drove 
a  "  tilbury,"  and  attended  native  reunions,  to  deploy  his  abilities  before 
the  beau  sexe  of  his  class.  During  his  residence  in  the  capital,  he  was 
supposed  to  learn,  amongst  other  subjects,  Latin,  Divinity,  Philosophy, 
and  sometimes  Theology,  preparatory,  in  many  cases,  to  succeeding  his 
father  in  a  sugar-cane  and  rice  plantation.  The  average  student  had 
barely  an  outline  idea  of  either  physical  or  political  geography,  whilst 
his  notions  of  Spanish  or  universal  history  were  very  chaotic.  I  really 
think  the  Manila  newspapers — poor  as  they  were — contributed  very 
largely  to  the  education  of  the  people  in  this  Colony. 

Still,  there  are  cases  of  an  ardent  genius  shining  as  an  exception  to 
his  race.  Amongst  the  few,  there  were  two  brothers  named  Luna — 
the  one  was  a  notably  skilful  performer  on  the  guitar  and  violin,  who, 
however,  died  at  an  early  age.  The  other,  Juan  Luna,  developed  a 
natural  ability    for   painting.       A   work    of  his   own   conception — the 


196  Natives  of  exceptional  talent 

"  Spoliarium,11  executed  by  him  in  Rome  in  1884 — gained  the  second 
prize  at  the  Madrid  Academy  Exhibition  of  Oil  Paintings.  The  Muni- 
cipality of  Barcelona  purchased  this  chef  (Tceuvre  for  the  City  Hall. 
Other  famous  productions  of  his  are  "  The  Battle  of  Lepanto,11  "  The 
Death  of  Cleopatra,11  and  "The  Blood  Compact "  (q.v).  This  last 
masterpiece  was  acquired  by  the  Municipality  of  Manila  for  the  City 
Hall,  but  was  removed  when  the  Tagalog  Rebellion  broke  out,  for  reasons 
which  will  be  understood  after  reading  Chapter  xxii.  This  artist,  the 
son  of  poor  parents,  was  a  second  mate  on  board  a  sailing  ship,  when 
his  gifts  were  recognized,  and  means  were  furnished  him  with  which 
to  study  in  Rome.  His  talent  was  quite  exceptional,  for  these  Islanders 
are  not  an  artistic  people.  Having  little  admiration  for  the  picturesque 
and  the  beautiful  in  Nature,  they  cannot  depict  them  :  in  this  respect 
they  form  a  decided  contrast  to  the  Japanese.  Paete  (La  Laguna) 
is  the  only  place  I  know  of  in  the  provinces  where  there  are  sculptors 
by  profession.  The  Manila  Academy  was  open  to  all  comers  of  all 
nationalities,  and,  as  an  ex-student  under  its  Professors  Don  Lorenzo 
Rocha  and  Don  Agustin  Saez,  I  can  attest  to  their  enthusiasm  for 
the  progress  of  their  pupils. 

In  the  General  Post  and  Telegraph  Office  in  Manila  I  was  shown 
an  excellent  specimen  of  wood-carving — a  bust  portrait  of  Mr.  Morse 
(the  celebrated  inventor  of  the  Morse  system  of  telegraphy) — the  work 
of  a  native  sculptor.  Another  promising  native,  Vicente  Francisco, 
exhibited  some  good  sculpture  work  in  the  Philippine  Exhibition,  held 
in  Madrid  in  1887  :  the  jury  recommended  him  for  a  State  pension,  to 
study  in  Madrid  and  Rome.  The  beautiful  design  of  the  present 
insular  coinage  (Philippine  peso)  is  the  work  of  a  Filipino.  The 
biography  of  the  patriot  martyr  Dr.  Jose  Rizal  (q.v.),  the  most 
brilliant  of  all  Filipinos,  is  related  in  another  chapter. 

The  native  of  cultivated  intellect,  on  returning  from  Europe, 
found  a  very  limited  circle  of  friends  of  his  own  new  training.  If  he 
returned  a  lawyer  or  a  doctor,  he  was  one  too  many,  for  the  capital 
swarmed  with  them  ;  if  he  had  learnt  a  trade,  his  knowledge  was 
useless  outside  Manila,  and  in  his  native  village  his  technical  acquire- 
ments were  generally  profitless.  Usually  the  native's  sojourn  in 
Europe  made  him  too  self-opinionated  to  become  a  useful  member 
of  society.     It  remains  to  be  seen  how  American  training  will  affect  them. 

The  (American)  Insular  Government  has  taken  up  the  matter  of 
Philippine  education  very  earnestly,  and  at  considerable  outlay  :  the 
subject  is  referred  to  in  Chapter  xxx. 

The  intellectual  and  spiritual  life,  as  we  have  it  in  Europe,  does 
not  exist  in  the  Philippines.  If  ever  a  Filipino  studied  any  subject, 
purely  for  the  love  of  study,  without  the  hope  of  material  or  social 
advantage  being  derived  therefrom,  he  would  be  a  rara  avis. 


Diseases  most  prevalent — Leprosy  197 

The  Disease  most  prevalent  among  the  Filipinos  is  fever — especially 
in  the  spring ;  and  although,  in  general,  they  may  be  considered  a 
robust,  enduring  race,  they  are  less  capable  than  the  European  of 
withstanding  acute  disease.  I  should  say  that  quite  50  per  cent,  of  the 
native  population  are  affected  by  cutaneous  disease,  said  to  be  caused 
by  eating  fish  daily,  and  especially  shell-fish.  It  is  locally  known 
as  Sarnas :  natives  say  that  monkey  flesh  cures  it. 

In  1882  Cholera  morbiis  in  epidemic  form  ravaged  the  native 
population,  carrying  off  thousands  of  victims,  the  exact  number  of 
which  has  never  been  published.  The  preventive  recommended  by 
the  priests  on  this  occasion,  viz.,  prayer  to  Saint  Roque,  proved  quite 
ineffectual  to  stay  the  plague.  A  better  remedy,  found  in  the  country, 
is  an  infusion  of  Niota  tetrapetala  (Tagalog,  ManungaT).  From 
time  to  time  this  disease  reappears.  The  returns  given  in  the  Official 
Gazette  of  March  2,  1904,  Vol.  II.,  No.  9,  show  the  average  monthly 
mortality  due  to  Cholera,  in  the  20 \  months  between  March  20,  1902, 
and  December  1,  1903,  to  be  5,360.  Annually,  many  natives  suffer 
from  what  is  called  Colerhx — a  mild  form  of  Cholera,  but  not  epidemic. 
In  the  spring,  deaths  always  occur  from  acute  indigestion,  due  to  eating 
too  plentifully  of  new  rice.  Many  who  have  recovered  from  Cholera 
become  victims  to  a  disease  known  as  Beri-Beri,  said  to  be  caused  by 
the  rice  and  fish  diet.  The  first  symptom  of  Wet  Beri-Beri  is  a  swelling 
of  the  legs,  like  dropsy  ;  that  of  Dry  Beri-Beri  is  a  wasting  away  of 
the  limbs.  Smallpox  makes  great  ravages,  and  Measles  is  a  common 
complaint.  Lung  and  Bronchial  affections  are  very  rare.  The  most 
fearful  disease  in  the  Colony  is  Leprosy}  To  my  knowledge  it  is 
prevalent  in  the  Province  of  Bulacan  (Luzon  Is.),  and  in  the  islands  of 
Cebu  and  Negros.  There  is  an  asylum  for  lepers  near  Manila  and  at 
Mabolo,  just  outside  the  City  of  Cebu  {vide  Lepers),  but  no  practical 
measures  were  ever  adopted  by  the  Spaniards  to  eradicate  this  disease. 
The  Spanish  authorities  were  always  too  indifferent  about  the  propaga- 
tion of  leprosy  to  establish  a  home  on  one  island  for  all  male  lepers  and 
another  home,  on  another  island,  for  female  lepers — the  only  effectual 
way  to  extirpate  this  awful  malady.  In  Baliuag  (Bulacan),  leper 
families,  personally  known  to  me,  were  allowed  to  mix  with  the  general 
public.  In  Cebu  and  Negros  Islands  they  were  permitted  to  roam 
about  on  the  highroads  and  beg. 

The  Insular  Government  has  taken  up  the  question  of  the 
Lepers,  and  in  1904  a  tract  of  land  was  purchased  in  the  Island  of 
Culion    (Calamianes   group)    to    provide    for   their   hygienic    isolation. 

1  Referring  to  Leprosy,  the  Charity  Record,  London,  December  15,  1898,  says  : — 
"  Reliable  estimates  place  the  number  of  lepers  in  India,  China,  and  Japan  at 
"  1,000,000.  About  500,000  probably  would  be  a  correct  estimate  for  India  only, 
"  although  the  official  number  is  less,  owing  to  the  many  who  from  being  hidden, 
"  or  homeless,  or  from  other  causes,  escape  enumeration." 


198  Insanity — Death-rate — Sanitation 

According  to  the  Official  Gazette  of  March  2,  1904,  Vol.  II.,  No.  9,  the 
total  number  of  lepers,  of  whom  the  Insular  Government  had  obtained 
cognizance,  up  to  December  31,  1903,  was  3,343.  Besides  these  there 
would  naturally  be  an  unknown  number  who  had  escaped  recognition. 

There  is  apparently  little  Insanity  in  the  Islands.  From  the  Report 
of  the  Commissioner  of  Public  Health  for  February,  1904,  it  would 
appear  that  there  were  only  about  1,415  insane  persons  in  a  population 
of  over  seven-and-a-half  millions. 

Since  the  American  advent  (1898)  the  Death-rate  is  believed  to  have 
notably  decreased.  The  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Public  Health 
for  1904  states  the  death-rate  per  thousand  in  Manila  to  have  been  as 
follows,  viz.  : — Natives  53*72  ;  Europeans  other  than  Spaniards  16*11  ; 
Spaniards  15*42  ;  and  Americans  9*34.  The  Commissioner  remarks  that 
"  over  50  per  cent,  of  the  children  born  in  the  city  of  Manila  never  live 
to  see  the  first  anniversary  of  their  birthday. ^  The  Board  of  Health 
is  very  active  in  the  sanitation  of  Manila.  Inspectors  make  frequent 
domiciliary  visits.  The  extermination  of  rats  in  the  month  of  December, 
1903,  amounted  to  24,638.  House-refuse  bins  are  put  into  the  streets 
at  night,  and  an  inspector  goes  round  with  a  lamp  about  midnight  to 
examine  them.  Dead  animals,  market-rubbish,  house-refuse,  rotten 
hemp,  sweepings,  etc.,  are  all  cremated  at  Palomar,  Santa  Cruz,  and 
Paco,  and  in  July,  1904,  this  enterprising  department  started  the 
extermination  of  mosquitoes  !  In  the  suburbs  of  Manila  there  are  now 
twelve  cemeteries  and  one  crematorium. 


199 


CHAPTER    XII 

THE   RELIGIOUS   ORDERS 

History  attests  that  at  least  during  the  first  two  centuries  of  Spanish 
rule,  the  subjugation  of  the  natives  and  their  acquiescence  in  the 
new  order  of  things  were  obtained  more  by  the  subtle  influence 
of  the  missionaries  than  by  the  sword.  As  the  soldiers  of  Castile 
carried  war  into  the  interior  and  forced  its  inhabitants  to  recog- 
nize their  King,  so  the  friars  were  drafted  off  from  the  mother 
country  to  mitigate  the  memory  of  bloodshed  and  to  mould  Spain's 
new  subjects  to  social  equanimity.  In  many  cases,  in  fact,  the 
whole  task  of  gaining  their  submission  to  the  Spanish  Crown  and 
obedience  to  the  dictates  of  Western  civilization  was  confided  solely 
to  the  pacific  medium  of  persuasion.  The  difficult  mission  of  hold- 
ing in  check  the  natural  passions  and  instincts  of  a  race  which 
knew  no  law  but  individual  will,  was  left  to  the  successors  of 
Urdaneta.  Indeed,  it  was  but  the  general  policy  of  Philip  II.  to 
aggrandize  his  vast  realm  under  the  pretence  of  rescuing  benighted 
souls.  The  efficacy  of  conversion  was  never  doubted  for  a  moment, 
however  suddenly  it  might  come  to  pass,  and  the  Spanish  cavalier 
conscientiously  felt  that  he  had  a  high  mission  to  fulfil  under  the 
Banner  of  the  Cross.  In  every  natural  event  which  coincided  with 
their  interests,  in  the  prosecution  of  their  mission,  the  wary  priests 
descried  a  providential  miracle. 

In  their  opinion  the  non-Catholic  had  no  rights  in  this  world — no 
prospect  of  gaining  the  next.  If  the  Pope  claimed  the  whole  world 
(such  as  was  known  of  it)  to  be  in  his  gift — how  much  more  so  heathen 
lands  !  The  obligation  to  convert  was  imposed  by  the  Pope,  and  was 
an  inseparable  condition  of  the  conceded  right  of  conquest.  It  was 
therefore  constantly  paramount  in  the  conquerors  mind.1  The  Pope 
could  depose  and  give  away  the  realm  of  any  sovereign  prince  "  si  vel 
pauhim  deflexerit.''''  The  Monarch  held  his  sceptre  under  the  sordid 
condition  of  vassalage  ;  hence  Philip  II.,  for  the  security  of  his  Crown, 
could  not  have  disobeyed  the  will  of  the  Pontiff,  whatever  his  personal 

1  Navarrete's  "  Coleccion  de  los  Viajes  y  Descubrimientos/'  torn.  II.,  Nos.  12,  18. 
Madrid,  1825. 


200  Monastic  power  and  influence 

inclinations  might  have  been  regarding  the  spread  of  Christianity.1  If 
he  desired  it,  he  served  his  ends  with  advantage  to  himself — if  he  were 
indifferent  to  it,  he  secured  by  its  prosecution  a  formidable  ally  in  Rome. 
America  had  already  drained  the  Peninsula  of  her  able-bodied  men 
to  such  an  extent  that  a  military  occupation  of  these  Islands  would 
have  overtaxed  the  resources  of  the  mother  country.  The  co-opera- 
tion of  the  friars  was,  therefore,  an  almost  indispensable  expedient  in 
the  early  days,  and  their  power  in  secular  concerns  was  recognized  to  the 
last  by  the  Spanish-Philippine  authorities,  who  continued  to  solicit 
the  aid  of  the  parish  priests  in  order  to  secure  obedience  to  decrees 
affecting  their  parishioners. 

Up  to  the  Rebellion  of  1896  the  placid  word  of  the  ecclesiastic, 
the  superstitious  veneration  which  he  inspired  in  the  ignorant  native, 
had  a  greater  law-binding  effect  than  the  commands  of  the  civil 
functionary.  The  gownsman  used  those  weapons  appropriate  to  his 
office  which  best  touched  the  sensibilities  and  won  the  adhesion  of  a  rude 
audience.  The  priest  appealed  to  the  soul,  to  the  unknown,  to  the  awful 
and  the  mysterious.  Go  where  he  would,  the  convert's  imagination  was 
so  pervaded  with  the  mystic  tuition  that  he  came  to  regard  his  tutor  as 
a  being  above  common  humanity.  The  feeling  of  dread  reverence  which 
he  instilled  into  the  hearts  of  the  most  callous  secured  to  him  even 
immunity  from  the  violence  of  brigands,  who  carefully  avoided  the  man 
of  God.  In  the  State  official  the  native  saw  nothing  but  a  man  who 
strove  to  bend  the  will  of  the  conquered  race  to  suit  his  own.  A  Royal 
Decree  or  the  sound  of  the  cornet  would  not  have  been  half  so  effective 
as  the  elevation  of  the  Holy  Cross  before  the  fanatical  majority,  who 
became  an  easy  prey  to  fantastic  promises  of  eternal  bliss,  or  the  threats 
of  everlasting  perdition.  Nor  is  this  assertion  by  any  means  chimerical, 
for  it  has  been  proved  on  several  occasions,  notably  in  the  raising  of 
troops  to  attempt  the  expulsion  of  the  British  in  1763,  and  in  the 
campaign  against  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  in  1876.  But  through  the 
Cavite  Conspiracy  of  1872  (vide  p.  106)  the  friars  undoubtedly  hastened 
their  own  downfall.  Many  natives,  driven  to  emigrate,  cherished  a 
bitter  hatred  in  exile,  whilst  others  were  emerging  yearly  by  hundreds 
from  their  mental  obscurity.  Already  the  intellectual  struggle  for 
freedom  from  mystic  enthralment  had  commenced  without  injury  to 
faith  in  things  really  divine. 

Each  decade  brought  some  reform  in  the  relations  between  the 
parish  priest  and  the  people.  Link  by  link  the  chain  of  priestcraft 
encompassing  the  development  of  the  Colony  was  yielding  to  natural 
causes.  The  most  enlightened  natives  were  beginning  to  understand 
that  their  spiritual  wants  were  not  the  only  care  of  the  friars,  and  that 

1  In  the  turbulent  ages,  centuries  ago,  it  was  not  an  uncommon  thing  for  a  prince 
or  nobleman  to  secure  his  domain  against  seizure  or  conquest  by  transferring  it 
nominally  to  the  Pope,  from  whom  he  thenceforth  held  it  as  a  papal  fief. 


Opinions  for  and  against  that  power  201 

the  aim  of  the  Religious  Orders  was  to  monopolize  all  within  their  reach, 
and  to  subordinate  to  their  common  will  all  beyond  their  mystic  circle. 
The  Romish  Church  owes  its  power  to  the  uniformity  of  precept  and 
practice  of  the  vast  majority  of  its  members,  and  it  is  precisely  because 
this  was  the  reverse  in  political  Spain — where  statesmen  are  divided  into 
a  dozen  or  more  groups  with  distinct  policies — that  the  Church  was 
practically  unassailable.  In  the  same  way,  all  the  members  of  a  Religious 
Order  are  so  closely  united  that  a  quarrel  with  one  of  them  brings  the 
enmity  and  opposition  of  his  whole  community.  The  Progressists, 
therefore,  who  combated  ecclesiastical  preponderance  in  the  Philippines, 
demanded  the  retirement  of  the  friars  to  conventual  reclusion  or  missions, 
and  the  appointment  of  clerigos,  or  secular  clergymen  to  the  vicarages 
and  curacies.  By  such  a  change  they  hoped  to  remedy  the  abuses  of 
collective  power,  for  a  misunderstanding  with  a  secular  vicar  would 
only  have  provoked  a  single-handed  encounter. 

That  a  priest  should  have  been  practically  a  Government  agent  in 
his  locality  would  not  have  been  contested  in  the  abstract,  had  he  not, 
as  a  consequence,  assumed  the  powers  of  the  old  Roman  Censors,  who 
exercised  the  most  dreaded  function  of  the  Regium  Morum.  Spanish 
opinion,  however,  was  very  much  divided  as  to  the  political  safety  of 
strictly  confining  the  friars  to  their  religious  duties.  It  was  doubted  by 
some  whether  any  State  authority  could  ever  gain  the  confidence  or  repress 
the  inherent  inclinations  of  the  native  like  the  friar,  who  led  by  super- 
stitious teaching,  and  held  the  conscience  by  an  invisible  cord  through 
the  abstract  medium  of  the  confessional.  Others  opined  that  a  change 
in  the  then  existing  system  of  semi-sacerdotal  Government  was  desirable, 
if  only  to  give  scope  to  the  budding  intelligence  of  the  minority,  which 
could  not  be  suppressed. 

Emerging  from  the  lowest  ranks  of  society,  with  no  training  whatever 
but  that  of  the  seminary,  it  was  natural  to  suppose  that  these  Spanish 
priests  would  have  been  more  capable  than  ambitious  political  men  of 
the  world  of  blending  their  ideas  with  those  of  the  native,  and  of  forming 
closer  associations  with  a  rural  population  engaged  in  agricultural 
pursuits  familiar  to  themselves  in  their  own  youth.  Before  the  abolition 
of  monasteries  in  Spain  the  priests  were  allowed  to  return  there  after  10 
years''  residence  in  the  Colony  ;  since  then  they  have  usually  entered  upon 
their  new  lives  for  the  remainder  of  their  days,  so  that  they  naturally 
strove  to  make  the  best  of  their  social  surroundings. 

The  Civil  servant,  as  a  rule,  could  feel  no  personal  interest  in  his 
temporary  native  neighbours,  his  hopes  being  centred  only  in  rising  in 
the  Civil  Service  there  or  elsewhere — Cuba  or  Porto  Rico,  or  where  the 
ministerial  wheel  of  fortune  placed  him. 

The  younger  priests — narrow-minded  and  biased — those  who  had 
just  entered  into  provincial  curacies — were  frequently  the  greater  bigots. 
Enthusiastic  in  their  calling,  they  pursued  with  ardour  their  mission  of 


202  The  Spanish  parish  priest 

proselytism  without  experience  of  the  world.  They  entered  the  Islands 
with  the  zeal  of  youth,  bringing  with  them  the  impression  imparted  to 
them  in  Spain,  that  they  were  sent  to  make  a  moral  conquest  of  savages. 
In  the  course  of  years,  after  repeated  rebuffs,  and  the  obligation  to 
participate  in  the  affairs  of  everyday  life  in  all  its  details,  their  rigidity 
of  principle  relaxed,  and  they  became  more  tolerant  towards  those  with 
whom  they  necessarily  came  in  contact.  They  were  usually  taken  from 
the  peasantry  and  families  of  lowly  station.  As  a  rule  they  had  little 
or  no  secular  education,  and,  regarding  them  apart  from  their  religious 
training,  they  might  be  considered  a  very  ignorant  class.  Amongst 
them  the  Franciscan  friars  appeared  to  be  the  least — and  the  Austins 
the  most— polished  of  all. 

The  Spanish  parish  priest  was  consulted  by  the  native  in  all  matters ; 
he  was,  by  force  of  circumstances,  often  compelled  to  become  an  architect, 
— to  build  the  church  in  his  adopted  village — an  engineer,  to  make  or 
mend  roads,  and  more  frequently  a  doctor.  His  word  was  paramount  in 
his  parish,  and  in  his  residence  he  dispensed  with  that  stern  severity  of 
conventual  discipline  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  in  the  Peninsula. 
Hence  it  was  really  here  that  his  mental  capacity  was  developed,  his 
manners  improved,  and  that  the  raw  sacerdotal  peasant  was  converted 
into  the  man  of  thought,  study,  and  talent — occasionally  into  a  gentleman. 
In  his  own  vicinity,  when  isolated  from  European  residents,  he  was  prac- 
tically the  representative  of  the  Government  and  of  the  white  race  as 
well  as  of  social  order.  His  theological  knowledge  was  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  most  mundane  subjects.  His  thoughts  necessarily  expanded  as 
the  exclusiveness  of  his  religious  vocation  yielded  to  the  realization  of  a 
social  position  and  political  importance  of  which  he  had  never  entertained 
an  idea  in  his  native  country. 

So  large  was  the  party  opposed  to  the  continuance  of  priestly  influ- 
ence in  the  Colony  that  a  six-months1  resident  would  not  fail  to  hear  of 
the  many  misdeeds  with  which  the  friars  in  general  were  reproached. 
It  would  be  contrary  to  fact  to  pretend  that  the  bulk  of  them  sup- 
ported their  teaching  by  personal  example.  I  was  acquainted  with 
a  great  number  of  the  friars,  and  their  offspring  too,  in  spite  of  their 
vow  of  chastity ;  whilst  many  lived  in  comparative  luxury,  notwith- 
standing their  vow  of  poverty. 

There  was  the  late  parish  priest  of  Malolos,  whose  son,  my  friend, 

was  a  prominent  lawyer.     Father  S ,  of  Bugason,  had  a  whole  family 

living  in  his  parish.  An  Archbishop  who  held  the  See  in  my  time  had 
a  daughter  frequently  seen  on  the  Paseo  de  Santa  Lucia  ;  and  in  July, 
1904,  two  of  his  daughters  lived  in  Calle  Quiotan,  Santa  Cruz,  Manila,  and 

two  others,  by  a  different   mother,  in  the  town  of  O .     The  late 

parish  priest  of  Lipa,  Father  B ,  whom  I  knew,  had  a  son  whom  I 

saw  in  1893.     The  late  incumbent  of  Santa  Cruz,  Father  M L , 

induced  his  spiritual  flock  to  petition  against  his  being  made  prior  of  his 


His  private  life — Father  Piernavieja  203 

Order  in  Manila  so  that  he  should  not  have  to  leave  his  women.  The 
late  parish  priest  (friar)  of  Baliuag  (Bulacan)  had  three  daughters  and 
two  sons.  I  was  intimately  acquainted  with  the  latter  ;  one  was  a  doctor 
of  medicine  and  the  other  a  planter,  and  they  bore  the  surname  of 
Gonzalez.  At  Cadiz  Nuevo  (Negros  Is.)  I  once  danced  with  the  daughter 
of  a  friar  (parish  priest  of  a  neighbouring  village),  whilst  he  took 
another  girl  as  his  partner.  I  was  closely  acquainted,  and  resided  more 
than  once,  with  a  very  mixed-up  family  in  the  south  of  Negros  Island. 
My  host  was  the  son  of  a  secular  clergyman,  his  wife  and  sister-in-law 
were  the  daughters  of  a  friar,  this  sister-in-law  was  the  mistress  of  a  friar, 
my  host  had  a  son  who  was  married  to  another  friar's  daughter,  and  a 
daughter  who  was  the  wife  of  a  foreigner.  In  short,  bastards  of  the 
friars  are  to  be  found  everywhere  in  the  Islands.  Regarding  this  merely 
as  the  natural  outcome  of  the  celibate  rule,  I  do  not  criticize  it,  but  simply 
wish  to  show  that  the  pretended  sanctity  of  the  regular  clergy  in  the 
Philippines  was  an  absurdity,  and  that  the  monks  were  in  no  degree  less 
frail  than  mankind  in  common. 

The  mysterious  deaths  of  General  Solano  (August  1860)  and  of 
Zamora,  the  Bishop-elect  of  Cebvi  (1873),  occurred  so  opportunely  for 
Philippine  monastic  ambition  that  little  doubt  existed  in  the  public  mind 
as  to  who  were  the  real  criminals.  When  I  first  arrived  in  Manila,  a 
quarter  of  a  century  ago,  a  fearful  crime  was  still  being  commented  on. 
Father  Piernavieja,  formerly  parish  priest  of  San  Miguel  de  Mayumo, 
had  recently  committed  a  second  murder.  His  first  victim  was  a  native 
youth,  his  second  a  native  woman  enceinte.  The  public  voice  could  not 
be  raised  very  loudly  then  against  the  priests,  but  the  scandal  was  so 
great  that  the  criminal  friar  was  sent  to  another  province — Cavite — 
where  he  still  celebrated  the  holy  sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist.  Nearly 
two  decades  afterwards — in  January  1897 — this  rascal  met  with  a  terrible 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  He  was  in  captivity,  and  having  been 
appointed  "  Bishop  "  in  a  rebel  diocese,  to  save  his  life  he  accepted  the 
mock  dignity  ;  but,  unfortunately  for  himself,  he  betrayed  the  confidence 
of  his  captors,  and  collected  information  concerning  their  movements, 
plans,  and  strongholds  for  remittance  to  his  Order.  In  expiation 
of  his  treason  he  was  bound  to  a  post  under  the  tropical  sun  and  left 
there  to  die.  See  how  the  public  in  Spain  are  gulled  !  In  a  Malaga 
newspaper  this  individual  was  referred  to  as  a  "  venerable  figure,  worthy 
"  of  being  placed  high  up  on  an  altar,  before  which  all  Spaniards  should 
"  prostrate  themselves  and  adore  him.  As  a  religi-eux  he  was  a  most 
"  worthy  minister  of  the  Lord ;  as  a  patriot  he  was  a  hero." 

Within  my  recollection,  too,  a  friar  absconded  from  a  Luzon  Island 
parish  with  a  large  sum  of  parochial  funds,  and  was  never  heard  of  again. 
The  late  parish  priests  of  Mandaloyan  and  Iba  did  the  same. 

I  well  remember  another  interesting  character  of  the  monastic  Orders. 
He  had  been  parish  priest  in  a  Zambales  province  town,  but  intrigues 


204  Virtueless  friars 


with  a  soi-disant  cousine  brought  him  under  ecclesiastical  arrest  at  the 
convent  of  his  Order  in  Manila.  Thence  he  escaped,  and  came  over  to 
Hong-Kong,  where  I  made  his  acquaintance  in  1890.  He  told  me  he  had 
started  life  in  an  honest  way  as  a  shoemaker's  boy,  but  was  taken  away 
from  his  trade  to  be  placed  in  the  seminary.  His  mind  seemed  to  be  a 
blank  on  any  branch  of  study  beyond  shoemaking  and  Church  ritual. 
He  pretended  that  he  had  come  over  to  Hong-Kong  to  seek  work,  but  in 
reality  he  was  awaiting  his  cousine,  whom  he  rejoined  on  the  way  to 
Europe,  where,  I  heard,  he  became  a  garcon  de  cafe  in  France. 

In  1893  there  was  another  great  public  scandal,  when  the  friars  were 
openly  accused  of  having  printed  the  seditious  proclamations  whose 
authorship  they  attributed  to  the  natives.  The  plan  of  the  friars  was 
to  start  the  idea  of  an  intended  revolt,  in  order  that  they  might  be  the 
first  in  the  field  to  quell  it,  and  thus  be  able  to  again  proclaim  to  the 
Home  Government  the  absolute  necessity  of  their  continuance  in 
the  Islands  for  the  security  of  Spanish  sovereignty.  But  the  plot  was 
discovered ;  the  actual  printer,  a  friai',  mysteriously  disappeared,  and 
the  courageous  Gov.-General  Despujols,  Conde  de.Caspe,  was,  through 
>  monastic  influence,  recalled.  He  was  very  popular,  and  the  public 
manifestation  of  regret  at  his  departure  from  the  Islands  was  practically 
a  protest  against  the  Religious  Orders. 

In  June,  1888,  some  cases  of  personal  effects  belonging  to  a  friar 
were  consigned  to  the  care  of  an  intimate  friend  of  mine,  whose  guest 
I  was  at  the  time.  They  had  become  soaked  with  sea-water  before  he 
received  them,  and  a  neighbouring  priest  requested  him  to  open  the 
packages  and  do  what  he  could  to  save  the  contents.  I  assisted  my 
friend  in  this  task,  and  amongst  the  friar's  personal  effects  we  were 
surprised  to  find,  intermixed  with  prayer-books,  scapularies,  missals, 
prints  of  saints,  etc.,  about  a  dozen  most  disgustingly  obscene  double- 
picture  slides  for  a  stereoscope.  What  an  entertainment  for  a  guide  in 
morals  !  This  same  friar  had  held  a  vicarage  before  in  another  province, 
but  having  become  an  habitual  drunkard,  he  was  removed  to  Manila, 
and  there  appointed  a  confessor.  From  Manila  he  had  just  been  again 
sent  to  take  charge  of  the  cure  of  souls. 

I  knew  a  money-grabbing  parish  priest — a  friar — who  publicly 
announced  raffles  from  the  pulpit  of  the  church  from  which  he  preached 
morality  and  devotion.  On  one  occasion  a  200-peso  watch  was  put  up 
for  P.500 — at  another  time  he  raffled  dresses  for  the  women.  Under  the 
pretext  of  being  a  pious  institution,  he  established  a  society  of  women, 
called  the  Association  of  St.  Joseph  {Confrad'ia  de  San  Jose),  upon 
whom  he  imposed  the  very  secular  duties  of  domestic  service  in  the 
convent  and  raffle-ticket  hawking.  He  had  the  audacity  to  dictate  to 
a  friend  of  mine — a  planter — the  value  of  the  gifts  he  was  to  make  to 
him,  and  when  the  planter  was  at  length  wearied  of  his  importunities, 
he  conspired  with  a  Spaniard  to  deprive  my  friend  of  his  estate,  alleging 


Monastic  persecution  205 

that  he  was  not  the  real  owner.  Failing  in  this,  he  stirred  up  the  petty- 
governor  and  headmen  against  him.  The  petty-governor  was  urged  to 
litigation,  and  when  he  received  an  unfavourable  sentence,  the  priest, 
enraged  at  the  abortive  result  of  his  malicious  intrigues,  actually  left  his 
vicarage  to  accompany  his  litigious  protege  to  the  chief  judge  of  the 
province  in  quest  of  a  reversion  of  the  sentence. 

A  priest  of  evil  propensities  brought  only  misery  to  his  parish  and 
aroused  a  feeling  of  odium  against  the  Spanish  friars  in  general.  As 
incumbents  they  held  the  native  in  contempt.  He  who  should  be  the 
parishioner  was  treated  despotically  as  the  subject  whose  life,  liberty, 
property,  and  civil  rights  were  in  his  sacerdotal  lord's  power.  And  that 
power  was  not  unfrequently  exercised,  for  if  a  native  refused  to  yield  to 
his  demands,  or  did  not  contribute  with  sufficient  liberality  to  a  religious 
feast,  or  failed  to  come  to  Mass,  or  protected  the  virtue  of  his  daughter, 
or  neglected  the  genuflexion  and  kissing  of  hands,  or  was  out  of  the 
priest's  party  in  the  municipal  affairs  of  the  parish,  or  in  any  other 
trivial  way  became  a  persona  non  grata  at  the  "  convent,*"  he  and  his 
family  would  become  the  pastor's  sheep  marked  for  sacrifice.  As 
Government  agent  it  was  within  his  arbitrary  power  to  attach  his 
signature  to  or  withhold  it  from  any  municipal  document.  From  time 
to  time  he  could  give  full  vent  to  his  animosity  by  secretly  denouncing 
to  the  civil  authorities  as  "  inconvenient  in  the  town  *"  all  those  whom 
he  wished  to  get  rid  of.  He  had  simply  to  send  an  official  advice  to  the 
Governor  of  the  province,  who  forwarded  it  to  the  Gov.-General,  stating 
that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  persons  mentioned  in  the  margin 
were  disloyal,  immoral,  or  whatever  it  might  be,  and  recommend  their 
removal  from  the  neighbourhood.  A  native  so  named  suddenly  found 
at  his  door  a  patrol  of  the  Civil  Guard,  who  escorted  him,  with  his  elbows 
tied  together,  from  prison  to  prison,  up  to  the  capital  town  and  thence 
to  Manila.  Finally,  without  trial  or  sentence,  he  was  banished  to  some 
distant  island  of  the  Archipelago.  He  might  one  day  return  to  find  his 
family  ruined,  or  he  might  as  often  spend  his  last  days  in  misery  alone. 
Sometimes  a  native  who  had  privately  heard  of  his  "  denunciation  *" 
became  a  remontado,  that  is  to  say  he  fled  to  the  mountains  to  lead  a 
bandit's  life  where  the  evils  of  a  debased  civilization  could  not  reach  him. 
Banishment  in  these  circumstances  was  not  a  mere  transportation  to 
another  place,  but  was  attended  with  all  the  horrors  of  a  cruel  captivity, 
of  which  I  have  been  an  eye-witness.  From  the  foregoing  it  may  be 
readily  understood  how  the  conduct  of  the  regular  clergy  was  the 
primary  cause  of  the  Rebellion  of  1896  ;  it  was  not  the  monks'  immor- 
ality which  disturbed  the  mind  of  the  native,  but  their  Caesarism  which 
raised  his  ire.  The  ground  of  discord  was  always  infinitely  more 
material  than  sentimental.  Among  the  friars,  however,  there  were 
many  exceptional  men  of  charming  manners  and  eminent  virtue.  If 
little  was  done  to  coerce  the  bulk  of  the  friars  to  live  up  to  the  standard 


206  The  Hierarchy — The  Jesuits 

of  these  exceptions,  it  was  said  to  be  because  the  general  interests  of 
Mother  Church  were  opposed  to  investigation  and  admonition,  for  fear 
of  the  consequent  scandal  destructive  of  her  prestige. 

The  Hierarchy  of  the  Philippines  consists  of  one  Archbishop  in 
Manila,  and  four  Suffragan  Bishoprics,  respectively  of  Nueva  Segovia, 
Cebii,  Jaro,  and  Nueva  Caceres.1  The  provincials,  the  vicars-general, 
and  other  officers  of  the  Religious  Orders  were  elected  by  the  Chapters 
and  held  office  for  four  years.  The  first  Bishop  of  Manila  took 
possession  in  1581,  and  the  first  Archbishop  in  1598. 

The  Jesuits  came  to  these  Islands  in  1581,  and  were  expelled 
therefrom  in  1770  by  virtue  of  an  Apostolic  Brief2  of  Pope  Clement  XIV., 
but  were  permitted  to  return  in  1859,  on  the  understanding  that  they 
would  confine  their  labours  to  scholastic  education  and  the  establishment 
of  missions  amongst  uncivilized  tribes.  Consequently,  in  Manila  they 
refounded  their  school — the  Municipal  Athenaeum — a  mission  house, 
and  a  Meteorological  Observatory,  whilst  in  many  parts  of  Mindanao 
Island  they  have  established  missions,  with  the  vain  hope  of  converting 
Mahometans  to  Christianity.3  The  Jesuits,  compared  with  the  members 
of  the  other  Orders,  are  very  superior  men,  and  their  fraternity  includes 
a  few,  and  almost  the  only,  learned  ecclesiastics  who  came  to  the  Colony. 
Since  their  return  to  the  Islands  (1859)  in  the  midst  of  the  strife  with 
the  Religious  Orders,  the  people  recognized  the  Jesuits  as  disinterested 
benefactors  of  the  country. 

Several  Chinese  have  been  admitted  to  holy  orders,  two  of  them 
having  become  Austin  Friars.4  The  first  native  friars  date  their 
admission  from  the  year  1700,  since  when  there  have  been  sixteen  of  the 
Order  of  St.  Augustine.  Subsequently  they  were  excluded  from  the 
confraternities,  and  only  admitted  to  holy  orders  as  vicars,  curates  to 
assist  parish  vicars,  chaplains,  and  in  other  minor  offices.  Up  to  the 
year  1872  native  priests  were  appointed  to  benefices,  but  in  consequence 
of  their  alleged  implication  in  the  Cavite  Conspiracy  of  that  year,  their 

1  Under  the  Spanish  Government,  the  See  of  Manila  comprised  the  provinces  of 
Bulacan,  Pampanga,  Zambales,  Cavite,  La  Laguna,  Bataan,  Island  of  Mindoro,  and 
part  of  Tarlac.  The  other  part  of  Tarlac  was  in  the  See  of  Nueva  Segovia,  which 
had  (in  1896)  ecclesiastical  control  over  997,029  Christians  and  172,383  pagans. 
The  See  of  Jaro  is  the  one  most  recently  created  (1867). 

2  The  Royal  Decree  setting  forth  the  execution  of  this  Brief  was  printed  in 
Madrid  in  1773.  This  politic-religious  Order  was  banished  from  Portugal  and  Spain 
in  1767.  In  Madrid,  on  the  night  of  March  31,  the  Royal  Edict  was  read  to  the 
members  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  who  were  allowed  time  to  pack  up  their  most 
necessary  chattels  and  leave  for  the  coast,  where  they  were  hurriedly  embarked  for 
Rome.     The  same  Order  was  suppressed  for  ever  in  France  in  1764. 

3  At  the  date  of  the  Tagalog  Rebellion  (1896)  the  Jesuits  in  the  Islands  were  as 
follows  :  In  Manila,  2-4  priests,  25  lay  brothers,  and  13  teachers  ;  in  Mindanao,  62 
priests  and  43  lay  brothers,  making  a  total  of  167  individuals.  They  were  not 
allowed  to  possess  real  estate. 

4  Vide  "  Catalogo  de  los  Religiosos  de  N.  S.  P.  San  Agustin."  Published  in 
Manila,  1804. 


The  several  Orders — Church  revenues  207 

church  livings,  as  they  became  vacant,  were  given  to  Spanish  friars, 
whose  headquarters  were  established  in  Manila. 

The  Austin  Friars  were  the  religious  pioneers  in  these  Islands  ; 
they  came  to  Cebu  in  1565  and  to  Manila  in  1571  ;  then  followed  the 
Franciscans  in  1577 ;  the  Dominicans  in  1587,  a  member  of  this  Order 
having  been  ordained  first  Bishop  of  Manila,  where  he  arrived  in  1581. 
The  Recoletos  (unshod  Augustinians),  a  branch  of  the  Saint  Augustine 
Order,  came  to  the  Islands  in  1606  ;  the  Capuchins — the  lowest  type  of 
European  monk  in  the  Far  East,  came  to  Manila  in  1886,  and  were 
sent  to  the  Caroline  Islands  {vide  p.  45).  The  Paulists,  of  the  Order  of 
Saint  Vincent  de  Paul,  were  employed  in  scholastic  work  in  Nueva 
Caceres,  Jaro,  and  Cebu,  the  same  as  the  Jesuits  were  in  Manila.  The 
Benedictines  came  to  the  Islands  in  1895.  Only  the  members  of  the 
first  four  Orders  above  named  were  parish  priests,  and  each  (except 
the  Franciscans)  possessed  agricultural  land  ;  hence  the  animosity  of  the 
natives  was  directed  against  these  four  confraternities  only,  and  not 
against  the  others,  who  neither  monopolized  incumbencies,  nor  held 
rural  property,  but  were  simply  teachers,  or  missionaries,  whose  worldly 
interests  in  no  way  clashed  with  those  of  the  people.  Therefore, 
whenever  there  was  a  popular  outcry  against  "  the  friars,r>  it  was 
understood  to  refer  solely  to  the  Austins,  the  Franciscans,  the 
Dominicans  and  the  Recoletos.1  There  was  no  Spanish  secular  clergy 
in  the  Islands,  except  three  or  four  military  chaplains. 

The  Church  was  financially  supported  by  the  State  to  the  extent  of 
about  three-quarters  of  a  million  pesos  per  annum. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  most  interesting  items  taken  from 
"  The  Budget  for  1888,"  viz.  :— 

Sanctorum  or  Church  tax  of  18f  cents  (i.e.,  1^  reales) 
on*  each  Cedula  personal,  say  on  2,760,613  Cedulas 
in  1888,  less  4  per  cent,  cost  of  collection      .         .         P. 496,910.00 

The  friars  appointed  to  incumbencies  received  in  former  times  tithes 
from  the  Spaniards,  and  a  Church  tax  from  the  natives  computed  by 
the  amount  of  tribute  paid.  Tithe  payment  (diezmos  prediales)  by 
the  Spaniards  became  almost  obsolete,  and  the  Sanctorum  tax  on  Cedulas 
was  paid  to  the  Church  through  the  Treasury  {vide  p.  55). 

There  were  priests  in  missions  and  newly-formed  parishes  where 
the  domiciled  inhabitants  were  so  few  that  the  Sanctorum  tax  on  the 
aggregate  of  the  Cedulas  was  insufficient  for  their  support.  These 
missionaries  were  allowed  salaries,  and  parish  priests  were  permitted  to 
appropriate  from  their  revenues,  as  annual  stipend,  amounts  ranging 
from  500  to  800  pesos,  as  a  rule,  with  a  few  exceptions  (such  as  Binondo 

1  The  Augustinian  Order  was  founded  in  the  4th  century  ;  the  Franciscan  in 
1210  and  confirmed  by  Papal  Bull  in  1223  ;  the  Dominican  in  1261  ;  the  Recoleto 
in  1G02  ;  the  Benedictine  in  530  ;  the  Capuchin  in  1209  and  the  Paulist  in  1625. 


208  State  Aid  for  the  Church 

parish  and  others),  rated  at  1,200  pesos,  whilst  one,  at  least  (the  parish 
priest,  or  missionary  of  Vergara,  Davao  Province),  received  2,200  pesos 
a  year.  In  practice,  however,  a  great  many  parish  priests  spent  far 
more  than  their  allotted  stipends. 

A  project  was  under  consideration  to  value  the  incumbencies,  and 
classify  them,  like  the  Courts  of  Justice  (vide  p.  234),  with  the  view  of 
apportioning  to  each  a  fixed  income  payable  by  the  Treasury  in  lieu 
of  accounting  to  the  Church  for  the  exact  amount  of  the  Sanctorum. 

By  decree  of  Gov. -General  Terrero,  dated  November  23, 1885,  the 
State  furnished  free  labour  (by  natives  who  did  not  pay  poll-tax)  for 
Church  architectural  works,  provided  it  was  made  clear  that  the  cost 
of  such  labour  could  not  be  covered  bv  the  surplus  funds  of  the 
Sanctorum.  The  chief  items  of  Church  expenditure  were  as  follows, 
viz. : — 

State  outlay  for  Church. 

p.     CtS. 

Archbishop's  salary 12,000  00 

Other  salaries  (Cathedral) 40,300  00 

„      expenses       „               .........  3,000  00 

Four  Bishops,  each  with  a  salary  of  P.  6,000 24,000  00 

Court  of  Arches  (amount  contributed  by  the  State  J)     .         .         .         .  5,000  00 

Chaplain  of  Los  Bailos ..........  120  00 

Sulu  Mission 1,000  00 

Mission  House  in  Manila  for  Capuchin  friars  .....  1,700  00 
12  Capuchins  (State  paid)  for  the  Caroline  and  Pelew  Islands — 6  at 

P. 300  and  6  at  P.  500  each  per  annum 4,800  00 

Transport  of  Missionaries  estimated  at  about,  per  annum      .         .         .  10,000  00 
The  anticipated   total  State   outlay  for  the   support   of  the   Church, 
Missions,  Monasteries,  Convents,  etc.,  including  the  above  and 

all  other  items  for  the  financial  year  of  1888  was      .          .          P.  724,634  50 

Moreover,  the  religious  Corporations  possessed  large  private  revenues. 
The  Dominicans''  investments  in  Hong-Kong,  derived  from  capitalized 
income,  are  still  considerable.  The  Austin,  Recoleto,  and  Dominican 
friars  held  very  valuable  real  estate  in  the  provinces,  which  was  rented 
to  the  native  agriculturists  on  conditions  which  the  tenants  con- 
sidered onerous.  The  native  planters  were  discontented  with  the 
treatment  they  received  from  these  landowners,  and  their  numerous 
complaints  formed  part  of  the  general  outcry  against  the  regular 
clergy.  The  bailiffs  of  these  corporation  lands  were  unordained 
brothers  of  the  Order.  They  resided  in  the  Estate  Houses,  and  by 
courtesy  were  styled  "  fathers "  by  the  natives.  They  were  under 
certain  religious  vows,  but  not  being  entitled  to  say  Mass,  they  were 
termed  "  legos,"  or  ignorant  men,  by  their  own  Order. 

The  clergy  also  derived  a  very  large  portion  of  their  incomes  from 

1  For  any  further  expense  this  might  incur,  3  per  cent,  was  deducted  from  the 
parish  priests'  emoluments. 


Jealous  rivalry  of  the  Religious  Orders  209 

commissions  on  the  sale  of  cedulas,  sales  of  Papal  Bulls,  masses,  pictures, 
books,  chaplets  and  indulgences,  marriage,  burial  and  baptismal  fees, 
benedictions,  donations  touted  for  after  the  crops  were  raised,  legacies 
to  be  paid  for  in  masses,  remains  of  wax  candles  left  in  the  church  by 
the  faithful,  fees  for  getting  souls  out  of  purgatory,  alms,  etc.  The 
surplus  revenues  over  and  above  parochial  requirements  were  supposed 
to  augment  the  common  Church  funds  in  Manila.  The  Corporations 
were  consequently  immensely  wealthy,  and  their  power  and  influence 
were  in  consonance  with  that  wealth. 

Each  Order  had  its  procurator  in  Madrid,  who  took  up  the  cudgels 
in  defence  of  his  Corporation's  interest  in  the  Philippines  whenever  this 
was  menaced.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Church,  as  a  body  politic,  dis- 
pensed no  charity,  but  received  all.  It  was  always  begging  ;  always 
above  civil  laws  and  taxes  ;  claimed  immunity,  proclaimed  poverty, 
and  inculcated  in  others  charity  to  itself. 

Most  of  the  parish  priests — Spanish  or  native — were  very  hospitable 
to  travellers,  and  treated  them  with  great  kindness.  Amongst  them 
there  were  some  few  misanthropes  and  churlish  characters  who  did  not 
care  to  be  troubled  by  anything  outside  the  region  of  their  vocation,  but 
on  the  whole  I  found  them  remarkably  complaisant. 

In  Spain  there  were  training  colleges  of  the  three  Communities,  in 
Valladolid,  Ocana,  and  Monte  Agudo  respectively,  for  young  novices 
intended  to  be  sent  to  the  Philippines,  the  last  Spanish  Colony  where 
friars  held  vicarages. 

****** 

The  ecclesiastical  archives  of  the  Philippines  abound  with  proofs 
of  the  bitter  and  tenacious  strife  sustained,  not  only  between  the  civil 
and  Church  authorities,  but  even  amongst  the  religious  communities 
themselves.  Each  Order  was  so  intensely  jealous  of  the  others,  that  one 
is  almost  led  to  ponder  whether  the  final  goal  of  all  could  have  been 
identical.  All  voluntarily  faced  death  with  the  same  incentive,  whilst 
amicable  fellowship  in  this  world  seemed  an  impossibility.  The  first 
Bishop  (vide  p.  56)  struggled  in  vain  to  create  a  religious  monopoly 
in  the  Philippines  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  Augustine  Order. 
It  has  been  shown  how  ardent  was  the  hatred  which  the  Jesuits 
and  the  other  Religious  Orders  mutually  entertained  for  each  other. 
Each  sacred  fraternity  laboured  incessantly  to  gain  the  ascendancy 
in  the  conquered  territories,  and  their  Divine  calling  served  for  nothing 
in  palliating  the  acrimony  of  their  reciprocal  accusations  and 
recriminations,  which  often  involved  the  civil  power. 

For  want  of  space  I  can  only  refer  to  a  few  of  these  disputes. 

The  Austin  friars  attributed  to  the  Jesuits  the  troubles  with  the 
Mahometans  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu,  and,  in  their  turn,  the  Jesuits  pro- 
tested against  what  they  conceived  to  be  the  bad  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment, adopted  under  the  influence  of  the  other  Orders  in  Manila.     So 

14 


210  Papal  intervention  to  ensure  peace 

distinct  were  their  interests  that  the  Augustine  chroniclers  refer  to  the 
other  Orders  as  different  religions. 

In  1778  the  Province  of  Pangasinan  was  spiritually  administered 
by  the  Dominicans,  whilst  that  of  Zambales  was  allotted  to  the  Reco- 
letos.  The  Dominicans,  therefore,  proposed  to  the  Recoletos  to  cede 
Zambales  to  them,  because  it  was  repugnant  to  have  to  pass  through 
Recoleto  territory  going  from  Manila  to  their  own  province  !  The 
Recoletos  were  offered  Mindoro  Island  in  exchange,  which  they  refused, 
until  the  Archbishop  compelled  them  to  yield.  Disturbances  then  arose 
in  Zambales,  the  responsibility  of  which  was  thrown  on  the  Dominicans 
by  their  rival  Order,  and  the  Recoletos  finally  succeeded  in  regaining 
their  old  province  by  intrigue. 

During  the  Governorship  of  Martin  de  Urena,  Count  de  Lizarraga 
(1709-15),  the  Aragonese  and  Castilian  priests  quarrelled  about  the 
ecclesiastical  preferments. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century  the  Bishop-elect  of  Cebu, 
Fray  Pedro  Saez  de  la  Vega  Lanzaverde,  refused  to  take  possession 
because  the  nomination  was  in  partibus.  He  objected  also  that  the 
Bishopric  was  merely  one  in  perspective  and  not  yet  a  reality.  The  See 
remained  vacant  whilst  the  contumacious  priest  lived  in  Mexico.  Fray 
Sebastian  de  Jorronda  was  subsequently  appointed  to  administer  the 
Bishopric,  but  also  refused,  until  he  was  coerced  into  submission  by  the 
Supreme  Court  (1718). 

In  1767  the  Austin  friars  refused  to  admit  the  episcopal  visits,  and 
exhibited  such  a  spirit  of  independence  that  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  was 
constrained  to  issue  a  Bull  to  exhort  them  to  obey,  admonishing  them 
for  their  insubordination. 

The  friars  of  late  years  were  subject  to  a,  visiting  priest — the 
Provincial— in  all  matters  de  vita  et  moribus,  to  the  Bishop  of  the 
diocese  in  all  affairs  of  spiritual  dispensation,  and  to  the  Gov.-General 
as  vice-royal  patron  in  all  that  concerned  the  relations  of  the  Church  to 
the  Civil  Government.1 

An  observant  traveller,  unacquainted  with  the  historical  antecedents 
of  the  friars  in  the  Philippines,  could  not  fail  to  be  impressed  by  the 
estrangement  of  religious  men,  whose  sacred  mission,  if  genuine,  ought 
to  have  formed  an  inseverable  bond  of  alliance  and  goodfellowship. 

1  "  Recopilacion  de  las  Leyes  de  Indias." — Ley  46,  tit.  14,  lib.  1°,  forbids  priests 
and  members  of  any  religious  body  to  take  part  in  matters  of  Civil  Government. 


211 


CHAPTER   XIII 

SPANISH   INSULAR  GOVERNMENT 

From  the  days  of  Legaspi  the  supreme  rule  in  these  Islands  was 
usually  confided  for  indefinite  periods  to  military  men  :  but  circum- 
stances frequently  placed  naval  officers,  magistrates,  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  even  ecclesiastics  at  the  head  of  the  local  government. 
During  the  last  half  century  of  Spanish  rule  the  common  practice 
was  to  appoint  a  Lieut. -General  as  Governor,  with  the  local  rank 
of  Captain-General  pending  his  three-years1  term  of  office.  An  excep- 
tion to  this  rule  in  that  period  was  made  (1883-85)  when  Joaquin 
Jovellar,  a  Captain-General  and  ex-War  Minster  in  Spain,  was 
specially  empowered  to  establish  some  notable  reforms — the  good 
policy  of  which  was  doubtful.  Again,  in  1897,  Fernando  Primo  de 
Rivera,  Marquis  de  Estella,  also  a  Captain-General  in  Spain,  held 
office  in  Manila  under  the  exceptional  circumstances  of  the  Tagalog 
Rebellion  of  1896,  in  succession  to  Ramon  Blanco,  Marquis  de  Pena 
Plata.  Considering  that  Primo  de  Rivera,  during  his  previous  Gov.- 
Generalship  (1880-83),  had  won  great  popularity  with  the  Filipinos, 
he  was  deemed,  in  Madrid,  to  be  the  man  most  capable  of  arresting 
the  revolutionary  movement.  How  far  the  confidence  of  the  Home 
Government  was  misplaced  will  be  seen  in  Chapter  xxii. 

Soon  after  the  conquest  the  Colony  was  divided  and  sub-divided 
into  provinces  and  military  districts  as  they  gradually  yielded  to 
the  Spanish  sway.  Such  districts,  called  Encomiendas,1  were  then 
farmed  out  to  Eneomenderos,  who  exercised  little  scruple  in  their 
rigorous  exactions  from  the  natives.  Some  of  the  Encomenderos 
acquired  wealth  during  the  terms  of  their  holdings,  whilst  others 
became  victims  to  the  revenge  of  their  subjects.  They  must 
indeed   have  been  bold,    enterprising  men  who,  in  those  days,   would 

1  In  the  early  days  of  Mexican  conquest,  the  conquered  land  was  apportioned 
to  the  warriors  under  the  name  of  Repartimentos,  but  such  divisions  included  the 
absolute  possession  of  the  natives  as  slaves  (vide  "  La  vida  y  escritos  del  P.  Fray 
Bartolome'  de  las  Casas,  Obispo  de  Chiapa,"  by  Antonio  Maria  Fabie',  Colonial 
Minister  in  the  Canovas  Cabinet  of  1890   Madrid). 


212        The  Encomiendas — The  Trading-Governors 


have  taken  charge  of  districts  distant  from  the  capital.  It  would 
appear  that  their  tenure  was,  in  a  certain  sense,  feudal,  for 
they  were  frequently  called  upon  to  aid  the  Central  Government 
with  vessels,  men,  and  arms  against  the  attacks  of  common  enemies. 
Against  Mahometan  incursions  necessity  made  them  warriors, — 
if  they  were  not  so  by  taste, — civil  engineers  to  open  communica- 
tions with  their  districts,  administrators,  judges,  and  all  that 
represented  social  order.  Encomiendas  were  sometimes  given  to 
Spaniards  as  rewards  for  high  services  rendered  to  the  common- 
wealth,1 although  favouritism  or  (in  later  years)  purchase-money  more 
commonly  secured  the  vacancies,  and  the  holders  were  quite  expected 
to  make  fortunes  in  the  manner  they  thought  fit,  with  due  regard 
for  the  Royal  Treasury  {vide  p.  54). 

The  Encomenderos  were,  in  the  course  of  time,  superseded  by  Judicial 
Governors,  called  Alcaldes,  who  received  small  salaries,  from  <£60  per 
annum  and  upwards,  but  were  allowed  to  trade.  The  right  to  trade — 
called  "  indidto  de  comercio  " — was  sold  to  the  Alcalde-Governors,  except 
those  of  Tondo,2  Zamboanga,  Cavite,  Nueva  Ecija,  Islas  Batanes 
and  Antique,  whose  trading  right  was  included  in  the  emoluments 
of  office.     The  Government's  object  was  economy. 

In  ]  840  Eusebio  Mazorca  wrote  thus  3 : — "  The  salary  paid  to 
"the  chiefs  of  provinces  who  enjoy  the  right  of  trade  is  more  or  less 
"P.300  per  annum,  and  after  deducting  the  amount  paid  for  the 
"  trading  right,  which  in  some  provinces  amounts  to  five-sixths  of 
"  the  whole — as  in  Pangasinan ;  and  in  others  to  the  whole  of  the 
"  salary — as  in  Caraga ;  and  discounting  again  the  taxes,  it  is  not 
"  possible  to  conceive  how  the  appointment  can  be  so  much  sought 
"  after.  There  are  candidates  up  to  the  grade  of  brigadier  who 
"  relinquish  a  P.3,000  salary  to  pursue  their  hopes  and  projects 
"  in  governorship."" 

This  system  obtained  for  many  years,  and  the  abuses  went  on 
increasing.  The  Alcaldes  practically  monopolized  the  trade  of  their 
districts,  unduly  taking  advantage  of  their  governmental  position  to 
hinder  the  profitable  traffic  of  the  natives  and  bring  it  all  into 
their  own  hands.  They  tolerated  no  competition  ;  they  arbitrarily 
fixed  their  own  purchasing  prices,  and  sold  at  current  rates.  Due 
to  the  scarcity  of  silver  in  the  interior,  the  natives  often  paid  their 
tribute  to  the  Royal  Treasury  in    produce, — chiefly    rice, —  which    was 

1  Juan  Salcedo,  Legaspi's  grandson  {vide  Chaps,  ii.  and  iv.)  was  rewarded  with 
several  Encomiendas  in  the  Ilocos  provinces,  on  the  west  coast  of  Luzon,  where  he 
levied  a  tribute  on  the  natives  whom  he  subdued. 

2  Changed  afterwards  to  Manila  Province ;  now  called  Rizal  Province  (Morong 
district  incorporated  therein)  since  the  American  occupation. 

3  "Noticias  de  Filipinas,"  by  Don  Eusebio  Mazorca.  Inedited  MS.  dated  1840, 
in  the  Archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of  Batangas. 


The  Judge-Governors — The  Reforms  of  1886      213 

received  into  the  Royal  Granaries  at  a  ruinously  low  valuation,  and 
accounted  for  to  the  State  at  its  real  value ;  the  difference  being; 
the  illicit  profit  made  by  the  Alcalde.  Many  of  these  functionaries 
exercised  their  power  most  despotically  in  their  own  circuits,  disposing 
of  the  natives'  labour  and  chattels  without  remuneration,  and  not 
unfrequently,  for  their  own  ends,  invoking  the  King's  name,  which 
imbued  the  native  with  a  feeling  of  awe,  as  if  His  Majesty  were 
some  supernatural  being. 

In  1810  Tomas  de  Comyn  wrote  as  follows  : — "  In  order  to  be  a  chief 
"  of  a  province  in  these  Islands,  no  training  or  knowledge  or  special 
"  services  are  necessary ;  all  persons  are  fit  and  admissible.  .  .  . 
"  It  is  quite  a  common  thing  to  see  a  barber  or  a  Governor's  lackey,  a 
"  sailor  or  a  deserter,  suddenly  transformed  into  an  Alcalde,  Adminis- 
"  trator,  and  Captain  of  the  forces  of  a  populous  province  without 
"any  counsellor  but  his  rude  understanding,  or  any  guide  but  his 
"  passions." 1 

By  Royal  Decree  of  1844  Government  officials  were  thenceforth 
strictly  prohibited  to  trade,  under  pain  of  removal  from  office. 

In  the  year  1850  there  were  34  Provinces,  and  two  Political 
Military  Commandancies.  Until  June,  1886,  the  offices  of  provincial 
Civil  Governor  and  Chief  Judge  of  that  province  were  vested  in  the 
same  person — the  Alcalde  Mayor.  This  created  a  strange  anomaly,  for 
an  appeal  against  an  edict  of  the  Governor  had  to  be  made  to  himself 
as  Judge.  Then  if  it  were  taken  to  the  central  authority  in  Manila, 
it  was  sent  back  for  "  information "  to  the  Judge-Governor,  without 
independent  inquiry  being  made  in  the  first  instance  ;  hence  protest 
against  his  acts  was  fruitless. 

During  the  Regency  of  Queen  Maria  Christina,  this  curious  arrange- 
ment was  abolished  by  a  Decree  dated  in  Madrid,  February  26,  1886,  to 
take  effect  on  June  1  following. 

Eighteen  Civil  Governorships  were  created,  and  Alcaldes'  functions 
were  confined  to  their  judgeships;  moreover,  the  Civil  Governor  was 
assisted  by  a  Secretary,  so  that  two  new  official  posts  were  created  in 
each  of  these  provinces. 

The  Archipelago,  including  Sulu,  was  divided  into  19  Civil  Provincial 
Governments,  four  Military  General  Divisions,  43  Military  Provincial 
Districts,  and  four  Provincial  Governments  under  Naval  Officers,  forming 
a  total  of  70  Divisions  and  Sub-Divisions. 

1  The  text  reads  thus:— "Paxa  ser  jefe  de  Provincia  en  estas  Islas  no  se 
"requiere  carrera,  conocimientos  ni  servicios  determinados,  todos  son  aptos  y 
"  admisibles.  .  .  .  Es  cosa  bastante  comun  ver  a  un  peluquero  o  lacayo  de 
"un  gobernador,  a  un  marinero  y  a  un  desertor  transformado  de  repente 
"  en  Alcalde-Mayor,  sub-delegado  y  Capitan  a  guerra  de  una  provincia  populosa, 
"sin  otro  consejero  que  su  rudo  entendimiento,  ni  mas  guia  que  sus  pasiones. 
Tomas  de  Comyn  was  an  employee  of  the  "Real  Compania  de  Filipinos"  (q.v.), 
and  subsequently  Spanish  Consul-General  in  Lisbon. 


214 


Cost  of  Spanish  Insular  Government 


COST  OF  SPANISH   ADMINISTRATION 

The  Gov. -General  received  a  salary  of   . 

The  Central  Government  Office,  called  "  Gobiemo  General,"  with  its 
Staff  of  Officials  and  all  expenses     ....... 

The  General   Government   Centre  was  assisted   in   the    General    Ad- 
ministration of  the  Islands  by  two  other  Governing  Bodies,  namely  : 
The  General  Direction  of  Civil  Administration 
The  Administrative  Council      ....... 

The  Chief  of  the  General  Direction  received  a  salary  of  P.  12,000,  with 
an  allowance  for  official  visits  to  the  Provinces  of  P.  500  per  annum. 

The   Council   was   composed   of  three   Members,   each  at  a  salary  of 
P.  4, 700,  besides  a  Secretary  and  officials. 

Seventy  divisions  and  sub-divisions  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

Civil  Governments 

Manila  Pob— Salary  of  Civil  Governor  P.  5,000. —Total  cost . 
Albay,    Batangas,    Bulacan,,|  Eight  First-Class  Govts.  : 

Ilocos  Norte,  Ilocos  Sur,  I  Salary  of  each  Civil  Gov.  .  P. 4,500 
La  Laguna,  Pampanga,  [  Total  cost  of  each  Govt.  .  P.  8, 900 
Pangasinan.  J         Eight  First-Class  Govts,  cost  . 

Bataan,    Camarines    Norte,  "J  Seven  Second-Class  Govts.  : 

Camarines     Sur,      Min- I      Salary  of  each  Civil  Gov.     .     P. 4,000 

doro,  Nueva  Ecija,  Taya-  j     Total  cost  of  each  Govt.       .     P. 7,660 

has,  Zambales.  j  Seven  Second-Class  Govts,  cost 

Cagayan         .         .         .         .  "j  Three  Third-Class  Govts.  : 

Isabela  .         .         .         .1     Salary  of  each  Civil  Gov.     .     P.  3,500 

Nueva  Vizcaya      .         .         .)      Total  cost  of  each  Govt.       .     P.  6,700 

Three  Third-Class  Govts,  cost 


Military  General  Governments 

Gen.  Division  of  S.  Visayas,  under  a  Brig. -General  and  Staff 
Gen.  Division  of  N.  Visayas,      „  „  „ 

Gen.  Division  of  Mindanao,        „  ,,  „ 

Gen.  Division  of  Cavite,  „  ,,  ,, 

Military  Provinces  and  Districts 

Sulu       .  •  .         .         .         .    Under  a  Colonel  and  Staff 

Yloilo „  „  „ 

cottabato      ..... 
East  Carolines  and  Pelew  Islands 
West  Carolines  and  Pelew  Islands 
Cebu 
Capiz 

MlSAMIS 

/  Ladrone  Islands  . 
Zamboanga     . 

SURIGAO 

Davao    . 
Dapitan 

ZUCURAN 

La    Union,  Antique,    Samar 

Leyte,  El  Abra,  Bojol 

Tarlac,  Negros,  M6rong 
Batanes,    Calamianes,    Rom-^ 

blon,  Benguet,  Lepanto,  I  Each  under  a  Captain : — 

Burias,    Infante,    Pri'n- j     Ten  Districts  @  P.  1,980     . 

cipe,  Bontoc,  ConcepcionJ 

Carried  forward 


Lieut. -Colonel  and  Staff 


Major  and  Staff 


}Each  under  a  Major  : — 
Nine  Districts  @  P. 3,040 


P.    cts. 
40,000  00 

43,708  00 


29,277  34 
28,502  00 


20,248  00 


71,200  00 


53,620  00 


20,100  00 


10,975  00 

10,975  00 

17,825  00 

6,596  66 


7,240  00 
4,410  00 
5,426  66 
4,900  00 
5,970  00 
3,500  00 
3,500  00 
4,816  66 
4,975  00 
.3,856  66 
4,356  66 
4,156  66 
2,692  00 
2,692  00 

27,360  00 


.     19,800  00 
P.  462,679  30 


The  Provincial  Civil  Governors  duties  215 

P.     cts. 

Brought  forward         .         .   462,679  30 

Cagayan  (Mindanao) — Biling,^  r,     ,        j         ,-,     ,   . 

XT  \r,         '      o  M  Each  under  a  Captain : — 

JNUEVA      VlZCAYA,      OASAN-  V        v-  p..    .     .     .       *.    n  -.    _no  „  nor.    „„ 

/n  ^    -      \  l      *ive  Districts  @  P.  1,792     .         .         .       8,960  00 

gani  (Palauan)         .         .)  ' 

Siassi,  Bongao,  Tatoan  .  .    Each  under  a  Captain  : — 

Three  Districts  @  P.  2,032  .         .         .  6,096  00 

Escalante,1  under  a  Lieutenant     ........  1 ,525  00 

Masbate,  „        Cavalry  Sub-Lieutenant 1,450  00 

Provincial  Governments  under  Naval  Officers,  Officers  in  Charge  of 
Naval  Stations  as  ex-officio  Governors 

Corregidor 3,821  00 

Balabac 3,960  00 

Isabela  de  Basilan 5,276  66 

Palauan  (Puerta  Princesa) 6,910  00 

Total  cost  of  General  Government  of  the  Islands        .  500,677  96 

Deduct — 

Officers'  Pay,  etc.,  included  in  Army  Estimates.         .      P.145,179  96 
„  „  „  Navy  Estimates  .         .  14,640  00 

159,819  96 

P.  340, 858  00 


The  Spanish  Government  intended,  in  due  course,  to  establish  Civil 
Government  throughout  the  Islands.  A  Civil  Governor  was  the 
representative  of  the  Gov.-General,  whose  orders  and  decrees  he  had 
to  publish  and  execute  at  his  own  discretion.  He  could  not  absent 
himself  from  his  province  without  permission.  He  had  to  maintain 
order,  veto  petitions  for  arms'  licences,  hold  under  his  orders  and 
dispose  of  the  Civil  Guard,  Carabineers,  and  local  guards.  He  could 
suspend  the  pay  for  ten  days  of  any  subordinate  official  who  failed  to 
do  his  duty,  or  he  could  temporarily  suspend  him  in  his  functions  with 
justifiable  cause,  and  propose  to  the  Gov.-General  his  definite  removal. 
He  had  to  preside  at  all  municipal  elections ;  to  bring  delinquents  to 
justice ;  to  decree  the  detention  on  suspicion  of  any  individual,  and 
place  him  at  the  disposal  of  the  chief  judge  within  three  days  after  his 
capture  ;  to  dictate  orders  for  the  government  of  the  towns  and  villages  ; 
to  explain  to  the  petty-governors  the  true  interpretation  of  the  law 
and  regulations  affecting  their  districts. 

The  Governor  was  chief  of  police,  and  could  impose  fines  up  to  P.50 
without  the  intervention  of  judicial  authority  ;  and  in  the  event  of  the 
mulcted  person  being  unable  to  pay,  he  could  order  his  imprisonment  at 
the  rate  of  one  day's  detention  for  each  half-peso  of  the  fine  ;  it  was 
provided,  however,  that  the  imprisonment  could  not  exceed  30  days  in 

1  Transferred  to  Bais  in  January,  1889,  in  consequence  of  the  rise  of  brigandage 
in  the  S.E.  of  Negros  Island. 

The  brigands,  under  the  leadership  of  a  native  named  Camartin  and  another, 
who  declared  themselves  prophets,  plundered  the  planters  along  that  coast,  and 
committed  such  notorious  crimes  that  troops  had  to  be  despatched  there  under  the 
command  of  the  famous  Lieut. -Colonel  Villa-Abrille.  The  Gov.-General  Valeriano 
Weyler  went  to  the  Visayas  Islands  and  personally  directed  the  operations. 


216         The  position  of  Provincial  Civil  Governor 

any  case.  He  had  to  preside  at  the  ballot  for  military  conscription, 
but  he  could  delegate  this  duty  to  his  Secretary,  or,  failing  him,  to  the 
Administrator.  Where  no  harbour-master  had  been  appointed,  the 
Civil  Governor  acted  as  such.  He  had  the  care  of  the  primary 
instruction  ;  and  it  was  his  duty  specially  to  see  that  the  native  scholars 
were  taught  the  Spanish  language.  Land  concessions,  improvements 
tending  j  to  increase  the  wealth  of  the  province,  permits  for  felling 
timber,  and  the  collection  of  excise  taxes  were  all  under  his  care. 
He  had  also  to  furnish  statistics  relating  to  the  labour  poll-tax ;  draw 
up  the  provincial  budget ;  render  provincial  and  municipal  accounts,  etc., 
all  of  which  had  to  be  counter-signed  under  the  word  Intervine  by 
the  Secretary.  He  was  provincial  postmaster-general,  chief  of  tele- 
graph service,  prisons,  charities,  board  of  health,  public  works,  woods 
and  forests,  mines,  agriculture  and  industry.  Under  no  circumstances 
could  he  dispose  of  the  public  funds,  which  were  in  the  care  of  the 
Administrator  and  Interventor,  and  he  was  not  entitled  to  any  per- 
centages (as  Alcalde-Governors  formerly  were),  or  any  emoluments 
whatsoever  further  than  his  fixed  salary. 

A  Governor  had  to  be  a  Spaniard  over  30  years  of  age.  It  is  curious 
to  note,  from  its  political  significance,  that  among  the  many  classes 
of  persons  eligible  for  a  Civil  Governorship  were  those  who  had  been 
Members  of  the  Spanish  Parliament  or  Senate  during  one  complete  session. 

Upon  the  whole,  a  Provincial  Governor  passed  life  very  comfortably 
if  he  did  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  oppress  his  subjects  and  create 
discord.  His  tranquillity,  nevertheless,  was  always  dependent  upon  his 
maintaining  a  good  understanding  with  the  priesthood  of  his  district, 
and  his  conformity  with  the  demands  of  the  friars.  If  he  had  the  mis- 
fortune to  cross  their  path,  it  brought  him  a  world  of  woe,  and  finally 
his  downfall.  There  have  been  Provincial  Governors  who  in  reality 
held  their  posts  by  clerical  influence,  whilst  others  who  exercised  a 
more  independent  spirit — who  set  aside  Church  interests  to  serve  those 
of  the  State,  with  which  they  were  intrusted — fell  victims  to  sacerdotal 
intrigue ;  for  the  subordinates  of  the  hierarchy  had  power  to  overthrow 
as  well  as  to  support  those  who  were  appointed  to  their  districts.  Few 
improvements  appear  to  have  been  made  in  the  provinces  by  the  initiative 
of  the  local  Governors,  nor  did  they  seem  to  take  any  special  interest  in 
commercial  and  agricultural  advancement.  This  lack  of  interest  was 
somewhat  excusable  and  comprehensible,  however,  seeing  that  after  they 
were  appointed,  and  even  though  they  governed  well  within  the 
strict  limitations  of  their  office,  they  were  constantly  expecting  that 
a  ministerial  change  or  the  fall  of  a  single  minister  might  remove  them 
from  their  posts,  or  that  the  undermining  influence  of  favouritism  might 
succeed  in  accomplishing  their  withdrawal.  It  was  natural,  therefore, 
that  they  should  have  been  indifferent  about  the  fostering  of  new 
agricultural  enterprises,  of  opening  tracks  for  bringing  down  timber,  of 


Local  funds — Provincial  poverty 


217 


facilitating  trade,  or  of  in  any  way  stimulating  the  development  of  the 
resources  of  a  province  when  the  probability  existed  that  they  would 
never  have  the  personal  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  result  of  their  efforts. 

Some  Governors  with  whom  I  am  personally  acquainted  have,  in 
spite  of  all  discouragement,  studied  the  wants  of  their  provinces,  but  to 
no  purpose.  Their  estimates  for  road-making  and  mending,  bridge- 
building,  and  public  works  generally  were  shelved  in  Manila,  whilst  the 
local  funds  {Fondos  locales),  which  ought  to  have  been  expended  in  the 
localities  where  they  were  collected,  were  seized  by  the  authorities  in 
the  capital  and  applied  to  other  purposes. 

An  annual  statement  of  one  province  will  be  sufficient,  as  an 
example,  to  illustrate  the  nature  of  this  local  tax  : — 

LOCAL  FUNDS1— ALBAY  PROVINCE 

Provincial  Revenue 

Stamps  on  Weights  and  Measures 
Billiard  Tax  and  Live  Stock  credentials 
90  %  of  fines  for  shirking  forced  labour 
Tax  in  lieu  of  forced  labour 
Vehicle  tax  ..... 


Municipal  Revenue 

Tax  paid  by  sellers  in  the  public  market-place 
„    on  slaughter  of  animals  for  food    . 
„    „  local  sales  of  hemp  .... 

90  %  of  the  Municipal  fines  and  tax  on  Chinese 

10  %  on  tithes  paid  and  house-property  tax  . 

10%  on  Industrial  licences  .... 

10  %  on  Alcohol  licences      .         .         . 


P.  cts. 

P.  cts. 

2,490  00 

496  00 

1,500  00 

85,209  00 

4,000  00 

93,695  00 

7,050  00 

12,098  00 

40  00 

554  00 

380  00 

5,710  00 

2,525  00 

28,357  00 

P.  122,052  00 

In  the  same  year  this  province  contributed  to  the  common  funds  of 
the  Treasury  a  further  sum  of  P.  133,009. 

There  was  in  each  town  another  local  tax  called  Caja  de  Comuni- 
dad,  contributed  to  by  the  townspeople  to  provide  against  any  urgent 
necessity  of  the  community,  but  it  found  its  way  to  Manila  and  was 
misappropriated,  like  the  Fondos  locales. 

There  was  not  a  peso  at  the  disposal  of  the  Provincial  Governor 
for  local  improvements.  If  a  bridge  broke  down  so  it  remained  for 
years,  whilst  thousands  of  travellers  had  to  wade  through  the  river 
unless  a  raft  were  put  there  at  the  expense  of  the  very  poorest  people 
by  order  of  the  petty -governor  of  the  nearest  village.  The  "  Tribunal," 
which  served  the  double  purpose  of  Town  Hall  and  Dak  Bungalow  for 
wayfarers,  was  often  a  hut  of  bamboo  and  palm-leaves,  whilst  others, 

1  From  January  1,  1889,  the  Government  Financial  year  was  made  concurrent 
with  the  vear  of  the  Calendar. 


218  Highways  and  Public   Works 

which  had  been  decent  buildings  generations  gone  by,  lapsed  into  a 
wretched  state  of  dilapidation.  In  some  villages  there  was  no  Tribunal 
at  all,  and  the  official  business  had  to  be  transacted  in  the  municipal 
Governor's  house.  I  first  visited  Calamba  (La  Laguna)  in  1880,  and 
for  14  years,  to  my  knowledge,  the  headmen  had  to  meet  in  a 
sugar-store  in  lieu  of  a  Tribunal.  In  San  Jose  de  Buenavista,  the 
capital  town  of  Antique  Province,  the  Town  Hall  was  commenced  in 
good  style  and  left  half  finished  during  15  years.  Either  some  one  for 
pity's  sake,  or  the  headmen  for  their  own  convenience,  went  to  the 
expense  of  thatching  over  half  the  unfinished  structure,  which  was 
therefore  saved  from  entire  ruin,  whilst  all  but  the  stone  walls  of 
the  other  half  rotted  away.  So  it  continued  until  1887,  when  the 
Government  authorized  a  partial  restoration  of  this  building. 

As  to  the  roads  connecting  the  villages,  quite  20  per  cent,  of  them 
serve  only  for  travellers  on  foot,  on  horse  or  on  buffalo  back  at  any 
time,  and  in  the  wet  season  certainly  60  per  cent,  of  all  the  Philippine 
highways  are  in  too  bad  a  state  for  any  kind  of  passenger  conveyance 
to  pass  with  safety.  In  the  wet  season,  many  times  I  have  made  a  sea 
journey  in  a  prahu,  simply  because  the  highroad  near  the  coast  had 
become  a  mud-track,  for  want  of  macadamized  stone  and  drainage,  and 
only  serviceable  for  transport  by  buffalo.  In  the  dry  season  the  sun 
mended  the  roads,  and  the  traffic  over  the  baked  clods  reduced  them 
more  or  less  to  dust,  so  that  vehicles  could  pass.  Private  property- 
owners  expended  much  time  and  money  in  the  preservation  of  public- 
roads,  although  a  curious  law  existed  prohibiting  repairs  to  highways 
by  non-official  persons. 

Every  male  adult  inhabitant  (with  certain  specified  exceptions) 
had  to  give  the  State  fifteen  days1  labour  per  annum,  or  redeem  that 
labour  by  payment.  Of  course  thousands  of  the  most  needy  class 
preferred  to  give  their  fifteen  days.  This  labour  and  the  redemption- 
money  were  only  theoretically  employed  in  local  improvements.  This 
system  was  reformed  in  1884  (vide  p.  224). 

The  Budget  for  1888  showed  the  trivial  sum  of  P.120,000  to  be 
used  in  road-making  and  mending  in  the  whole  Archipelago.  It 
provided  for  a  Chief  Inspector  of  Public  Works  with  a  salary  of 
P.6,500,  aided  by  a  staff  composed  of  48  technical  and  82  non-technical 
subordinates.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Provincial  and  District 
Governors  often  received  intimation  not  to  encourage  the  employment 
of  labour  for  local  improvements,  but  to  press  the  labouring-class  to 
pay  the  redemption-tax  to  swell  the  central  coffers,  regardless  of  the 
corresponding  misery,  discomfort,  and  loss  to  trade  in  the  interior. 
But  labour  at  the  Governor's  disposal  was  not  alone  sufficient.  There 
was  no  fund  from  which  to  defray  the  cost  of  materials  ;  or,  if  these 
could  be  found  without  payment,  some  one  must  pay  for  the  transport 
by  buffaloes  and  carts  and  find  the  implements  for  the  labourers'  use. 


Cause  of  national  decay  219 

How  could  hands  alone  repair  a  bridge  which  had  rotted  away  ?  To 
cut  a  log  of  wood  for  the  public  service  would  have  necessitated 
communications  with  the  Inspection  of  Woods  and  Forests  and  other 
centres  and  many  months'  delay. 

****** 

The  system  of  controlling  the  action  of  one  public  servant  by 
appointing  another  under  him  to  supervise  his  work  has  always  found 
favour  in  Spain,  and  was  adopted  in  this  Colony.  There  were  a  great 
many  Government  employments  of  the  kind  which  were  merely 
sinecures.  In  many  cases  the  pay  was  small,  it  is  true,  but  the  labour 
was  often  of  proportionately  smaller  value  than  that  pay.  With  very 
few  exceptions,  all  the  Government  Offices  in  Manila  were  closed  to 
the  public  during  half  the  ordinary  working-day, — the  afternoon, — and 
many  of  the  Civil  Service  officials  made  their  appearance  at  their  desks 
about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  retiring  shortly  after  mid-day,  when 
they  had  smoked  their  habitual  number  of  cigarettes. 

The  crowd  of  office-seekers  were  indifferent  to  the  fact  that  the 
true  source  of  national  vigour  is  the  spirit  of  individual  self-dependence. 
Constant  clamour  for  Government  employment  tends  only  to  enfeeble 
individual  effort,  and  destroys  the  stimulus,  or  what  is  of  greater  worth, 
the  necessity  of  acting  for  one's  self.  The  Spaniard  (except  the 
Basque  and  the  Catalonian)  looks  to  the  Government  for  active  and 
direct  aid,  as  if  the  Public  Treasury  were  a  natural  spring  at  the 
waters  of  which  all  temporal  calamities  could  be  washed  away — all 
material  wants  supplied.  He  will  tell  you  with  pride  rather  than 
with  abashment  that  he  is  an  empleado — a  State  dependent. 

National  progress  is  but  the  aggregate  of  personal  individual  activity 
rightly  directed,  and  a  nation  weakens  as  a  whole  as  its  component  parts 
become  dormant,  or  as  the  majority  rely  upon  the  efforts  of  the  few. 
The  spirit  of  Caesarism — "  all  for  the  people  and  nothing  by  them  " — 
must  tend  not  only  to  political  slavery,  but  to  a  reduction  in  commercial 
prosperity,  national  power,  and  international  influence.  The  Spaniards 
have  indeed  proved  this  fact.  The  best  laws  were  never  intended  to 
provide  for  the  people,  but  to  regulate  the  conditions  on  which  they 
could  provide  for  themselves.  The  consumers  of  public  wealth  in 
Spain  are  far  too  numerous  in  proportion  to  the  producers  ;  hence  not 
only  is  the  State  constantly  pressed  for  funds,  but  the  busy  bees  who 
form  the  nucleus  of  the  nation's  vitality  are  heavily  taxed  to  provide 
for  the  dependent  office-seeking  drones.  It  is  the  fatal  delusion  that 
liberty  and  national  welfare  depend  solely  upon  good  government, 
instead  of  good  government  depending  upon  united  and  co-operative 
individual  exertion,  that  has  brought  the  Spanish  nation  to  its  present 
state  of  deplorable  impotence. 

The  Government  itself  is  but  the  official  counterpart  of  the  governed. 
By  the  aid  of  servile  speculators,  a  man  in  political  circles  struggles  to 


220  Fortunes  made  easily 

come  to  the  front — to  hold  a  portfolio  in  the  ministry — if  it  only  be 
for  a  session,  when  his  pension  for  life  is  assured  on  his  retirement. 
Merit  and  ability  have  little  weight,  and  the  proteges  of  the  outgoing 
minister  must  make  room  for  those  of  the  next  lucky  ministerial 
pension-seeker,  and  so  on  successively.  This  Colony  therefore  became 
a  lucrative  hunting-ground  at  the  disposal  of  the  Madrid  Cabinet 
wherein  to  satisfy  the  craving  demands  of  their  numerous  partisans 
and  friends.  They  were  sent  out  with  a  salary  and  to  make  what 
they  could, — at  their  own  risk,  of  course, — like  the  country  lad  who  was 
sent  up  to  London  with  the  injunction  from  his  father,  "  Make  money, 
honestly  if  you  can,  but  make  it.-11 

From  the  Conquest  up  to  1844,  when  trading  by  officials  was 
abolished,  it  was  a  matter  of  little  public  concern  how  Government 
servants  made  fortunes.  Only  when  the  jealousy  of  one  urged  him  to 
denounce  another  was  any  inquiry  instituted  so  long  as  the  official  was 
careful  not  to  embezzle  or  commit  a  direct  fraud  on  the  Real  Haber 
(the  Treasury  funds).  When  the  Real  Haber  was  once  covered,  then 
all  that  could  be  got  out  of  the  Colony  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  officials, 
great  and  small.  In  1840,  Eusebio  Mazorca  wrote  as  follows  : !  — "  Each 
"  chief  of  a  province  is  a  real  sultan,  and  when  he  has  terminated  his 
"  administration,  all  that  is  talked  of  in  the  capital  is  the  thousands 
"  of  pesos  clear  gain  which  he  made  in  his  Government.'" 

Eusebio  Mazorca  further  states : 2  — "  The  Governor  receives 
"  payment  of  the  tribute  in  rice-paddy,  which  he  credits  to  the  native 
"  at  two  reales  in  silver  per  caban.  Then  he  pays  this  sum  into  the 
"  Royal  Treasury  in  money,  and  sells  the  rice-paddy  for  private  account 
"  at  the  current  rate  of  six,  eight  or  more  reales  in  silver  per  caban, 
"  and  this  simple  operation  brings  him  200  to  300  per  cent,  profit.-" 

The  same  writer  adds  : — "  Now  quite  recently  the  Interventor  of 
"  Zamboanga  is  accused  by  the  Governor  of  that  place  of  having  made 
"  some  P.  15,000  to  P.  16,000  solely  by  using  false  measures .  .  .  The 
"  same  Interventor  to  whom  I  refer,  is  said  to  have  made  a  fortune  of 
"  P.50,000  to  P.60,000,  whilst  his  salary  as  second  official  in  the  Audit 

1  The  text  reads  thus  : — "  Cada  Jefe  de  Provincia  es  un  verdadero  Sultan  y 
' '  cuando  acaba  su  administration  solo  se  habla  en  la  Capital  de  los  miles  de  pesos 
"  que  sacd  limpios  de  su  alcaldia." — "Noticias  de  Filipinas,"  by  Don  Eusebio 
Mazorca.  Inedited  MS.  dated  1840.  In  the  archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province 
of  Batangas. 

2  The  text  reads  thus :— "  Cobrando  el  Alcalde  en  palay  el  tributo,  solo 
"  abona  al  indio  dos  reales  plata  por  caban  ;  introduce  en  cajas  reales  su  importe 
"  en  metalico  y  vende  despues  el  palay  en  seis,  ocho  y  a  veces  mas  reales  fuertes 
"plata  cada  caban  y  le  resulta  con  esta  sencilla  operation  un  doscientos  6 
"  trescientos  por  ciento  de  ganancia.  .  .  .  Ahora  recientito  esta  acusado  el 
"  Ministro  Interventor  de  Zamboanga  por  el  Gobernador  de  aquella  plaza 
"  de  haberse  utilizado  aquel  de  15,000  a  16,000  pesos  solo  con  el  trocatinte  de 
"  la  medida.  .  .  .  Se  cuenta  al  mismo  interventor  a  que  me  rehero  50,000  a 
11  60,000  pesos  cuando  el  sueldo  de  su  empleo — oficial  2°  de  la  Contaduria — es  de 
"540  pesos  al  ano." — Ibid. 


Peculations — Town  local  government  221 

"  Department l  is  P.540  per  annum."     According  to  Zuniga,  the  salary 
of  a  professor  of  law  with  the  rank  of  magistrate  was  P.800  per  annum. 

Up  to  June,  1886,  the  provincial  taxes  being  in  the  custody  of  the 
Administrator,  the  Judicial  Governor  had  a  percentage  assigned  to 
him  to  induce  him  to  control  the  Administrator's  work.  The  Adminis- 
trator himself  had  percentages,  and  the  accounts  of  these  two  functionaries 
were  checked  by  a  third  individual  styled  the  "  Intei'ventcr,"  whose 
duties  appeared  to  be  to  intervene  in  the  casting-up  of  his  superiors'' 
figures.  He  was  forbidden  to  reside  with  the  Administrator.  After 
the  above  date  the  payment  of  all  these  percentages  ceased. 

But  for  the  peculations  by  Government  officials  from  the  highest 
circles  downwards,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Colony  would  doubtless  have 
been  a  million  or  so  richer  per  annum.  One  frequently  heard  of  officials 
leaving  for  Spain  with  sums  far  exceeding  the  total  emoluments  they 
had  received  during  their  term  of  office.  Some  provincial  employees 
acquired  a  pernicious  habit  of  annexing  what  was  not  theirs  by  all 
manner  of  pretexts.  To  cite  some  instances :  I  knew  a  Governor  of 
Negros  Island  who  seldom  saw  a  native  pass  the  Government  House  with 
a  good  horse  without  begging  it  of  him  ;  thus,  under  fear  of  his  avenging 
a  refusal,  his  subjects  furnished  him  little  by  little  with  a  large  stud, 
which  he  sold  before  he  left,  much  to  their  disgust. 

In  another  provincial  capital  there  happened  to  be  a  native  headman 
imprudently  vain  enough  to  carry  a  walking-stick  with  a  chased  gold- 
knob  handle  studded  with  brilliants.  It  took  the  fancy  of  the  Spanish 
Governor,  who  repeatedly  expressed  his  admiration  of  it,  hoping  that 
the  headman  would  make  him  a  present  of  it.  At  length,  when  the 
Governor  was  relieved  of  his  post,  he  called  together  the  headmen  to 
take  formal  leave  of  them,  and  at  the  close  of  a  flattering  speech,  he 
said  he  would  willingly  hand  over  his  official-stick  as  a  remembrance  of 
his  command.  In  the  hubbub  of  applause  which  followed,  he  added, 
"and  I  will  retain  a  souvenir  of  my  loyal  subordinates.""  Suiting  the  action 
to  the  word,  he  snatched  the  coveted  stick  out  of  the  hand  of  the  owner  and 
kept  it.  A  Gov.-General  in  my  time  enriched  himself  by  peculation  to 
such  an  extent  that  he  was  at  his  wits'  end  to  know  how  to  remit  his  ill- 
gotten  gains  clandestinely.  Finally,  he  resolved  to  send  an  army 
Captain  over  to  Hong-Kong  with  P. 3 5,000  to  purchase  a  draft  on  Europe 
for  him.     The  Captain  went  there,  but  he  never  returned. 

****** 

There  were  about  725  towns  and  23  missions  in  the  Colony.  Each 
town  was  locally  governed  by  a  native — in  some  cases  a  Spanish  or 
Chinese  half-caste — who  was  styled  the  petty-governor  or  Gobema- 
dorcillo,  whilst  his  popular  title  was  that  of  Capitan.  This  service  was 
compulsory.     The   elections  of  Gobemadorcillos  and  their  subordinates 

1  The  Audit  Office  was  suppressed  and  revived,  and  again  suppressed  on 
January  1,  1889. 


222  The  Gobernadorcillo  (Petty-governor) 

took  place  every  two  years,  the  term  of  office  counting  from  the  July  1 
following  such  elections.  In  the  few  towns  where  the  Gobernadorcilhs 
were  able  to  make  considerable  sums,  the  appointment  was  eagerly 
sought  for,  but  as  a  rule  it  was  considered  an  onerous  task,  and  I  know 
several  who  have  paid  bribes  to  the  officials  to  rid  them  of  it,  under  the 
pretext  of  ill-health,  legal  incapacity,  and  so  on.  The  Gobernadorcillo 
was  supported  by  what  was  pompously  termed  a  "  ministry,"  composed 
of  two  lieutenants  of  the  town,  lieutenants  of  the  wards,  the  chiefs  of 
police,  of  plantations,  and  of  live-stock. 

The  Gobernadorcillo  was  nominally  the  delegate  and  practically  the 
servant  of  his  immediate  chief,  the  Provincial  Governor.  He  was  the 
arbiter  of  local  petty  questions,  and  endeavoured  to  adjust  them,  but 
when  they  assumed  a  legal  aspect,  they  were  remitted  to  the  local 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  who  was  directly  subordinate  to  the  Provincial 
Chief  Judge.  He  was  also  responsible  to  the  Administrator  for  the 
collection  of  taxes — to  the  Chief  of  the  Civil  Guard  for  the  capture 
of  criminals,  and  to  the  priest  of  his  parish  for  the  interests  of  the 
Church.  His  responsibility  for  the  taxes  to  be  collected  sometimes 
brought  him  imprisonment,  unless  he  succeeded  in  throwing  the  burden 
on  the  actual  collectors — the  Cabezas  de  Barangay. 

The  Gobernadorcillo  was  often  put  to  considerable  expense  in  the 
course  of  his  two  years,  in  entertaining  and  supplying  the  wants  of 
officials  passing  through.  To  cover  this  outlay,  the  loss  of  his  own 
time,  the  salaries  of  writers  in  the  Town  Hall,  presents  to  his  Spanish 
chiefs  to  secure  their  goodwill,  and  other  calls  upon  his  private  income, 
he  naturally  had  to  exact  funds  from  the  townspeople.  Legally,  he 
could  receive,  if  he  chose  (but  few  did),  the  munificent  salary  of  P.  2  per 
month,  and  an  allowance  for  clerks  equal  to  about  one-fifth  of  what  he 
had  to  pay  them.  Some  of  these  Gobernadorcillos  were  well-to-do 
planters,  and  were  anxious  for  the  office,  even  if  it  cost  them  money, 
on  account  of  the  local  prestige  which  the  title  of  "  Capitan "  gave 
them,  but  others  were  often  so  poor  that  if  they  had  not  pilfered, 
this  compulsory  service  would  have  ruined  them.  However,  a  smart 
Gobernadorcillo  was  rarely  out  of  pocket  by  his  service.  One  of  the 
greatest  hardships  of  his  office  was  that  he  often  had  to  abandon  his 
plantation  or  other  livelihood  to  go  to  the  provincial  capital  at  his 
own  expense  whenever  he  was  cited  there.  Many  of  them  who  did 
not  speak  or  understand  Spanish  had  to  pay  and  be  at  the  mercy 
of  a  Secretary  {Directorcillo\  who  was  also  a  native. 

When  any  question  arose  of  general  interest  to  the  townspeople 
(such  as  a  serious  innovation  in  the  existing  law,  or  the  annual  feasts, 
or  the  anticipated  arrival  of  a  very  big  official,  etc)  the  headmen 
(principalia)  were  cited  to  the  Town  Hall.  They  were  also  expected  to 
assemble  there  every  Sunday  and  Great  Feast  Days  (three-cross  Saint 
days  in  the  Calendar),  to  march  thence  in   procession  to  the  church  to 


The  Cabeza  de  Barangay  (Tax-collector)  223 

hear  Mass,  under  certain  penalties  if  they  failed  to  attend.  Each  one 
carried  his  stick  of  authority ;  and  the  official  dress  was  a  short  Eton 
jacket  of  black  cloth  over  the  shirt,  the  tail  of  which  hung  outside  the 
trousers.  Some  Gobernadorcillos,  imbued  with  a  sense  of  the  import- 
ance and  solemnity  of  office,  ordered  a  band  to  play  lively  dance  music 
at  the  head  of  the  cortege  to  and  from  the  church.  After  Mass  they 
repaired  to  the  convent,  and  on  bended  knee  kissed  the  priest's  hand. 
Town  affairs  were  then  discussed.  Some  present  were  chided,  others 
were  commended  by  their  spiritual  dictator. 

In  nearly  every  town  the  people  were,  and  still  are,  divided  into 
parties  holding  divergent  views  on  town  affairs,  each  group  being 
ready  to  give  the  other  a  "  stab  in  the  back  "  when  the  opportunity 
offers,  and  not  unfrequently  these  differences  seriously  affect  the  social 
relations  of  the  individual  members. 

For  the  direct  collection  of  taxes  each  township  was  sub-divided  into 
groups  of  forty  or  fifty  families  called  Barangays  :  each  group  had  to 
pay  taxes  to  its  respective  head,  styled  Cabeza  de  Barangay,  who  was 
responsible  to  the  petty-governor,  who  in  turn  made  the  payment  to 
the  Provincial  Administrator  for  remission  to  the  Treasury  (Intendencia) 
in  Manila.  This  Barangay  chiefdom  system  took  its  origin  from  that 
established  by  the  natives  themselves  prior  to  the  Spanish  conquest, 
and  in  some  parts  of  the  Colony  the  original  title  of  datto  was  still 
applied  to  the  chief.  This  position,  hereditary  among  themselves, 
continued  to  be  so  for  many  years  under  Spanish  rule,  and  was  then 
considered  an  honourable  distinction  because  it  gave  the  heads  of 
certain  families  a  birthright  importance  in  their  class.  Later  on  they 
were  chosen,  like  all  the  other  native  local  authorities,  every  two  years, 
but  if  they  had  anything  to  lose,  they  were  invariably  re-elected. 
In  order  to  be  ranked  among  the  headmen  of  the  town  (the  princi- 
palia),  a  Barangay  chief  had  to  serve  for  ten  years  in  that  capacity 
unless  he  were,  meanwhile,  elected  to  a  higher  rank,  such  as  lieutenant 
or  gobernadorcillo.  Everybody,  therefore,  shirked  the  repugnant 
obligations  of  a  chiefdom,  for  the  Government  rarely  recognized  any 
bad  debts  in  the  collection  of  the  taxes,  until  the  chief  had  been 
made  bankrupt  and  his  goods  and  chattels  sold  to  make  good  the 
sums  which  he  could  not  collect  from  his  group,  whether  it  arose 
from  their  poverty,  death,  or  from  their  having  absconded.  I  have 
been  present  at  auction  sales  of  live-stock  seized  to  supply  taxes  to 
the  Government,  which  admitted  no  excuses  or  explanations.  Many 
Barangay  chiefs  went  to  prison  through  their  inability  or  refusal  to 
pay  others1  debts.  On  the  other  hand,  there  were  among  them  some 
profligate  characters  who  misappropriated  the  collected  taxes,  but  the 
Government  had  really  little  right  to  complain,  for  the  labour  of  tax- 
gathering  was  a  forced  service  without  remuneration  for  expenses  or 
loss  of  time  incurred. 


224  The  Cuadrillero  (guard) — The  Fallas  tax 

In  many  towns,  villages,  and  hamlets  there  were  posts  of  the  Civil 
Guard  established  for  the  arrest  of  criminals  and  the  maintenance 
of  public  order  ;  moreover,  there  was  in  each  town  a  body  of  guards 
called  Cuadrilleros  for  the  defence  of  the  town  and  the  apprehension 
of  bandits  and  criminals  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  town  only.  The 
town  and  the  wards  together  furnished  these  local  guards,  whose  social 
position  was  one  of  the  humblest  and  least  enviable.  There  were 
frequent  cases  of  Cuadrilleros  passing  over  to  a  band  of  brigands. 
Some  years  ago  the  whole  muster  belonging  to  the  town  of  Mauban 
(Tayabas)  suddenly  took  to  the  mountains  ;  on  the  other  hand,  many 
often  rendered  valuable  aid  to  society,  but  their  doubtful  reliability 
vastly  diminished  their  public  utility. 

From  the  time  Philippine  administration  was  first  organized  up  to 
the  year  1884,  all  the  subdued  natives  paid  tribute.  Latterly  it  was 
fixed  at  one  peso  and  ten  cents  per  annum,  and  those  who  did  not 
choose  to  work  for  the  Government  during  forty  days  in  the  year,  paid 
also  a  poll-tax  (fallas)  of  P.3  per  annum.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
thousands  were  declared  as  workers  who  never  did  work,  and  whilst 
roads  were  in  an  abominable  condition  and  public  works  abandoned, 
not  much  secret  was  made  of  the  fact  that  a  great  portion  of  the  poll- 
tax  never  reached  the  Treasury.  These  pilferings  were  known  to  the 
Spanish  local  authorities  as  caidas  or  droppings  ;  and  in  a  certain 
province  I  met  at  table  a  provincial  chief  judge,  the  nephew  of  a 
o-eneral,  and  other  persons  who  openly  discussed  the  value  of  the 
different  Provincial  Governments  (before  1884)  in  Luzon  Island,  on  the 
basis  of  so  much  for  salary  and  so  much  for  fees  and  caidas. 

However,  although  the  tribute  and  fallas  system  worked  as  well  as 
any  other  would  under  the  circumstances,  for  some  reason,  best  known 
to  the  authorities,  it  was  abolished.  In  lieu  thereof  a  scheme  was  pro- 
posed, obliging  every  civilized  inhabitant  of  the  Philippines,  excepting 
only  public  servants,  the  clergy,  and  a  few  others,  to  work  for  fifteen 
days  per  annum  without  the  right  of  redeeming  this  obligation  by 
payment.  Indeed,  the  decree  to  that  effect  was  actually  received  in 
Manila  from  the  Home  Government,  but  it  was  so  palpably  ludicrous 
that  the  Gov. -General  did  not  give  it  effect.  He  had  sufficient 
common  sense  to  foresee  in  its  application  the  extinction  of  all 
European  prestige  and  moral  influence  over  the  natives  if  Spanish 
and  foreign  gentlemen  of  good  family  were  seen  sweeping  the  streets, 
lio-hting  the  lamps,  road-mending,  guiding  buffalo-carts  loaded  with 
stones,  and  so  on.  This  measure,  therefore, — regarded  by  some  as  a 
practical  joke,  by  others  as  the  conception  of  a  lunatic  theorist — was 
withdrawn,  or  at  least  allowed  to  lapse. 

Nevertheless,  those  in  power  were  bent  on  reform,  and  the 
Peninsular  system  of  a  document  of  identity  (Cedilla  personal),  which 
works  well  amongst  Europeans,  was  then  adopted  for  all  civilized  classes 


The  Cedula  Personal — Municipalities  created        225 

and  nationalities  above  the  age  of  18  years  without  exception,  its 
possession  being  compulsory.  The  amount  paid  for  this  document,  which 
was  of  nine  classes,1  from  P.  25  value  downwards,  varied  according 
to  the  income  of  the  holder  or  the  cost  of  his  trading-licences.  Any 
person  holding  this  document  of  a  value  under  P.3J  was  subject  to 
fifteen  days1  forced  labour  per  annum,  or  to  pay  50  cents  for  each  day 
he  failed  to  work.  The  holder  of  a  document  of  P.3^  or  over  paid  also 
P.li  "Municipal  Tax"  in  lieu  of  labour.  The  "  Cedula''''  thenceforth 
served  as  a  passport  for  travelling  within  the  Archipelago,  to  be  exhibited 
at  any  time  on  demand  by  the  proper  authority.  No  legal  docu- 
ment was  valid  unless  the  interested  parties  had  produced  their 
Cedulas,  the  details  of  which  were  inscribed  in  the  legal  instrument. 
No  petitions  would  be  noticed,  and  very  few  transactions  could  be 
made  in  the  Government  offices  without  the  presentation  of  this 
identification  document.  The  decree  relating  to  this  reform,  like  most 
ambiguous  Spanish  edicts,  set  forth  that  any  person  was  at  liberty 
to  take  a  higher-valued  Cedula  than  that  corresponding  to  his  position, 
without  the  right  of  any  official  to  ask  the  reason  why.  This  clause  was 
prejudicial  to  the  public  welfare,  because  it  enabled  thousands  of  able- 
bodied  natives  to  evade  labour  for  public  improvements  of  imperative 
necessity  in  the  provinces.  The  public  labour  question  was  indeed 
altogether  a  farce,  and  simply  afforded  a  pretext  for  levying  a  tax. 

It  would  appear  that  whilst  the  total  amount  of  taxation  in  Spanish 
times  was  not  burdensome,  the  fiscal  system  was  obviously  defective. 

The  (American)  Insular  Government  has  continued  the  issue  of 
the  Cedida  on  a  reasonable  plan  which  bears  hard  on  no  one.  Forced 
labour  is  abolished ;  government  work  is  paid  for  out  of  the  taxes ; 
and  the  uniform  cost  of  the  Cedida  is  one  peso  for  every  male 
between  the  ages  of  18  and  60  years. 

In  1890  certain  reforms  were  introduced  into  the  townships,  most 
of  which  were  raised  to  the  dignity  of  Municipalities.  The  titles  of 
Gobemadorcillo  and  Directorc'dlo  (the  words  themselves  in  Spanish 
bear  a  sound  of  contempt)  were  changed  to  Capitan  Municipal  and 
Secretario  respectively  (Municipal  Captain  and  Secretary)  with  nominally 
extended  powers.  For  instance,  the  Municipal  Captains  were  empowered 
to  disburse  for  public  works,  without  appeal  to  Manila,  a  few  hundred 
pesos  in  the  year  (to  be  drawn,  in  some  cases,  from  empty  public 
coffers,  or  private  purses).  The  functions  of  the  local  Justices  of  the 
Peace  were  amplified  and  abused  to  such  a  degree  that  these  officials 
became  more  the  originators  of  strife  than  the  guardians  of  peace.     The 

1  There  was  also  a  tenth  class  gratis  for  the  clergy,  array  and  navy  forces,  and 
convicts,  and  a  "privileged"  class  gratis  for  petty-governors  and  their  wives, 
Barangay  chiefs  and  their  wives,  and  Barangay  chiefs'  assistants,  called 
"  primogenito  "  (primoge'nito  means  first  born — perhaps  it  was  anticipated  that  he 
would  "  assist "  his  father  in  his  gratuitous  government  service). 

15 


226  The  Tribunal ;  reforms  affecting  travellers 

old-established  obligation  to  supply  travellers,  on  payment  therefor, 
with  certain  necessaries  of  life  and  means  of  transport  was  abolished. 

Hitherto  it  had  been  the  custom  for  a  traveller  on  arriving  at  a 
town  without  knowing  any  one  there,  or  without  letters  of  introduc- 
tion, to  alight  (by  right)  at  the  Tribunal,  or  Town  Hall.  Each  such 
establishment  had,  or  ought  to  have  had,  a  tariff  of  necessary  provisions 
and  the  means  of  travelling  to  the  next  town  (such  as  ponies,  gigs, 
hammocks,  sedan-chairs,  etc.,  according  to  the  particular  conditions  of 
the  locality).  Each  Barangay  or  Cabezeria  furnished  one  Cuadrillero 
(vide  pp.  223,  224)  for  the  service  of  the  Tribunal,  so  that  the  supply 
of  baggage-carriers,  bearers,  etc.,  which  one  needed  could  not  be  refused 
on  payment.  The  native  official  in  charge  of  this  service  to  travellers, 
and  in  control  of  the  Cuadrilleros,  was  styled  the  Alguacil.  Hence  the 
Tribunal  served  the  double  purpose  of  Town  Hall  and  casual  ward  for 
wayfarers.  There  were  all  sorts  of  Tribunales,  from  the  well-built  stone 
and  wood  house  to  the  poverty-stricken  bamboo  shanty  where  one  had 
to  pass  the  night  on  the  floor  or  on  the  table. 

By  decree  of  Gov. -General  Weyler  (1888-91)  dated  October  17, 
1888,  which  came  into  force  on  January  1,  1889,  the  obligation 
of  the  Tribunal  officials  to  supply  provisions  to  travelling  civilians 
had  been  already  abolished,  although,  under  both  reforms,  civilians 
could  continue  to  take  refuge  at  the  Tribunal  as  theretofore.  Not- 
withstanding the  reform  of  1890,  until  the  American  advent  the 
European  traveller  found  it  no  more  difficult  than  before  to  procure  en 
route  the  requisite  means  for  provincial  travelling. 


227 


CHAPTER   XIV 


SPANISH-PHILIPPINE   FINANCES 


The  secession  of  Mexico  from  the  Spanish  Crown  in  the  second  decade 
of  last  century  brought  with  it  a  complete  revolution  in  Philippine 
affairs.  Direct  trade  with  Europe  through  one  channel  or  another  had 
necessarily  to  be  permitted.  The  "  Situed©,'1  or  subsidy  (vide  p.  244), 
received  from  Mexico  became  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  necessity  urged 
the  home  authorities  to  relax,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  old  restraint  on 
the  development  of  Philippine  resources. 

In  1839  the  first  Philippine  Budget  was  presented  in  the  Spanish 
Cortes,  but  so  little  interest  did  the  affairs  of  the  Colony  excite  that  it 
provoked  no  discussion.  After  the  amendment  of  only  one  item  the 
Budget  was  adopted  in  silence.  It  was  not  the  practice  in  the  earliest 
years  to  publish  the  full  Philippine  Budget  in  the  Islands,  although 
allusion  was  necessarily  made  to  items  of  it  in  the  Gaceta  de  Manila. 
However,  it  could  be  seen  without  difficulty  in  Madrid.  Considering 
that  the  Filipinos  had  no  political  rights,  except  for  the  very  brief 
period  alluded  to  in  Chapter  xxii.  (vide  Cortes  de  Cadiz),  it  is  evident 
that  popular  discussion  of  public  finance  would  have  been  undesirable, 
because  it  could  have  led  to  no  practical  issue. 

There  is  apparently  no  record  of  the  Philippine  Islands  having  been 
at  any  time  in  a  flourishing  financial  condition.  With  few  exceptions, 
in  latter  years  the  collected  revenue  of  the  Colony  was  usually  much 
less  than  the  estimated  yield  of  taxes.  The  Budget  for  1888  is  here 
given   in  detail  as  an  example. 

PHILIPPINE   BUDGETS 


Financial  Year. 

Estimated  Income. 

Income  Realized. 

Difference. 

1884-85       . 
1885-86       . 
1886-87       . 
1894-95       . 
1896-97       . 

P. 
11,298,508.98 
11,528,178.00 
11,554,379.00 
13,280,139.40 
17,086,423.00 

P. 

9,893,745.87 

9,688,029.70 

9,324,974.08 

13,579,900.00 

17,474,000.00 

P. 

1,404,763.11 

1,840,148.30 

2,229,404.92 

299,760.60 

387,577.00 

228  A  Spanish- Philippine  Budget 


Anticipated  Revenue,    Year  1888 

P.        cts. 

Direct  Taxes 5,206,836  93 

Customs  Dues 2,023,400  00 

Government  Monopolies  (stamps,  cock-fighting,  opium,  gambling,  etc.)  1,181,239  00 

Lotteries  and  Raffles 513,200  00 

Sale  of  State  property 153,571  00 

War  and    Marine   Department   (sale   of  useless  articles.     Gain  on 

repairs  to  private  ships  in  the  Government  Arsenal)    .         .         .  15,150  00 

Sundries 744,500  00 

9,837,896  93 
Anticipated  Expenditure,  year  1888  .         .     9,825,633  29 

Anticipated  Surplus P.  12,263  64 


The  actual  deficit  in  the  last  previous  Budget  for  which  there 
was  no  provision  was  estimated  at  P.l, 376,179.56,  against  which 
the  above  balance  would  be  placed.  There  were  some  remark- 
able inconsistencies  in  the  1888  Budget.  The  Inspection  of  Woods 
and  Forests  was  an  institution  under  a  Chief  Inspector  with  a 
salary  of  P.6,500,  assisted  by  a  technical  staff  of  64  persons  and  52 
non-technical  subordinates.  The  total  cost  for  the  year  was  esti- 
mated at  P.  165,960,  against  which  the  expected  income  derived 
from  duties  on  felled  timber  was  P.80,000  ;  hence  a  loss  of  P.85,960 
was  duly  anticipated  to  satisfy  office-seekers.  Those  who  wished 
to  cut  timber  were  subjected  to  very  complicated  and  vexatious 
regulations.  The  tariff'  of  duties  and  mode  of  calculating  it  were 
capriciously  modified  from  time  to  time  on  no  commercial  basis 
whatever.  Merchants  who  had  contracted  to  supply  timber  at  so 
much  per  foot  for  delivery  within  a  fixed  period  were  never  sure 
of  their  profits ;  for  the  dues  might,  meanwhile,  be  raised  without 
any  consideration  for  trading  interests.  The  most  urgent  material 
want  of  the  Colony  was  easy  means  of  communication  with  the  interior 
of  the  Islands.  Yet,  whilst  this  was  so  sadly  neglected,  the  Budget 
provided  the  sum  of  P.l  13,686.64  for  a  School  of  Agriculture  in 
Manila  and  10  model  farms  and  Schools  of  Cultivation  in  the 
provinces.  It  was  not  the  want  of  farming  knowledge,  but  the  scarcity 
of  capital  and  the  scandalous  neglect  of  public  highways  and  bridges 
for  transport  of  produce  which  retarded  agriculture.  The  113,000 
pesos,  if  disbursed  on  roads,  bridges,  town  halls,  and  landing-jetties, 
would  have  benefited  the  Colony  ;  as  it  was,  this  sum  went  to  furnish 
salaries  to  needy  Spaniards. 


Curious  items  of  Revenue  and  Expenditure        229 


The   following   are   some    of   the    most   interesting    items    of    the 
Budget : 

Curious  Items  of  Revenue 

2,760,613    Identification    Documents    (Cedulas    personates),    costing  P.         cts. 

4  per  cent,  to  collect — gross  value      ......  4,401,629  25 

Tax   on   the   above,    based  on  tbe  estimated  local  consumption  of 

Tobacco      .         .                   222,500  00 

Chinese  Capitation  Tax      .........  236,250  00 

Tax  on  the  above  for  the  estimated  local  consumption  of  Tobacco  .  11,250  00 
Recognition  of  vassalage   collected   from   the  unsubdued  mountain 

tribes 12,000  00 

Industrial  and  Trading  Licences  (costing  h  per  cent,  to  collect),  gross 

value 1,350,000  00 

Yield  of  the  Opium  Contract  (farmed  out)          .....  483,400  00 

,,    ,,   „    Cock-fighting  Contract  (farmed  out)        ....  149,039  00 

Lotteries  and  Raffles,  nett  profit  say           ......  501,862  00 

State  Lands  worked  by  miners  .          .          .         .         .         .          .         .  100  00 

Sale  of  State  Lands   .  " 50,000  00 

Mint — Profits  on  the  manipulation  of  the  bullion,  less  expenses  of  the 

Mint  (P. 46,150),  nett 330,350  00 

Stamps  and  Stamped  Paper        ........  548,400  00 

Convict  labour  hired  out   .........  50,000  00 


furious  Items  of  Expenditure 

34  per  cent,   of  the   maintenance    of  Fernando    Po  (by   Decree  of  P.     cts. 

August  5,  1884) 68,618  18 

Share  of  the  pension  paid  to  the  heir  of  Christopher  Columbus,  the 

Duke  de  Veragua  (P.  23,400  a  year) 3,000  00 

Share   of  the   pension   paid   to   Ferdinand    Columbus,    Marquis   de 

Barboles 1,000  00 

The  Marquis  de  Bedmar  is  the  heir  of  the  assayer  and  caster  in  the 

Mint  of  Potosi  (Peru).      The  concern  was  taken  over  by  the 

Spanish  Government,  in  return  for  an  annual  perpetual  pension, 

of  which  this  Colony  contributed  the  sum  of        ...         .  1,500  00 

The  Consular  and  Diplomatic  Services,  Philippine  Share    .         .  .  66,000  00 

Postal  and  Telegraph  Services  (staff  of  550  persons)  ....  406,547  17 
The  Submarine  Cable  Co.  Subsidy  (Bolinao  to  Hong-Kong)        .         .  48,000  00 

Charitable  Institutions  partly  supported  by  Government,  including  the 

"Lepers' Hospital"  P. 500 26,887  50 


The  Army  and  Armed  Land  Forces 

Rank  and  File  and  Non-commissioned  Officers  as  follows  : — 
Infantry,  Artillery,  Engineer,  and  Carabineer  Corps 
Cavalry  Corps        ....... 

Disciplinary  Corps  (Convicts)         .... 

,,  ,,      (Non-commissioned  Officers)    . 

Three  Civil  Guard  Corps  (Provincial  Constabulary) 
Veteran  Civil  Guard  Corps  (Manila  Military  Police) 

Total  number  of  men 


9,470 

407 

630 

92 

3,342 
400 


14,341 


230                 Spanish-Philippine 

Army 

Statistics 

Army  Officers  in  the  Philippines. 

Year  1888. 
How  Employed. 

®  c 
So 

h3 

£0 

93 

"a! 
a 

"3 
O 

is 

2  — 
»  o 

So 

13 

ai 
N 
O 

'e? 

to 

a 
p. 

a 

in 

fi 
c3 

fl 

m 

3 

0) 

hJ 

23 

136 

54 

6 

1 

2 

3 

18 

12 

7 

m 

a 

13 

12 

127 
54 

6 

12 

9 

ID 

< 
H 
O 

Governor-General,  with  lo 

Captain-General    . 
Employed  in  Government  I 
tion,  Political  Military 
Governments,    StaiF    0 
Officers     at    the    Orde 
Governor-General . 
With  command  or  attache 
Corps  and  Disciplinary 
Civil  Guard 
Veteran  Civil  Guard  . 
Invalid  Corps 
Military  Academy 
Prisons  and  Penitentiaries 
Commissariat  Department 
Judicial  Audit  Department 
In  expectation  of  service 
In  excess  of  Active  Servi 
ments    . 

sal  rank  of 

Ldministra- 
Provincial 
ficers    and 
rs    of    the 

d  to  Army 
Corps 

ce  require- 

1 
1 

7 

i 
i 

7 

5 
3 

1 

i 
l 
l 

14 

11 

3 

1 
1 

3 

3 

39 

14 
9 
1 

i 

2 

6 

1 

37 

88 

33 

i 

4 
14 

2 
12 

1 

140 

381 

156 

13 

1 

4 

9 

35 

6 

46 

20 

Total  of  Offic 

ers     . 

2 

9 

19 

36 

73 

191 

262 

220 

812 

The  Archbishop,  as  Vicar- General  of  the  Armed  Forces,  ranked  in 
precedence  as  a  Field-Marshal.  (In  the  Spanish  Army  a  Field-Marshal 
ranks  between  a  Brig.-General  and  Lieut. -General.) 


OFFICERS'   PAY   PER   ANNUM 


When 

When 

When  in 

Ordinary 

Commanding 

Veteran 

Pay. 

a  Corps. 
Extra. 

Guard. 

Civil 
Guard. 

P. 

P. 

P. 

P. 

Captain-General  was   paid   as 

Governor- 

General  of  the  Colony 

40,000» 

Lieutenant-General    (local    rank),    Sub- 

Inspector  of  Army  Corps 

12,000 

Brigadier-General   . 

4,500 

800 

Colonel  . 

3,450 

600 

4,200 

Lieutenant-Colonel . 

2,700 

400 

3,288 

Major 

2,400 

2,520 

2,880 

Captain  . 

1,500 

1,584 

Lieutenant 

1,125 

1,242 

1,485 

Sub-Lieutenant 

975 

1,068 

1,275 

1  This  was  not  included  in  Army  Estimates,  but  in  Civil  Government.  Officers  from 
Captain  (inclusive)  upwards  "In  expectation  of  Service"  and  "In  excess  of  Active  Service 
requirements,"  received  only  four-fifths  of  ordinary  pay. 


Army,  Police,  and  Constabulary  Estimates         231 

After  6  years'  and  up  to  9  years1  service,  an  officer  could  claim  a 
free  passage  back  to  the  Peninsula  for  himself  and,  if  married,  his  family. 

After  9  years'  service,  his  retirement  from  the  Colony  for  three  years 
was  compulsory.  If  he  nevertheless  wished  to  remain  in  the  Colony, 
he  must  quit  military  service.  If  he  left  before  completing  six  years' 
service,  he  would  have  to  pay  his  own  passage  unless  he  went  "  on 
commission  "  or  with  sick-leave  allowance. 

Estimated  Annual  Disbursements  for — 

The  Civil  Guard  (Constabulary),  composed  of  Three  Corps  =  3,342  Men  P.     cts 

and  156  Officers 638,896  77 

The  Veteran  Civil  Guard  (Manila  Police)  One  Corps  =  400  Men  and 

13  Officers 73,246  88 

The  Disciplinary  Corps,  Maintenance  of  630  Convicts  and  Material  .  56,230  63 

(For  the  Disciplinary  Convict  Corps)  92  Non-commissioned  Officers 

and  23  Officers 47,909  51 

P.  104,140  14 

Army    Estimates 

P.     cts. 

Estimate  according  to  the  Budget  for  1888        .                  ...  3,016,185  91 

Plus  the  following  sums  charged  on  other  estimates,  viz.  i: — 

Disciplinary  Corps,  maintenance  of  630  Convicts  and  material   .         .  56,230  63 

The  Civil  Guard 638,896  77 

The  Veteran  Civil  Guard 73,246  88 

Pensions 117,200  00 

Transport  and  maintenance  of  Recruits  from  Provinces      .         .         .  6,000  00 
Expeditions  to  be  made  against  the  Moros — Religious  ceremonies  to 
celebrate   Victories   gained   over  them — Maintenance    of    War 

Prisoners,  etc 11,000  00 

Total  cost  of  Army  and  Armed  Land  Forces    .         .         .  P.3,918,760  19 

Before  the  walls  were  built  around  Manila,  about  the  year  1590, 
each  soldier  and  officer  lived  where  he  pleased,  and,  when  required,  the 
troops  were  assembled  by  the  bugle  call. 

At  the  close  of  the  16th  century  barracks  were  constructed,  but 
up  to  the  middle  of  last  century  the  native  troops  were  so  badly  and 
irregularly  paid  that  they  went  from  house  to  house  begging  alms  of 
the  citizens  (vide  p.  53,  King  Philip  II.'s  Decree). 

In  the  17th  century  troops  died  of  sheer  want  in  the  Fort  of  Yligan 
(Mindanao  Is.),  and  when  this  was  represented  to  the  Gov.-General  he 
generously  ordered  that  the  Spanish  soldiers  were  in  future  to  be  paid 
P.2  per  month  and  native  soldiers  P.l  per  month  to  hold  the  fort,  at  the 
risk  of  their  lives,  against  attack  from  the  Mahometans. 

In  the  forts  of  Labo  and  Taytay  (Palauan  Is.)  the  soldiers'  pay  was 
only  nominal,  rations  were  often  short,  and  their  lives  altogether  most 
wretched.      Sometimes  they  were  totally  overlooked   by   the    military 


232 


The  Armed  Forces  in  the  Olden  Times 


chiefs,  and  they  had  to  seek  subsistence  as  best  they  could  when  provisions 
were  not  sent  from  the  capital  {vide  p.  157). 

Mexican  soldiers  arrived  in  nearly  every  ship,  but  there  were  no 
barracks  for  them,  no  regular  mode  of  living,  no  regulations  for 
their  board  and  lodging,  etc. ;  hence  many  had  to  subsist  by  serving 
natives  and  half-breeds,  much  to  the  discredit  of  the  mother  country, 
and  consequent  loss  of  prestige.  Each  time  a  new  expedition  was 
organized  a  fresh  recruiting  had  to  be  made  at  great  cost  and  with  great 
delay.  There  was  practically  no  regular  army  except  those  necessarily 
compelled  to  mount  guard,  etc.,  in  the  city.  Even  the  officers  received 
no  regular  pay  until  1754,  and  there  was  some  excuse  for  stealing  when 
they  had  a  chance,  and  for  the  total  absence  of  enthusiasm  in  the 
Service.  When  troops  were  urgently  called  for,  the  Gov. -General  had 
to  bargain  with  the  officers  to  fill  the  minor  posts  by  promises  of  rewards, 
whilst  the  high  commands  were  eagerly  sought  for,  not  for  the  pay  or 
the  glory,  but  for  the  plunder  in  perspective. 

In  1739  the  Armoury  in  Manila  contained  only  25  Arquebuses  of 
native  make,  120  Biscayan  muskets,  40  Flint  guns,  70  Hatchets,  and 
40  Cutlasses. 

The  first  regular  military  organization  in  these  Islands  was  in  the 
time  of  Governor  Pedro  Manuel  de  Arandia  (1754),  when  one  regiment 
was  formed  of  five  companies  of  native  soldiers,  together  with  four 
companies  of  troops  which  arrived  with  the  Governor  from  Mexico. 
This  corps,  afterwards  known  as  the  "  King's  Regiment "  :  (Regwiiento 
del  Rey)  was  divided  into  two  battalions,  increased  to  10  companies 
each  as  the  troops  returned  from  the  provinces. 

The  20  companies  were  each  composed  as  follows  : — 

1  captain,  1  lieutenant,  1  sub-lieutenant,  4  sergeants,  2  drummers, 
6  first  corporals,  6  seconds  corporals,  and  88  rank  and  file. 

The  Gov. -General's  Body  Guard  of  Halberdiers  was  reformed,  and 
thenceforth  consisted  of  18  men,  under  a  captain  and  a  corporal. 

The  Monthly  Pay  under  these  reforms  was  as  follows  : — 


Staff  Officers. 

P. 

Regimental  Officers 
and  Staff. 

P.   c 

G  o  vernor-General's 
Body  Guard. 

P. 

Chief  of  the  Staff 

40 

Captain 

25  00 

Captain 

35 

Adjutant-Major. 

25 

Lieutenant  . 

18  00 

Corporal 

10 

Adjutant    . 

18 

Sub-Lieutenant     . 

14  00 

Guards 

5 

Captain 

12 

Sergeant 
Drummer     . 
First  Corporal 
Second     „ 
Rank  and  File 

4  00 
3  00 
3  25 
3  00 
2  G2£ 

1  In  1888  the  "  King's  Regiment "  was  divided  into  two  regiments,  under  new 
denominations,  viz.: — "  Castilk,  No.  1  "  (April  3),  and  "  Espaila,  No.  1  "  (June  18). 


Spanish-Philippine  Navy  Statistics 


233 


From  October  1,  1754,  the  troops  were  quartered  in  barracks,  Com- 
missariat Officers  were  appointed,  and  every  man  and  every  officer  was 
regularly  paid  fortnightly.  The  soldiers  were  not  used  to  this  discipline, 
and  desertion  was  frequent.  They  much  preferred  the  old  style  of  roam- 
ing about  to  beg  or  steal  and  live  where  they  chose  until  they  were  called 
out  to  service,  and  very  vigorous  measures  had  to  be  adopted  to  compel 
them  to  comply  with  the  new  regulations. 

In  May,  1755,  four  artillery  brigades  were  formed,  the  commanding 
officer  of  each  receiving  P.30  per  month  pay. 

In  1757  there  were  16  fortified  provincial  outposts,  at  a  total 
estimated  cost  of  P.37,638  per  annum  (including  Zamboanga,  the 
chief  centre  of  operations  against  the  Mahometans,  which  alone  cost 
P.  18,831  in  1757),  besides  the  armed  forces  and  Camp  of  Manila,  Fort 
Santiago,  and  Cavite  Arsenal  and  Fort,  which  together  cost  a  further 
sum  of  P.  157,934  for  maintenance  in  that  year. 


SPANISH   VESSELS   IN   PHILIPPINE   WATERS 
Year  1898 


Name. 

Class. 

Tons. 

H.P. 

Reina  Cristina 

Cruiser    . 

3,500 

3,950 

Castilla  . 

3,260 

4,400 

Don  Ant0,  de  Ulloa 

1,200 

1,523 

Don  Juan  de  Austria 

1,130 

1,600 

Isla  de  Cuba  . 

1,048 

2,200 

Isla  de  Luzon 

1,048 

2,200 

Velasco  . 

Gunboat 

1,152 

1,500 

Elcano   . 

560 

600 

General  Lezo . 

520 

600 

Argos     . 

>) 

508 

600 

Marque's  del  Duero 

500 

550 

Manila   . 

Transport 

1,900 

750 

General  Alava 

1,200 

1,000 

Cebu 

532 

600 

Callao    . 

Gunboat,  and  4  others  very  small,  besides  3  armed 

steam   launches   built    in    Hong-Kong,  viz.  : — 

Lanao,  Corciiera,  and  General  Blanco. 

NAVAL  DIVISIONS 


Station. 

Commander's 
Pay. 

Station. 

Commander's 
Pay. 

South  Division 
Palauan  (Pta.  Princesa)    . 
Isabel  de  Basilan 
Balabac  Island 

P. 

5,760 
4,560 
3,360 
3,360 

Corregidor  Island  . 
West  Caroline  Islands    . 
East          „             ,, 

P. 

3,360 
3,360 
4,560 

234 


Navy  Estimates — Judicial  Statistics 


HARBOUR-MASTERS 


Station. 

Pay. 

Station. 

Pay. 

P. 

P. 

Manila     .... 

3,200 

Pangasinan     . 

1,500 

Yloilo      .... 

3,200 

Ilocos  Norte  y  Sur . 

1,500 

Cebu        .... 

1,500 

Cagayan 

1,500 

Capis        .... 

1,500 

Ladrone  Islands 

1,500 

Zamboanga 

1,500 

Laguimanoc  (Civilian)     . 

144 

The  Chief  of  the  Philippine  Naval  Forces  was  a  Rear- Admiral 
receiving  P.  16,392  per  annum. 

There  were  two  Brigades  of  Marine  Infantry,  composed  of  376  men 
with  18  officers. 


Cavite  Arsenal 

The  chief  Naval  Station  was  at  Cavite,  six  miles  from  Manila.  The 
forces  at  this  station  were  90  Marines  as  Guards,  and  244  Marines  as 
reserves.     One  hundred  convicts  were  employed  for  Arsenal  labour. 

The  Officer  in  command  of  the  Cavite  Arsenal  and  Naval  Station 
took  rank  after  the  Rear- Admiral,  and  received  a  salary  of  P.8,496  per 
annum. 

The  Navy  Estimates  (Budget  for  1888)  amounted  to  P.2,573,776-27. 

SPANISH   JUDICIAL  STATISTICS 

Civil  and  Criminal  Law  Courts 
The  Civil  and  Criminal  Law  Courts  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 
2  Supreme  Courts  in  Manila  and  Cebu,  quite  independent  of  each  other. 
4  First-Class  Courts  of  Justice  in  Manila  (called  "de  termino.") 

8  ,,  „  in  the  Provinces  (    „      "  de  termino.") 

10  Second  „  „  „  „  (    „      "  de  ascenso.") 

19  Third     „  „  „  „  (    ,,      "  de  entrada") 

7  Provincial  Governments  with  judicial  powers. 


Judges'  Salaries 

President  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Manila 

„  „  „  Cebu 

Judge  of  each  of  the  12  First-Class  Courts 
,,  „  10  Second        „ 

19  Third 


Law  Courts  Estimate  for  1888 


P.  7,000 
.  6,000 
.  4,000 
.  3,000 
.     2,000 


P.      cts. 

Supreme  Court  of  Manila '  90,382  00 

„  Cebu 49,828  00 

All  the  minor  Courts  and  allowances  to  Provincial   Governors  with 

judicial  powers 192,650  00 

Estimated  total  cost  for  the  year  .         .         .  P.  332,866  00 


Prisons — Brigandage  235 

Penitentiaries  and  Convict  Settlements 

Manila  (Bilibid  Jail)  containing  on  an  average 

And  in  1888  there  were  also 
Cavite  Jail  contained  in  1888        ...... 

Zamboanga  Jail  contained  in  1888         ..... 

Agricultural  Colony   of  San  Ramon  (Zamboanga),    worked 
by  convict  labour,  contained  in  1888        .... 

Ladrone  Island  Penal  Settlement  contained  in  1888 

}}  >)  >)  >} 

In  the  Army  and  Navy  Services    ...... 


Total  estimated  disbursements  for  Penitentiaries  and  Convict 

maintenance  in  the  Settlements  for  the  year    .....  P. 82,672. 71 


900  Native  Convicts 

3  Spanish 
51  Native 

31 

93      „ 

}} 

164      „ 
101      „ 

3  Spanish 
730  Native 

ft 

2,045  Convicts. 

Brigandage  first  came  into  prominence  in  Governor  Arandia^s  time 
(1754-59),  and  he  used  the  means  of  "  setting  a  thief  to  catch  a  thief," 
which  answered  well  for  a  short  time,  until  the  crime  became  more 
and  more  habitual  as  provincial  property  increased  in  value  and  capital 
was  accumulated  there.  In  1888  the  Budget  provided  an  allowance  of 
2,000  pesos  for  rewards  for  the  capture  or  slaughter  of  these  ruffians. 
Up  to  the  end  of  Spanish  rule,  brigandage,  pillage,  and  murder  were 
treated  with  such  leniency  by  the  judges  that  there  was  little  hope 
for  the  extinction  of  such  crimes.  When  a  band  of  thieves  and 
assassins  attacked  a  village  or  a  residence,  murdered  its  inhabitants, 
and  carried  off  booty,  the  Civil  Guard  at  once  scoured  the  country, 
and  often  the  malefactors  were  arrested.  The  Civil  Guard  was  an 
excellent  institution,  and  performed  its  duty  admirably  well ;  but  as 
soon  as  the  villains  were  handed  over  to  the  legal  functionaries, 
society  lost  hope.  Instead  of  the  convicted  criminals  being  garrotted 
according  to  law,  as  the  public  had  a  right  to  demand,  they  were 
"  protected "  ;  some  were  let  loose  on  the  world  again,  whilst  others 
were  sent  to  prison  and  allowed  to  escape,  or  they  were  transported 
to  a  penal  settlement  to  work  without  fetters,  where  they  were  just 
as  comfortable  as  if  they  were  working  for  a  private  employer.  I 
record  these  facts  from  personal  knowledge,  for  my  wanderings  in  the 
Islands  brought  me  into  contact  with  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men. 
I  have  been  personally  acquainted  with  many  brigands,  and  I  gave 
regular  employment  to  an  ex-bandit  for  years. 

The  Philippine  brigand — known  in  the  northern  islands  as  Tulisan 
and  in  the  southern  islands  as  Pulajan — is  not  merely  an  outlaw,  such  as 
may  yet  be  found  in  Southern  and.  Eastern  Europe  ;  his  infamous  work 
of  freebooting  is  never  done  to  his  satisfaction  without  the  complement 
of  bloodshed,  even  though  his  victim  yield  to  him  all  without  demur. 
Booty  or  no  booty,  blood  must  flow,  if  he  be  the  ordinary  Tulisan 
of  the  type  known  to  the  Tagalogs  as  dugong-aso  (blood  of  a  dog). 


236  The  brigands   superstition 

as  distinguished  from  the  milder  Tidisan  pulpul  (literally,  the  blunt 
brigand),  who  robs,  uses  no  unnecessary  violence,  but  runs  away  if  he 
can,  and  only  fights  when  he  must. 

At  Christmas,  1884,  I  went  to  Laguimanoc  in  the  Province  of 
Tayabas  to  spend  a  few  days  with  an  English  friend  of  mine.1  On  the 
way  there,  at  Sariaya,  I  stayed  at  the  house  of  the  Captain  of  the  Civil 
Guard,  when  a  message  came  to  say  that  an  attack  had  been  made  the 
night  before  on  my  friend's  house,  his  manager,  a  Swede,  having  been 
killed,  and  many  others  in  the  village  wounded.  The  Captain  showed 
me  the  despatch,  and  invited  me  to  join  him  as  a  volunteer  to  hunt  down 
the  murderers.  I  agreed,  and  within  half  an  hour  we  were  mounted 
and  on  their  track  all  through  that  dark  night,  whilst  the  rain 
poured  in  torrents.  Four  native  soldiers  were  following  us  on  foot. 
We  jumped  over  ditches,  through  rice-paddy  fields  and  cocoanut 
plantations,  and  then  forded  a  river,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  which 
was  the  next  guards'1  post  in  charge  of  a  lieutenant,  who  joined  us  with 
eight  foot-soldiers.  That  same  night  we  together  captured  five  of  the 
wretches,  who  had  just  beached  a  canoe  containing  part  of  their  spoils. 
The  prisoners  were  bound  elbows  together  at  their  backs  and  sent 
forward  under  escort.  We  rode  on  all  night  until  five  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  arriving  at  the  convent  of  Pagbilao  just  as  Father  Jesus  was 
going  down  to  say  Mass.  I  had  almost  lost  my  voice  through  being 
ten  hours  in  the  rain ;  but  the  priest  was  very  attentive  to  us,  and  we 
went  on  in  a  prahu  to  the  village  where  the  crime  had  been  committed. 
In  another  prahu  the  prisoners  were  sent  in  charge  of  the  soldiers.  In 
the  meantime,  the  Chief  Judge  and  the  Government  Doctor  of  the 
province  had  gone  on  before  us.  On  the  way  we  met  a  canoe  going 
to  Pagbilao,  carrying  the  corpse  of  the  murdered  Swede  for  burial. 
When  we  arrived  at  Laguimanoc,  we  found  one  native  dead  and  many 
natives  and  Chinese  badly  wounded. 

My  friend's  house  had  the  front  door  smashed  in — an  iron  strong- 
box had  been  forced,  and  a  few  hundred  pesos,  with  some  rare  coins, 
were  stolen.  The  furniture  in  the  dining-room  was  wantonly  hacked 
about  with  bowie-knives,  only  to  satisfy  a  savage  love  for  mischief. 
His  bedroom  had  been  entered,  and  there  the  brigands  began  to  make 
their  harvest ;  the  bundles  of  wearing-apparel,  jewellery,  and  other 
valuables  were  already  tied  up,  when  lo  !  the  Virgin  herself  appeared, 
casting  a  penetrating  glance  of  disapproval  upon  the  wicked  revelry  ! 
Forsaking  their  plunder,  the  brigands  fled  in  terror  from  the  saintly 
apparition.  And  when  my  friend  re-entered  his  home  and  crossed  the 
bloodstained  floor  of  the  dining-room  to  go  to  his  bedroom,  the  card- 
board Virgin,  with  a  trade  advertisement  on  the  back,  was  still  peeping 
round  the  door-jamb  to  which  she  was  nailed,  with  the  words  "  Please 
to  shut  the  door'"  printed  on  her  spotless  bust. 

1  This  gentleman  is  at  present  residing  in  the  county  of  Essex,  England. 


A  brigand-chase — The  anting-anting  237 

The  next  day  the  Captain  remained  in  the  village  whilst  I  went  on 
with  the  Lieutenant  and  a  few  guards  in  a  prahu  down  the  coast,  where 
we  made  further  captures,  and  returned  in  three  days.  During  our 
journey  in  the  prahu  the  wind  was  so  strong  that  we  resolved  to 
beach  our  craft  on  the  seashore  instead  of  attempting  to  get  over  the 
shoal  of  the  San  Juan  River.  We  ran  her  ashore  under  full  sail, 
and  just  at  that  moment  a  native  rushed  towards  us  with  an  iron 
bar  in  his  hand.  In  the  evening  gloom  he  must  have  mistaken  us  for 
a  party  of  weather-beaten  native  or  Chinese  traders  whose  skulls  he 
might  smash  in  at  a  stroke  and  rifle  their  baggage.  He  halted, 
however,  perfectly  amazed  when  two  guards  with  their  bayonets  fixed 
jumped  forward  in  front  of  him.  Then  we  got  out,  took  him  prisoner, 
and  the  next  day  he  was  let  off  with  a  souvenir  of  the  lash,  as  there 
was  nothing  to  prove  that  he  was  a  brigand  by  profession.  The  second 
leader  of  the  brigand  gang  was  shot  through  the  lungs  a  week  after- 
wards, by  the  guards  who  were  on  his  track,  as  he  was  jumping  from 
the  window-opening  of  a  hut,  and  there  he  died. 

The  Captain  of  the  Civil  Guard  received  an  anonymous  letter  stating 
where  the  brigand  chief  was  hiding.  This  fact  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  native  cuadrillero  officer  who  had  hitherto  supplied  his  friend, 
the  brigand,  with  rice  daily,  so  he  hastened  on  before  the  Captain  could 
arrive,  and  imposed  silence  for  ever  on  the  fugitive  bandit  by  stabbing 
him  in  the  back.  Thus  the  cuadrillero  avoided  the  disclosure  of 
unpleasant  facts  which  would  have  implicated  himself.  The  prisoners 
were  conducted  to  the  provincial  jail,  and  three  years  afterwards,  when 
I  made  inquiries  about  them,  I  learnt  that  two  of  them  had  died  of 
their  wounds,  whilst  not  a  single  one  had  been  sentenced. 

The  most  ignorant  classes  believe  that  certain  persons  are  possessed 
of  a  mystic  power  called  anting-anting,  which  preserves  them  from  all 
harm,  and  that  the  body  of  a  man  so  affected  is  even  refractory  to 
bullet  or  steel.  Brigands  are  often  captured  wearing  medallions  of 
the  Virgin  Mary  or  the  Saints  as  a  device  of  the  anting-anting.  In 
Maragonddn  (Cavite),  the  son  of  a  friend  of  mine  was  enabled  to  go 
into  any  remote  place  with  impunity,  because  he  was  reputed  to 
be  possessed  of  this  charm.  Some  highwaymen,  too,  have  a  curious 
notion  that  they  can  escape  punishment  for  a  crime  committed  in  Easter 
Week,  because  the  thief  on  the  cross  was  pardoned  his  sins. 

In  1885  I  purchased  a  small  estate,  where  there  was  some  good  wild- 
boar  hunting  and  snipe-shooting,  and  I  had  occasion  to  see  the  man 
who  was  tenant  previous  to  my  purchase,  in  Manila  Jail.  He  was 
accused  of  having  been  concerned  in  an  attack  upon  the  town  of 
Mariquina,  and  was  incarcerated  for  eighteen  months  without  being 
definitely  convicted  or  acquitted.  Three  months  after  his  release  from 
prison  he  was  appointed  petty-governor  of  his  own  town,  much  to  the 
disgust  of  the  people,  who  in  vain  petitioned  against  it  in  writing. 


238  A  Penal  Settlement — Pirates 

I  visited  the  Penal  Settlement,  known  as  the  Agricultural  Colony 
of  San  Ramon,  situated  about  fifteen  miles  north  of  Zamboanga,  where 
I  remained  twelve  days.  The  director  of  the  settlement  was  D.  Felipe 
Dujiols,  an  army  captain  who  had  defended  Onate  (in  Guipiizcoa, 
Spain),  during  the  Carlist  war ;  so,  as  we  were  each  able  to  relate 
our  personal  experiences  of  that  stirring  period,  we  speedily  became 
friends.  As  his  guest,  I  was  able  to  acquire  more  ample  information 
about  the  system  of  convict  treatment.  With  the  25  convicts  just 
arrived,  there  were  in  all  150  natives  of  the  most  desperate  class — 
assassins,  thieves,  conspirators,  etc.,  working  on  this  penal  settle- 
ment. They  were  well  fed,  fairly  well  lodged,  and  worked  with 
almost  the  same  freedom  as  independent  labourers.  Within  a  few  yards 
of  the  director's  bungalow  were  the  barracks,  for  the  accommodation  of 
a  detachment  of  40  soldiers — under  the  command  of  a  lieutenant — who 
patrolled  the  settlement  during  the  day  and  mounted  guard  at  night. 
During  my  stay  one  prisoner  was  chained  and  flogged,  but  that  was  for 
a  serious  crime  committed  the  day  before.  The  severest  hardship 
which  these  convicts  had  to  endure  under  the  rule  of  my  generous  host, 
D.  Felipe,  was  the  obligation  to  work  as  honest  men  in  other  countries 
would  be  willing  to  do.  In  this  same  penal  settlement,  some  years  ago, 
a  party  of  convicts  attacked  and  killed  three  of  the  European  overseers, 
and  then  escaped  to  the  Island  of  Basilan,  which  lies  to  the  south  of 
Zamboanga.  The  leader  of  these  criminals  was  a  native  named  Pedro 
Cuevas,  whose  career  is  referred  to  at  length  in  Chap.  xxix. 

Within  half  a  day's  journey  from  Manila  there  are  several  well- 
known  marauders'*  haunts,  such  as  San  Mateo,  Imus,  Silan,  Indan,  the 
mouths  of  the  Hagonoy  River  (Pampanga),  etc.  In  1881  I  was  the 
only  European  amongst  20  to  25  passengers  in  a  canoe  going  to 
Balanga  on  the  west  shore  of  Manila  Bay,  when  about  midday  a 
canoe,  painted  black  and  without  the  usual  outriggers,  bore  down 
upon  us,  and  suddenly  two  gun-shots  were  fired,  whilst  we  were  called 
upon  to  surrender.  The  pirates  numbered  eight ;  they  had  their 
faces  bedaubed  white  and  their  canoe  ballasted  with  stones.  There 
was  great  commotion  in  our  craft ;  the  men  shouted  and  the  women 
fell  into  a  heap  over  me,  reciting  Ave  Marias,  and  calling  upon  all 
the  Saints  to  succour  them.  Just  as  I  extricated  myself  and  looked 
out  from  under  the  palm-leaf  awning,  the  pirates  flung  a  stone  which 
severely  cut  our  pilot's  face.  They  came  very  close,  flourishing  their 
knives,  but  our  crew  managed  to  keep  them  from  boarding  us  by 
pushing  off  their  canoe  with  the  paddles.  When  the  enemy  came  within 
range  of  my  revolver,  one  of  their  party,  who  was  standing  up  brandishing 
a  bowie-knife,  suddenly  collapsed  into  a  heap.  This  seemed  to  discourage 
the  rest,  who  gave  up  the  pursuit,  and  we  went  on  to  Balanga. 

The  most  famous  Tulisdn  within  living  memory  was  a  Chinese  half- 
caste  named  Juan  Fernandez,  commonly  known  as   Tancad  ("  tall,1"1  in 


The  notorious  Tancad — Dilatory  justice  239 

Tagalog)  because  of  his  extraordinary  stature.  His  sphere  of  operations 
was  around  Bulacan,  Tarlac,  Mdrong,  and  Nueva  Ecija.  He  took  part 
in  21  crimes  which  could  have  been  proved  against  him,  and  doubtless 
many  more.  A  man  of  wonderful  perception  and  great  bravery,  he  was 
only  35  years  old  when  he  was  captured  in  Bulacan  Province  by 
the  Spanish  Captain  Villa  Abrille.  Brought  before  a  court-martial 
on  the  specific  charge  of  being  the  chief  actor  in  a  wholesale  slaughter 
at  Tayud,  which  caused  a  great  sensation  at  the  time,  he  and  ten  of  his 
companions  were  executed  on  August  28,  1877,  to  the  immense  relief  of 
the  people,  to  whom  the  very  name  of  Tancad  gave  a  thrill  of  horror. 

No  one  experienced  in  the  Colony  ever  thought  of  privately 
prosecuting  a  captured  brigand,  for  a  criminal  or  civil  lawsuit  in  the 
Philippines  was  one  of  the  worst  calamities  that  could  befall  a  man. 
Between  notaries,  procurators,  barristers,  and  the  sluggish  process  of  the 
courts,  a  litigant  was  fleeced  of  his  money,  often  worried  into  a  bad 
state  of  health,  and  kept  in  horrible  suspense  for  years.  It  was  as 
hard  to  get  the  judgement  executed  as  it  was  to  win  the  case.  Even 
when  the  question  at  issue  was  supposed  to  be  settled,  a  defect  in  the 
sentence  could  always  be  concocted  to  re-open  the  whole  affair.  If  the 
case  had  been  tried  and  judgement  given  under  the  Civil  Code,  a  way 
was  often  found  to  convert  it  into  a  criminal  case ;  and  when  apparently 
settled  under  the  Criminal  Code,  a  flaw  could  be  discovered  under  the 
Laws  of  the  Indies,  or  the  Siete  Partidas,  or  the  Roman  Laze,  or  the 
Novisima  Rccopilation,  or  the  Antiguos  fueros,  Decrees,  Royal  Orders, 
Ordenanzas  de  buen  Gobierno,  and  so  forth,  by  which  the  case  could 
be  re-opened.     It  was  the  same  in  the  16th  century  {vide  p.  56). 

I  knew  a  planter  in  Negros  Island  who  was  charged  with  homicide. 
The  judge  of  his  province  acquitted  him,  but  fearing  that  he  might 
again  be  arrested  on  the  same  charge,  he  came  up  to  Manila  with  me 
to  procure  a  ratification  of  the  sentence  in  the  Supreme  Court.  The 
legal  expenses  were  so  enormous  that  he  was  compelled  to  fully 
mortgage  his  plantation.  Weeks  passed,  and  having  spent  all  his 
money  without  getting  justice,  I  lent  his  notary  i?40  to  assist  in 
bringing  the  case  to  an  end.  The  planter  returned  to  Negros 
apparently  satisfied  that  he  would  be  troubled  no  further,  but  later  on, 
the  newly-appointed  judge  in  that  Island,  whilst  prospecting  for  fees  by 
turning  up  old  cases,  unfortunately  came  across  this  one,  and  my  planter 
acquaintance  was  sentenced  to  eight  years1  imprisonment,  although  the 
family  lawyer,  proceeding  on  the  same  shifty  lines,  still  hoped  to  find 
defects  in  the  sentence  in  order  to  reverse  it  in  favour  of  his  client. 

Availing  one's  self  of  the  dilatoriness  of  the  Spanish  law,  it  was 
possible  for  a  man  to  occupy  a  house,  pay  no  rent,  and  refuse  to  quit  on 
legal  grounds  during  a  couple  of  years  or  more.  A  person  who  had  not 
a  cent  to  lose  could  persecute  another  of  means  by  a  trumped-up 
accusation   until  he   was  ruined,  by  an  "  information  de  pobreza " — a 


240  A  cause  celebre 


declaration  of  poverty — which  enabled  the  persecutor  to  keep  the  case 
going  as  long  as  he  chose  without  needing  money  for  fees.1  A  case  of 
this  kind  was  often  started  at  the  instigation  of  a  native  lawyer.  When 
it  had  gone  on  for  a  certain  time,  the  prosecutor's  adviser  would 
propose  an  "  extra-judicial  arrangement,"  to  extort  costs  from  the 
wearied  and  browbeaten  defendant. 

About  the  year  1886  there  was  a  cause  celebre,  the  parties  being 
the  firm  of  Jurado  &  Co.  versus  the  Hong-Kong  and  Shanghai  Banking 
Corporation.  The  Bank  had  agreed  to  make  advances  on  goods  to  be 
imported  by  the  firm  in  exchange  for  the  firm's  acceptances.  The 
agreement  was  subject  to  six  months"'  notice  from  the  Bank.  In  due 
course  the  Bank  had  reason  to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  certain  docu- 
ments. Mr.  Jurado  was  imprisoned,  but  shortly  released  on  bail.  He 
was  dismissed  from  his  official  post  of  second  chief  of  Telegraphs,  worth 
P.4,000  a  year.  Goods,  as  they  arrived  for  his  firm,  were  stored 
pending  litigation,  and  deteriorated  to  only  a  fraction  of  their  original 
value.  His  firm  was  forced  by  these  circumstances  into  liquidation, 
and  Mr.  Jurado  sued  the  Bank  for  damages.  The  case  was  open  for 
several  years,  during  which  time  the  Bank  coffers  were  once  sealed  by 
judicial  warrant,  a  sum  of  cash  was  actually  transported  from  the  Bank 
premises,  and  the  manager  was  nominally  arrested,  but  really  a  prisoner 
on  parole  in  his  house.  Several  sentences  of  the  Court  were  given  in 
favour  of  each  party.  Years  after  this  they  were  all  quashed  on  appeal 
to  Madrid.  Mr.  Jurado  went  to  Spain  to  fight  his  case,  and  in  1891 
I  accidentally  met  him  and  his  brother  (a  lawyer)  in  the  street  in  Madrid. 
The  brother  told  me  the  claim  against  the  Bank  then  amounted  to 
P.935,000,  and  judgement  for  that  sum  would  be  given  within  a  fortnight. 
Still,  years  after  that,  when  I  was  again  in  Manila,  the  case  was  yet 
pending,  and  another  onslaught  was  made  on  the  Bank.  The  Court 
called  on  the  manager  to  deliver  up  the  funds  of  the  Bank,  and  on  his 
refusal  to  do  so  a  mechanic  was  sent  there  to  open  the  safes,  but  he 
laboured  in  vain  for  a  week.  Then  a  syndicate  of  Philippine  capitalists 
was  formed  to  fleece  the  Bank,  one  of  its  most  energetic  members 
being  a  native  private  banker  in  Manila.  Whilst  the  case  was  in  its 
first  stages  I  happened  to  be  discussing  it  at  a  shop  in  the  Escolta  when 
one  of  the  partners,  a  Spaniard,  asked  me  if  I  would  like  to  see  with 
my  own  eyes  the  contending  lawyers  putting  their  heads  together  over 
the  matter.  "  If  so,"  said  he,  "  you  have  only  to  go  through  my  shop 
and  up  the  winding  back  staircase,  from  the  landing  of  which  you  can 
see  them  any  day  you  like  at  one  o'clock."  I  accepted  his  invitation, 
and  there,  indeed,  were  the  rival  advocates  laughing,  gesticulating,  and 

1  Under  British  law,  a  litigant  is  not  allowed  to  bring  and  conduct  an  action 
in  forma  pauperis  until  it  is  proved  that  he  is  not  worth  £5  after  his  debts  are 
paid  ;  and,  moreover,  he  must  obtain  a  certificate  from  a  barrister  that  he  has  good 
cause  of  action. 


Spanish-Philippine  Criminal  Law  Procedure        241 

presumably  cogitating  how  they  could  plunder  the  litigant  who  had 
most  money  to  spend.  At  one  stage  of  the  proceedings  the  Bank 
specially  retained  a  Spanish  lawyer  of  great  local  repute,  who  went  to 
Madrid  to  push  the  case.  Later  on  Mr.  Francis,  Q.C.,  was  sent  over 
to  Manila  from  Hong-Kong  to  advise  the  Bank.  The  Prime  Minister 
was  appealed  to  and  the  good  offices  of  our  Ambassador  in  Madrid  were 
solicited.  For  a  long  time  the  Bank  was  placed  in  a  most  awkward 
legal  dilemma.  The  other  side  contended  that  the  Bank  could  not  be 
heard,  or  appear  for  itself  or  by  proxy,  on  the  ground  that  under  its  own 
charter  it  had  no  right  to  be  established  in  Manila  ;  that,  in  view  of 
the  terms  of  that  charter,  it  had  never  been  legally  registered  as  a  Bank 
in  Manila,  and  that  it  had  no  legal  existence  in  the  Philippines.  This 
was  merely  a  technical  quibble.  Several  times  when  the  case  was 
supposed  to  be  finally  settled,  it  was  again  re-opened.  Happily  it  may 
now  be  regarded  as  closed  for  ever. 

A  great  many  well-to-do  natives  have  a  mania  for  seeing  their  sons 
launched  into  the  "  learned  professions "  ;  hence  there  was  a  mob  of 
native  doctors  who  made  a  scanty  living,  and  a  swarm  of  half-lawyers, 
popularly  called  "  abogadillos,"  who  were  a  pest  to  the  Colony.  Up  to 
the  beginning  of  the  18th  century  the  offices  of  solicitors  and  notaries 
were  filled  from  Mexico,  where  the  licences  to  practise  in  Manila  were 
publicly  sold.  After  that  period  the  colleges  and  the  university  issued 
licences  to  natives,  thus  creating  a  class  of  native  pettifogging  advocates 
who  stirred  up  strife  to  make  cases,  for  this  purpose  availing  themselves 
of  the  intricacies  of  the  law. 

The  Spanish-Philippine  Criminal  Law  Procedure  was  briefly  as 
follows : — (1)  The  Judge  of  Instruction  took  the  sumaria,  i.e.,  the 
inquiry  into  whether  a  crime  had  been  committed,  and,  if  so,  who  was 
the  presumptive  culprit.  It  was  his  duty  to  find  the  facts  and  sift  the 
case.  In  a  light  case  he  could  order  the  immediate  arrest  of  the  pre- 
sumptive delinquent ;  in  a  grave  case  he  would  remit  it.  (2)  In  the 
Court  of  First  Instance  the  verbal  evidence  was  heard  and  sifted,  the 
fiscal,  or  prosecuting  attorney,  expressing  his  opinion  to  the  judge. 
The  judge  would  then  qualify  the  crime,  and  decide  who  was  the  pre- 
sumptive culprit.  Then  the  defence  began,  and  when  this  was  exhausted 
the  judge  would  give  his  opinion.  This  court  could  not  acquit  or  condemn 
the  accused.  The  opinion  on  the  sumaria  was  merely  advisory,  and  not 
a  sentence.  This  inquiry  was  called  the  "  vista ri ;  it  was  not  in  reality 
a  trial,  as  the  defendant  was  not  allowed  to  cross-examine ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  theory,  he  was  not  called  upon  to  prove  his  innocence 
before  two  courts,  but  before  the  sentencing  court  {Audiencia)  only.  The 
case  would  then  be  remitted  with  the  sumaria,  and  the  opinion  of  the  Court 
of  First  Instance,  to  the  Audiencia,  or  Supreme  Court,  for  review  of  errors 
of  law,  but  not  of  facts  which  remained.  The  Audiencia  did  not  call  for 
testimony,  but,   if  new  facts  were  produced,  it  would  remit  back  the 

16 


242  The  Americans  adopt  the  Spanish  Code 

sumaria  to  the  lower  court,  with  the  new  written  testimony  added  to 
the  autos  (documents  in  the  case).  These  new  witnesses  were  never 
confronted  with  the  accused,  and  might  never  be  seen  by  him,  and  were 
not  cross-examined.  If  no  new  facts  were  elicited,  the  record  of  the 
lower  court  would  be  accepted  by  the  Audiencia,  errors  of  law  being  the 
only  point  at  issue,  and  this  court  might  at  once  pass  sentence.  In 
practice  the  Audiencia  usually  treated  the  finding  of  the  lower  court  as 
sentence  (not  merely  opinion),  and  confirmed  it,  if  no  new  testimony  were 
produced  and  there  were  no  errors  of  law.  But,  although  the  opinion 
of  the  lower  court  might  be  practically  an  acquittal,  the  Audiencia 
might  find  errors  of  law,  thus  placing  the  accused  twice  in  jeopardy.  If 
the  case  were  remitted  back,  in  view  of  new  testimony,  it  finally  returned 
to  the  Audiencia  for  decision,  nine  judges  being  required  to  give  their 
opinion  in  a  grave  case,  so  that  if  the  Court  of  First  Instance  and  five 
judges  of  the  Audiencia  found  the  accused  guilty,  there  was  a  majority 
against  him.  The  sentencing  court  was  always  the  Audiencia.  If  the 
sentence  were  against  the  accused,  a  final  appeal  could  be  made, 
by  "  writ  of  error,"  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Spain,  whose  decision, 
however,  rested  not  on  facts,  but  on  errors  of  law. 

The  (American)  Insular  Government  tacitly  admitted  that  the 
Spanish  written  law  was  excellent,  notwithstanding  its  fulfilment  being 
dilatory.  The  Spanish  Penal  Code  has  been  adopted  in  its  general 
application,  but  a  new  code,  based  on  it,  was  in  course  of  compilation 
in  1904.  The  application  of  the  Spanish  Code  occasionally  evolves 
some  curious  issues,  showing  its  variance  with  fundamental  American 
law.  For  instance,  in  September,  1905,  a  native  adulteress  having  been 
found  by  her  husband  in  flagrante  delicto,  he  stabbed  her  to  death. 
The  Spanish  law  sustains  the  husband's  right  to  slay  his  faithless 
consort  and  her  paramour,  in  such  circumstances  (vide  p.  80),  but 
provides  that  the  lawful  slayer  shall  be  banished  from  the  country. 
The  principle  of  this  law  is  based  on  Roman  law,  human  instinctive 
reasoning,  and  the  spirit  of  the  law  among  the  Latin  nations  of  Europe. 
American  law  assumes  this  natural  act  of  the  husband  to  be  a  crime, 
but  whilst  admitting  the  validity  of  the  Spanish  Code  in  these  Islands, 
the  American  bench  was  puzzled  to  decide  what  punishment  could  be 
inflicted  if  the  arraigned  husband  committed  contempt  of  court  by 
thereafter  returning  to  his  native  land. 


243 


CHAPTER   XV 

TRADE   OF  THE    ISLANDS 

Its  Early  History 

From  within  a  year  after  the  foundation  of  the  Colony  up  to  the 
second  decade  of  last  century  direct  communication  with  Mexico  was 
maintained  by  the  State  galleons,  termed  the  Naos  de  Acapulco.  The 
first  sailings  of  the  galleons  were  to  Navidad,  but  for  over  two 
centuries  Acapulco  was  the  port  of  destination  on  the  Mexican  side, 
and  this  inter-communication  with  New  Spain  only  ceased  a  few  years 
before  that  Colony  threw  off  its  allegiance  to  the  mother  country. 
But  it  was  not  alone  the  troubled  state  of  political  affairs  which 
brought  about  the  discontinuance  of  the  galleons'1  voyages,  although  the 
subsequent  secession  of  Mexico  would  have  produced  this  effect.  The 
expense  of  this  means  of  intercourse  was  found  to  be  bearing  too 
heavily  upon  the  scanty  resources  of  the  Exchequer,  for  the  condition 
of  Spain's  finances  had  never,  at  any  period,  been  so  lamentable. 

The  Commander  of  the  State  Nao  had  the  title  of  General,  with  a 
salary  of  P.40,000  per  annum.  The  chief  officer  received  P.25,000  a 
year.  The  quarter-master  was  remunerated  with  9  per  cent,  on  the 
value  of  the  merchandise  shipped,  and  this  amounted  to  a  very 
considerable  sum  per  voyage. 

The  last  State  galleon  left  Manila  for  Mexico  in  1811,  and  the  last 
sailing  from  Acapulco  for  Manila  was  in  1815. 

These  ships  are  described  as  having  been  short  fore  and  aft,  but  of 
great  beam,  light  draught,  and,  when  afloat,  had  a  half-moon  appearance, 
being  considerably  elevated  at  bows  and  stern.  They  were  of  1,500  tons 
burden,  had  four  decks,  and  carried  guns. 

The  Gov. -General,  the  clergy,  the  civil  functionaries,  troops,  prisoners, 
and  occasionally  private  persons,  took  passage  in  these  ships  to  and  from 
the  Philippines.     It  was  practically  the  Spanish  Mail. 

The  Colony  had  no  coin  of  its  own.1     It  was  simply  a  dependency 

I 

1  According  to  Zufiiga  ("  Hist,  de  Philipinas  "),  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Luzon 
Island  had  a  kind  of  shell-money— the  Siguey  shell.  Siguey  shells  are  so  plentiful 
at  the  present  day  that  they  are  used  by  children  to  play  at  Sunca. 


244     The  Consulado  merchants — The  Mexican  Subsidy 

of  Mexico  ;  and  all  that  it  brought  in  tribute  and  taxes  to  its  Royal 
Treasury  belonged  to  the  Crown,  and  was  at  the  King's  disposal.  For 
many  years  these  payments  were  made  wholly — and  afterwards  partially 
— in  kind,  and  were  kept  in  the  Royal  Stores.  As  the  junks  from 
China  arrived  each  spring,  this  colonial  produce  belonging  to  the  Crown 
was  bartered  for  Chinese  wares  and  manufactures.  These  goods,  packed 
in  precisely  1,500  bales,  each  of  exactly  the  same  size,  constituted  the 
official  cargo,  and  were  remitted  to  Mexico  by  the  annual  galleon.  The 
surplus  space  in  the  ship  was  at  the  disposal  of  a  few  chosen  merchants 
who  formed  the  "  Consulado. ,"• — a  trading  ring  which  required  each 
member  to  have  resided  in  the  Colony  a  stipulated  number  of  years, 
and  to  be  possessed  of  at  least  eight  thousand  pesos. 

For  the  support  of  the  Philippine  administration  Mexico  remitted 
back  to  Manila,  on  the  return  of  the  galleon,  a  certain  percentage  of 
the  realized  value  of  the  above-mentioned  official  cargo,  but  seeing  that 
in  any  case — whether  the  Philippine  Treasury  were  flourishing  or  not — 
a  certain  sum  was  absolutely  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Colony,  this  remittance,  known  as  the  "  Real  Situado,""  or  royal  subsidy, 
was,  from  time  to  time,  fixed.1 

The  Philippine  Colony  was  therefore  nominally  self-supporting, 
and  the  Situado  was  only  a  guaranteed  income,  to  be  covered,  as  far  as 
it  could  be,  by  shipments  of  foreign  bartered  manufactures  and  local 
produce  to  Mexico.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Mexican  subsidy 
seldom,  if  ever,  was  so  covered. 

By  Royal  Decree  of  June  6,  1665,  the  Mexican  subsidy  to  the  Philip- 
pines was  fixed  at  P.2,500,000,  of  which  P.2,000,000  was  remitted  in  coin 
and  P.500,000  in  merchandise  for  the  Royal  Stores.  Against  this  was 
remitted  value  in  goods  (Philippine  taxes  and  tribute)  P.176,101.40 

so  that  the  net  Subsidy,  or  donation,  from  Mexico  was  2,323,898.60 

P.2,500,000.00 

Hence,in  the  course  of  time,  coin — Mexican  dollars  called  pesos — found 
its  way  in  large  quantities  to  the  Philippines,  and  thence  to  China. 

The  yearly  value  of  the  merchants''  shipments  was  first  limited  to 
P.250,000,  whilst  the  return  trade  could  not  exceed  P.500,000  in  coin 
or  stores,  and  this  was  on  the  supposition  that  100  per  cent,  profit  would 
be  realized  on  the  sales  in  Mexico. 

The  allotment  of  surplus  freight-room  in  the  galleon  was  regulated 
by  the  issue  of  boletas — documents  which,  during  a  long  period,  served 
as  paper  money  in  fact,  for  the  holders  were  entitled  to  use  them  for 
shipping  goods,  or  they  could  transfer  them  to  others  who  wished  to 
do  so.  The  demand  for  freight  was  far  greater  than  the  carrying  power 
provided.     Shipping  warrants  were  delivered  gratis  to  the  members  of 

1  Situado  is  not  literally  "  Subsidy/'  but  it  was  tantamount  to  that. 


^w» 


The  Mexican  Galleons — The  Obras  Pias  245 

the  Consulado,  to  certain  ecclesiastics,  and  others.  Indeed,  it  is  asserted 
by  some  writers  that  the  Governor's  favourites  were  served  with  pre- 
ference, to  the  prejudice  of  legitimate  trade. 

The  Spaniards  were  not  allowed  to  go  to  China  to  fetch  merchandise 
for  transhipment,  but  they  could  freely  buy  what  was  brought  by  the 
Chinese.  Indian  and  Persian  goods  uninterruptedly  found  their  way  to 
Manila.     Spanish  goods  came  exclusively  via  Mexico. 

The  mail  galleon  usually  sailed  in  the  month  of  July  in  each  year, 
and  the  voyage  occupied  about  five  months.  Very  strict  regulations 
were  laid  down  regarding  the  course  to  be  steered,  but  many  calamities 
befell  the  ships,  which  were  not  unfrequently  lost  through  the  incapacity 
of  the  officers  who  had  procured  their  appointments  by  favour.  For 
a  century  and  a  half  there  was  practically  no  competition.  All  was 
arranged  beforehand  as  to  shape,  quantity,  size,  etc.,  of  each  bale. 
There  was,  however,  a  deal  of  trickery  practised  respecting  the  declared 
values,  and  the  boletus  were  often  quoted  at  high  prices.  Even  the 
selling-price  of  the  goods  sent  to  Mexico  was  a  preconcerted  matter. 

The  day  of  the  departure  of  the  galleon  or  its  arrival  with  a  couple 
of  millions  of  pesos  or  more,1  and  new  faces,  was  naturally  one  of 
rejoicing — it  was  almost  the  event  of  the  year.  A  Te  Deum  was 
chanted  in  the  churches,  the  bells  tolled,  and  musicians  perambulated 
the  streets,  which  were  illuminated  and  draped  with  bunting. 

So  far  as  commercial  affairs  were  concerned,  the  Philippine  merchants 
passed  very  easy  lives  in  those  palmy  days.  One,  sometimes  two,  days 
in  the  week  were  set  down  in  the  calendar  as  Saint-days  to  be  strictly 
observed  ;  hence  an  active  business  life  would  have  been  incompatible  with 
the  exactions  of  religion.  The  only  misadventure  they  had  to  fear  was 
the  loss  of  the  galleon.  Market  fluctuations  were  unknown.  During  the 
absence  of  the  galleon,  there  was  nothing  for  the  merchants  to  do  but  to 
await  the  arrival  of  the  Chinese  junks  in  the  months  of  March,  April, 
and  May,  and  prepare  their  bales.  For  a  century  and  a  half  this  sort  of 
trading  was  lucrative ;  it  required  no  smartness,  no  spirit  of  enterprise 
or  special  tact.  Shippers  were  busy  for  only  three  months  in  the  year, 
and  during  the  remaining  nine  months  they  could  enjoy  life  as  they 
thought  fit — cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Some  there  were  who,  without  means  of  their  own,  speculated  with 
the  Obras  Pias  funds,  lent  at  interest.2 

1  The  values  of  shipments  by  law  established  were  little  regarded. 

2  The  Obras  Pias  (i.e.,  Pious  Works)  funds  were  legacies  left  exclusively  by 
Spaniards,  chiefly  pious  persons,  for  separate  beneficent  objects.  Two-thirds  of  the 
capital  were  to  be  lent  at  interest,  to  stimulate  trade  abroad,  and  one-third  was 
to  be  a  reserve  against  possible  losses.  When  the  accumulated  interest  on  the 
original  capital  had  reached  a  certain  amount,  it  was  to  be  applied  to  the  payment 
of  masses  for  the  repose  of  the  donors'  souls. 

The  peculations  of  the  Gov. -General  Pedro  Manuel  de  Arandia  (1754-59) 
permitted  him  to  amass  a  fortune  of  a  quarter  of  a  million  pesos  in  less  than  five 
years'  service,  which  sum  he  left  to  pious  works.     On  the  secession  of  Mexico  (in 


246  Losses  of  the  treasure-laden  galleons 

The  Philippine  merchants  often  lost  the  value  of  their  shipments 
in  the  State  galleons  by  shipwreck  or  seizure  by  enemies.  Mexico 
frequently  lost  the  Philippine  remittances  to  her,  and  the  specie  she 
sent  to  the  Philippines.  The  State  galleon  made  only  one  voyage  a 
year  there  and  back,  if  all  went  well ;  but  if  it  were  lost,  the  shipment 
had  to  be  renewed,  and  it  often  happened  that  several  galleons  were 
seized  in  a  year  by  Spain's  enemies. 

The  abortive  attempt  to  annex  the  British  Isles  to  the  Spanish  Crown 
in  1588  brought  about  the  collapse  of  Spain's  naval  supremacy,  enabling 
English  mariners  to  play  havoc  with  her  galleons  from  America.  The 
Philippine  Islands,  as  a  colony,  had  at  that  date  only  just  come  into 
existence,  but  during  the  series  of  Anglo-Spanish  wars  which  preceded 
the  "  Family  Compact "  (vide  p.  87),  Philippine-Mexican  galleons  laden 
with  treasure  became  the  prey  of  British  commanders,  notably  Admiral 
Anson.  The  coasts  were  beset  by  Anson's  squadron.  He  was  the  terror 
of  the  Philippines  from  the  year  1743.  His  exploits  gave  rise  to  con- 
sternation, and  numerous  councils  were  held  to  decide  what  to  do  to  get 
rid  of  him.  The  captured  galleon  Pilar  gave  one-and-a-half  million 
pesos  to  the  enemy — -the  Covadonga  was  an  immense  prize.  All  over 
the  Islands  the  Spaniards  were  on  the  alert  for  the  dreaded  foe ;  every 
provincial  Governor  sent  look-outs  to  high  promontories  with  orders 
to  signal  by  beacons  if  the  daring  Britisher's  ships  were  seen  hovering 
about,  whilst,  in  Manila,  the  citizens  were  forewarned  that,  at  any 
moment,  they  might  be  called  upon  to  repel  the  enemy. 

Not  only  in  fleets  of  gold-laden  vessels  did  Spain  and  her  dependencies 
lose  immense  wealth  through  her  hostile  ambition,  for  in  view  of  the 
restrictions  on  Philippine  trade,  and  the  enormous  profits  accruing  to 
the  Spanish  merchants  on  their  shipments,  British,  Dutch,  French,  and 
Danish  traders  competed  with  them.  Shippers  of  these  nationalities 
bought  goods  in  Canton,  where  they  established  their  own  factories, 
or  collecting-stores.  In  1731  over  three  millions  of  Mexican  dollars 
(pesos)  were  taken  there  for  making  purchases,  and  these  foreign  ships 
landed    the    stuffs,  etc.,  in    contraband   at  the  American  ports,  where 

1819)  the  Government  took  over  the  Obras  Pias  funds,  to  control  their  administration. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  many  of  the  donations  were  the  fruits  of  the  corrupt 
practices  of  high  officials,  the  legacies  being  for  their  benefit  hereafter. 

The  funds  were  severally  administered  by  the  four  boards  of  San  Francisco,  Santo 
Domingo,  the  Recoletos  and  Santa  Isabel,  controlled  by  one  general  board  of 
management.  In  1850  the  Spanish  Government,  in  the  exercise  of  its  right  (Real 
patronato)  to  intervene  in  all  ecclesiastical  administrative  affairs,  ordered  these  funds 
to  be  transferred  to  a  banking  establishment  entitled  the  "  Banco  Espanol  de  Isabel 
II.,"  more  generally  known  as  the  "  Banco  Espanol-Filipino  "  (q.v.).  The  Obras  Pias 
funds  constituted  the  original  capital  of  this  bank.  The  board,  presided  over  by  the 
Archbishop,  still  continued  to  control  the  manipulation  of  these  funds  by  the  bank, 
the  income  derived  from  the  original  capital  having  to  be  paid  out  in  accordance 
with  the  wills  of  the  several  founders  of  the  fund.  Up  to  the  close  of  Spanish  rule, 
money  was  lent  out  of  this  fund  on  mortgages  in  and  near  Manila,  at  six  per  cent. 
interest  per  annum. 


Philippine-Mexican  trade  difficulties  247 

Spaniards   themselves    co-operated  in   the  trade    which  their   absolute 
King  declared  illicit,  whilst  the  traders  considered  it  a  natural  right. 

As  the  Southern  (Peninsula)  Spanish  merchants  were  helpless  to  stay 
this  competition,  which  greatly  affected  their  profits,  their  rancorous 
greed  made  them  clamour  against  the  Philippine  trade,  to  which  they 
chose  to  attribute  their  misfortunes,  and  the  King  was  petitioned  to 
curtail  the  commerce  of  this  Colony  with  Mexico  for  their  exclusive 
benefit.  But  it  was  not  Spanish  home  trade  alone  which  suffered  : 
Acapulco  was  so  beset  by  smugglers,  whose  merchandise,  surreptitiously 
introduced,  found  its  way  to  Mexico  City,  that,  in  latter  days,  the 
Philippine  galleons1  cargoes  did  not  always  find  a  market.  Moreover,  all 
kinds  of  frauds  were  practised  about  this  time  in  the  quality  of  the 
goods  baled  for  shipment,  and  the  bad  results  revealed  themselves  on 
the  Mexican  side.  The  shippers,  unwisely,  thought  it  possible  to 
deceive  the  Mexicans  by  sending  them  inferior  articles  at  old  prices ; 
hence  their  disasters  became  partly  due  to  "  the  vaulting  ambition  that 
overleaps  itself  and  falls  on  t'other  side.'1''  The  Governor  commissioned 
four  of  the  most  respectable  Manila  traders  to  inspect  the  sorting 
and  classification  of  the  goods  shipped.  These  citizens  distinguished 
themselves  so  highly,  to  their  own  advantage,  that  the  Governor  had 
to  suppress  the  commission  and  abandon  the  control,  in  despair  of 
finding  honest  colleagues.  Besides  this  fraud,  contraband  goods  were 
taken  to  Acapulco  in  the  galleons  themselves,  hidden  in  water-jars. 

In  the  time  of  Governor  Pedro  de  Arandia  (1754-59)  the  100  per 
cent,  fixed  profit  was  no  longer  possible.  Merchants  came  down  to 
Acapulco  and  forced  the  market,  by  waiting  until  the  ships  were  obliged 
to  catch  the  monsoon  back,  or  lie  up  for  another  season,  so  that  often 
the  goods  had  to  be  sold  for  cost,  or  a  little  over.  In  1754  returns  were 
so  reduced  that  the  Consulado  was  owing  to  the  Obras  Pias  over 
P.300,000,  and  to  the  Casa  Misericordia  P.147,000,  without  any  hope  of 
repayment.  The  Casa  Misericordia  lent  money  at  40  per  cent.,  then  at 
35  per  cent.,  and  in  1755  at  20  per  cent,  interest,  but  the  state  of  trade 
made  capital  hardly  acceptable  even  at  this  last  rate. 

Early  in  the  18th  century  the  Cadiz  merchants,  jealous  of  the 
Philippine  shippers,  protested  that  the  home  trade  was  much  injured  by 
the  cargoes  carried  to  Mexico  in  Philippine  bottoms.  So  effectually  did 
they  influence  the  King  in  their  favour  that  he  issued  a  decree  pro- 
hibiting the  trade  between  China  and  the  Philippines  in  all  woven  stuffs, 
skein  and  woven  silk  and  clothing,  except  the  finest  linen.  Manila 
imports  from  China  were  thereby  limited  to  fine  linen,  porcelain,  wax, 
pepper,  cinnamon,  and  cloves.  At  the  expiration  of  six  months  after  the 
proclamation  of  the  decree,  any  remaining  stocks  of  the  proscribed 
articles  were  to  be  burnt !  Thenceforth  trade  in  such  prohibited  articles 
was  to  be  considered  illicit,  and  such  goods  arriving  in  Mexico  after  that 
date  were  to  be  confiscated. 


248  The  period  of  trade  prohibitions 

By  Royal  Decree  dated  October  27,  1720,  and  published  in  Mexico 
by  the  Viceroy  on  February  15, 1724,  the  following  was  enacted,  viz.  : — 
That  in  future  there  should  be  two  galleons  per  annum,  instead  of  one 
as  heretofore,  carrying  merchandise  to  Acapulco,  each  to  be  of  500  tons. 
That  the  merchandise  sent  in  the  two  was  to  be  of  the  value  of  P. 300,000 
precisely  in  gold,  cinnamon,  wax,  porcelain,  cloves,  pepper,  etc.,  but 
not  silks,  or  stuffs  of  any  kind  containing  silk,  under  pain  of  confis- 
cation, to  be  allotted  in  three  equal  parts,  namely,  to  the  Fiscal  officer, 
the  Judge  intervening,  and  the  informer,  and  perpetual  banishment 
from  the  Indies  of  all  persons  concerned  in  the  shipment.  That  the 
number  of  Manila  merchants  was  to  be  fixed,  and  any  one  not  included 
in  that  number  was  to  be  prohibited  from  trading.  No  ecclesiastic,  or 
professor  of  religion,  or  foreigner  could  be  included  in  the  elected  few, 
whose  rights  to  ship  were  non-transferable.  That  if  the  proceeds  of  the 
sale  happened  to  exceed  the  fixed  sum  of  P. 600,000,  on  account  of  market 
prices  being  higher  than  was  anticipated,  only  that  amount  could  be 
brought  back  in  money,  and  the  difference,  or  excess,  in  goods.  [If  it 
turned  out  to  be  less  than  that  amount,  the  difference  could  not  be  re- 
mitted in  cash  by  Mexican  merchants  for  further  purchases,  the  spirit 
of  the  decree  being  to  curtail  the  supply  of  goods  from  this  Colony  to 
Mexico,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Spanish  home  traders.  The  infringer  of 
this  regulation  was  subject  to  the  penalties  of  confiscation  and  two  years"' 
banishment  from  the  Indies.] 

By  Royal  Decree  of  the  year  1726,  received  and  published  in  Manila 
on  August  9,  1727,  the  following  regulations  were  made  known,  viz.  : — 
That  the  prohibition  relating  to  silk  and  all-silk  goods  was  revoked. 
That  only  one  galleon  was  to  be  sent  each  year  (instead  of  two)  as 
formerly.  That  the  prohibition  on  clothing  containing  some  silk,  and 
a  few  other  articles,  was  maintained.  That  for  five  years  certain  stuffs 
of  fine  linen  were  permitted  to  be  shipped,  to  the  limit  of  4,000  pieces 
per  annum,  precisely  in  boxes  containing  each  500  pieces. 

The  Southern  Spanish  traders  in  1729  petitioned  the  King  against 
the  Philippine  trade  in  woven  goods,  and  protested  against  the  five- 
years''  permission  granted  in  the  above  decree  of  1726,  declaring  that  it 
would  bring  about  the  total  ruin  of  the  Spanish  weaving  industry,  and 
that  the  galleons,  on  their  return  to  the  Philippines,  instead  of  loading 
Spanish  manufactures,  took  back  specie  for  the  continuance  of  their 
traffic  to  the  extent  of  three  or  four  millions  of  pesos  each  year.  The 
King,  however,  refused  to  modify  the  decree  of  1726  until  the  five  years 
had  expired,  after  which  time  the  Governor  was  ordered  to  load  the 
galleons  according  to  the  former  decree  of  1720. 

The  Manila  merchants  were  in  great  excitement.  The  Governor, 
under  pretext  that  the  original  Royal  Decree  ought  to  have  been 
transmitted  direct  to  the  Philippines  and  not  merely  communicated  by 
the  Mexican  Viceroy,  agreed  to  "  obey  and  not  fulfil  "  its  conditions. 


Manila  alarmed — Appeal  to  the  King  249 

From  the  year  1720,  during  the  period  of  prohibitions,  the  Royal 
Treasury  lost  about  P. 50,000  per  annum,  and  many  of  the  taxes  were 
not  recovered  in  full.  Besides  this,  the  donations  to  Government  by  the 
citizens,  which  sometimes  had  amounted  to  P.40,000  in  one  year,  ceased. 
A  double  loss  was  also  caused  to  Mexico,  for  the  people  there  had  to  pay 
much  higher  prices  for  their  stuffs  supplied  by  Spanish  (home)  monopo- 
lists, whilst  Mexican  coffers  were  being  drained  to  make  good  the 
deficits  in  the  Philippine  Treasury.  The  Manila  merchants  were  terribly 
alarmed,  and  meeting  after  meeting  was  held.  A  Congress  of  Govern- 
ment officials  and  priests  was  convened,  and  each  priest  was  asked  to 
express  his  opinion  on  the  state  of  trade. 

Commercial  depression  in  the  Philippines  had  never  been  so  marked, 
and  the  position  of  affairs  was  made  known  to  the  King  in  a  petition, 
which  elicited  the  Royal  Decree  dated  April  8,  1734.  It  provided  that 
the  value  of  exports  should  thenceforth  not  exceed  P.500,000,  and  the 
amount  permitted  to  return  was  also  raised  to  P.l, 000,000  (always  on 
the  supposition  that  100  per  cent,  over  cost  laid  down  would  be  realized). 
The  dues  and  taxes  paid  in  Acapulco  on  arrival,  and  the  dues  paid  in 
Manila  on  starting,  amounted  to  17  per  cent,  of  the  million  expected  to 
return.1  This  covered  the  whole  cost  of  maintenance  of  ships,  salaries, 
freight,  and  charges  of  all  kinds  which  were  paid  by  Government  in  the 
first  instance,  and  then  recovered  from  the  Consuludo. 

The  fixed  number  of  merchants  was  to  be  decided  by  the  merchants 
themselves  without  Government  intervention.  Licence  was  granted  to 
allow  those  of  Cavite  to  be  of  the  number,  and  both  Spaniards  and 
natives  were  eligible.  Military  and  other  professional  men,  except 
ecclesiastics,  could  thenceforth  be  of  the  number.  Foreigners  were 
strictly  excluded.  The  right  to  ship  (bukta)  was  not  to  be  transferable, 
except  to  poor  zvidozvs.  A  sworn  invoice  of  the  shipment  was  to  be  sent 
to  the  royal  officials  and  magistrate  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Mexico  for 
the  value  to  be  verified.  The  official  in  charge,  or  supercargo,  was 
ordered  to  make  a  book  containing  a  list  of  the  goods  and  their 
respective  owners,  and  to  hand  this  to  the  commander  of  the  fortress  in 
Acapulco,  with  a  copy  of  the  same  for  the  Viceroy.  The  Viceroy  was 
to  send  his  copy  to  the  Audit  Office  to  be  again  copied,  and  the  last 
copy  was  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Royal  Indian  Council. 

1  It  happened  at  this  date  that  the  dues,  etc.,  equalled  17  per  cent,  on  the 
anticipated  1,000,000  pesos,  but  they  were  not  computed  by  percentage.  The 
Royal  Dues  were  a  fixed  sum  since  about  the  year  1G25,  so  that  when  the  legal  value 
of  the  shipments  was  much  less,  the  dues  and  other  expenses  represented  a  much 
higher  percentage.     The  charges  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

Royal  Dues P.  160,000 

Port  Dues  at  Acapulco       .......  2,000 

Disbursements  paid  in  Manila  on  the  ship's  departure         .  7,500 

Port  and  Anchorage  Dues  on  arrival  in  Philippines   .         .  500 

P.  170,000 


250  Penalties  on  free-traders — Trading  friars 

Every  soldier,  sailor,  and  officer  was  at  liberty  to  disembark  with  a 
box  containing  goods  of  which  the  Philippine  value  should  not  exceed 
P.30,  in  addition  to  his  private  effects.  All  hidden  goods  were  to  be 
confiscated,  one-half  to  the  Royal  Treasury,  one-fourth  to  the  Judge 
intervening,  and  one-fourth  to  the  informer ;  but,  if  such  confiscated 
goods  amounted  to  P.50,000  in  value,  the  Viceroy  and  Mexican  Council 
were  to  determine  the  sum  to  be  awarded  to  the  Judge  and  the  informer. 

If  the  shipment  met  a  good  market  and  realized  more  than  1 ,000,000 
pesos,  only  1,000,000  could  be  remitted  in  money,  and  the  excess  in 
duty-paid  Mexican  merchandise.  If  the  shipment  failed  to  fetch 
1,000,000,  the  difference  could  not  be  sent  in  money  for  making  new 
purchases.     (The  same  restriction  as  in  the  decree  of  1720.) 

The  object  of  these  measures  was  to  prevent  Mexicans  supplying 
trading  capital  to  the  Philippines  instead  of  purchasing  Peninsula 
manufactures.  It  was  especially  enacted  that  all  goods  sent  to  Mexico 
from  the  Philippines  should  have  been  purchased  with  the  capital  of  the 
Philippine  shippers,  and  be  their  exclusive  property  without  lien.  If  it 
were  discovered  that  on  the  return  journey  of  the  galleon  merchandise 
was  carried  to  the  Philippines  belonging  to  the  Mexicans,  it  was  to  be 
confiscated,  and  a  fine  imposed  on  the  interested  parties  of  three  times 
the  value,  payable  to  the  Royal  Treasury,  on  the  first  conviction.  The 
second  conviction  entailed  confiscation  of  all  the  culprits1  goods  and 
banishment  from  Mexico  for  10  years. 

The  weights  and  measures  of  the  goods  shipped  were  to  be  Philippine, 
and,  above  all,  wax  was  to  be  sent  in  pieces  of  precisely  the  same 
weight  and  size  as  by  custom  established. 

The  Council  for  freight  allotment  in  Manila  was  to  comprise  the 
Governor,  the  senior  Magistrate,  and,  failing  this  latter,  the  Minister  of 
the  Supreme  Court  next  below  him ;  also  the  Archbishop,  or  in  his  stead 
the  Dean  of  the  Cathedral ;  an  ordinary  Judge,  a  Municipal  Councillor, 
and  one  merchant  as  Commissioner  in  representation  of  the  eight  who 
formed  the  Consulado  of  merchants. 

The  expulsion  of  the  non-christian  Chinese  in  1755  (vide  p.  Ill) 
caused  a  deficit  in  the  taxes  of  P.30,000  per  annum.  The  only  exports 
of  Philippine  produce  at  this  date  were  cacao,  sugar,  wax,  and  sapan- 
wood.  Trade,  and  consequently  the  Treasury,  were  in  a  deplorable  state. 
To  remedy  matters,  and  to  make  up  the  above  P. 30,000,  the  Government 
proposed  to  levy  an  export  duty  which  was  to  be  applied  to  the  cost  of 
armaments  fitted  out  against  pirates.  Before  the  tax  was  approved 
of  by  the  King  some  friars  loaded  a  vessel  with  export  merchandise, 
and  absolutely  refused  to  pay  the  impost,  alleging  immunity.  The 
Governor  argued  that  there  could  be  no  religious  immunity  in  trade 
concerns.  The  friars  appealed  to  Spain,  and  the  tax  was  disapproved 
of;  meantime,  most  of  the  goods  and  the  vessel  itself  rotted  pending 
the  solution  of  the  question  by  the  Royal  Indian  Council. 


The  Budget  jor  1757 — Restrictions  relaxed       251 


There  have  been  three  or  four  periods  during  which  no  galleon 
arrived  at  the  Philippines  for  two  or  three  consecutive  years,  and  coin 
became  very  scarce,  giving  rise  to  rebellion  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese 
and  misery  to  the  Filipinos.  After  the  capture  of  the  Covadouga 
by  the  British,  six  years  elapsed  before  a  galleon  brought  the  subsidy ; 
then  the .  Rosario  arrived  with  5,000  gold  ounces  (nominally  P.80,000). 

However,  besides  the  subsidy,  the  Colony  had  certain  other  sources 
of  public  revenue,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  : — 

PHILIPPINE  BUDGET   FOR  THE   YEAR  1757 


Income. 

Stamped  Paper  . 

Port  and  Anchorage  Dues  . 

Sale  of  Offices,  such  as  Nota- 
ries, Public  Scribes,  Sec- 
retaryships, etc. 

Offices  hired  out 

Taxes  farmed  out 

Excise  duties 

Sale  of  Encomiendas ,  and  22 
provincial  govts,  hired  out 

Divers  taxes,  fines,  pardons, 
etc.         .... 

Tribute,  direct  tax 

Sudsidy  from  Mexico  . 

Deficit        .... 


P.  els. 
12,199  87£ 
25,938  00 


5,839  12$ 
4,718  75 
28,500  00 
4,195  00 

263,588  00 

18,156  00 

4,477  00 

250,000  00 

79,844  00 


P. 697,455  75 


Expenditure. 

Supreme  Court  . 

Treasury  and  Audit  Office  . 

University .... 

Cost  of  the  annual  Galleon 

Clergy        .... 

Land  and  sea  forces  all  over 
the  Philippines,  including 
offensive  and  defensive 
operations  against  Moros 
— Staff  and  Material. 

Salaries, Hospital  andDivers 
expenses 

Remittance  in  Merchandise 
to  Mexico  on  account  of 
the  Subsidy     . 


P.       cts. 

34,219  75 

12,092  00 

800  00 

23,465  00 

103,751  00 


312,864  00 
70,158  00 

140,106  00 
P.  697,455  75 


When  the  merchant  citizens  of  Manila  were  in  clover,  they  made 
donations  to  the  Government  to  cover  the  deficits,  and  loans  were  raised 
amongst  them  to  defray  extraordinary  disbursements,  such  as  expeditions 
against  the  Mahometans,  etc.  In  the  good  years,  too,  the  valuation 
of  the  merchandise  shipped  and  the  corresponding  returns  were  under- 
rated in  the  sworn  declarations,  so  that  an  immensely  profitable  trade 
was  done  on  a  larger  scale  than  was  legally  permitted.  Between  1754 
and  1759,  in  view  of  the  reduced  profits,  due  to  the  circumstances 
already  mentioned,  the  Manila  merchants  prayed  the  King  for  a 
reduction  of  the  royal  dues,  which  had  been  originally  fixed  on  the 
basis  of  the  gross  returns  being  equal  to  double  the  cost  of  the 
merchandise  laid  down  in  Acapulco.  To  meet  the  case,  another  Royal 
Decree  was  issued  confirming  the  fixed  rate  of  royal  dues  and  dis- 
bursements, but  in  compensation  the  cargo  was  thenceforth  permitted 
to  include  4,000  pieces  of  fine  linen,  without  restriction  as  to  measure 
or  value ;  the  sworn  value  was  abolished,  and  the  maximum  return  value 
of  the  whole  shipment  was  raised  to  one-and-a-half  millions  of  pesos. 
Hence  the  total  dues  and  disbursements  became  equal  to  11^  per  cent, 
instead  of  17  per  cent.,  as  heretofore,  on  the  anticipated  return  value. 
In  1763  the  Subsidy,  together  with  the  Consulado  shippers'1  returns, 


252  Trade  decline — Spanish  company  failures 

amounted  in  one  voyage  to  two-and-a-half  millions  of  pesos  {vide  p.  88). 
After  the  independence  of  Mexico  (1819),  tribute  in  kind  (tobacco)  was, 
until  recently,  shipped  direct  to  Spain,  and  Peninsula  coin  began  to 
circulate  in  these  Islands  {vide  Currency). 

Consequent  on  the  banishment  of  the  non-christian  Chinese  in  1755, 
trade  became  stagnant.  The  Philippines  now  experienced  what  Spain 
had  felt  since  the  reign  of  Phillip  III.,  when  the  expulsion  of  900,000 
Moorish  agriculturists  and  artisans  crippled  her  home  industries,  which 
needed  a  century  and  a  half  to  revive.  The  Acapulco  trade  was  fast  on 
the  wane,  and  the  Manila  Spanish  merchants  were  anxious  to  get  the 
local  trade  into  their  own  hands.  Every  Chinese  shop  was  closed  by 
Government  order,  and  a  joint-stock  trading  company  of  Spaniards  and 
half-breeds  was  formed  with  a  capital  of  P.76,500,  in  shares  of  P.500 
each.  Stores  were  opened  in  the  business  quarter,  each  under  the  control 
of  two  Spaniards  or  half-breeds,  the  total  number  of  shopmen  being  21. 
The  object  of  the  company  was  to  purchase  clothing  and  staple 
goods  of  all  kinds  required  in  the  Islands,  and  to  sell  the  same  at 
30  per  cent,  over  cost  price.  Out  of  the  30  per  cent,  were  to  be  paid  an 
8  per  cent,  tax,  a  dividend  of  10  per  cent,  per  annum  to  the  shareholders, 
and  the  remainder  was  to  cover  salaries  and  form  a  reserve  fund  for  new 
investments.  The  company  found  it  impossible  to  make  the  same 
bargains  with  the  Chinese  sellers  as  the  Chinese  buyers  had  done,  and  a 
large  portion  of  the  capital  was  soon  lost.  The  funds  at  that  date  in 
the  Obras  Pias  amounted  to  P.  159,000,  and  the  trustees  were  applied 
to  by  the  company  for  financial  support,  which  they  refused.  The 
Governor  was  petitioned  ;  theologians  and  magistrates  were  consulted 
on  the  subject.  The  theological  objections  were  overruled  by  the 
judicial  arguments,  and  the  Governor  ordered  that  P.130,000  of  the 
Obras  Pias  funds  should  be  loaned  to  the  company  on  debentures  ;  never- 
theless, within  a  year  the  company  failed. 

A  commercial  company,  known  as  the  "  Compauia  Guipuzcoana 
de  Caracas,'"  was  then  created  under  royal  sanction,  and  obtained  certain 
privileges.  Dming  the  term  of  its  existence,  it  almost  monopolized  the 
Philippine- American  trade,  which  was  yet  carried  on  exclusively  in  the 
State  galleons.  On  the  expiration  of  its  charter,  about  the  year  1783, 
a  petition  was  presented  to  the  Home  Government,  praying  for  a 
renewal  of  monopolies  and  privileges  in  favour  of  a  new  trading  cor- 
poration, to  be  founded  on  a  modified  basis.  Consequently,  a  charter 
{Real  cedilla)  was  granted  on  March  10,  1785,  to  a  company,  bearing 
the  style  and  title  of  the  "  Real  Compauia  de  Filipinos."  Its  capital 
was  P.8,000,000,  in  32,000  shares  of  P.250  each.  King  Charles  III. 
took  up  4,000  shares ;  another  3,000  shares  were  reserved  for  the 
friars  and  the  Manila  Spanish  or  native  residents,  and  the  balance  was 
allotted  in  the  Peninsula. 

The  defunct  company  had  engaged   solely  in   the   American   trade, 


The  Real  Compania  de  Filipinas  253 

employing  the  galleons  ;  its  successor  left  that  sphere  of  commerce  and 
proposed  to  trade  with  the  East  and  Europe. 

"  x  To  the  '  Real  Compania  de  Filipinos '  was  conceded  the  exclusive 
"privilege  of  trade  between  Spain  and  the  Archipelago,  with  the 
"  exception  of  the  traffic  between  Manila  and  Acapulco.  Its  ships  could 
"  fly  the  Royal  Standard,  with  a  signal  to  distinguish  them  from  war- 
"  vessels.  It  was  allowed  two  years,  counting  from  the  date  of  charter, 
"  to  acquire  foreign-built  vessels  and  register  them  under  the  Spanish 
"  flag,  free  of  fees.  It  could  import,  duty  free,  any  goods  for  the  fitting 
"  out  of  its  ships,  or  ships1  use.  It  could  take  into  its  service  royal 
"  naval  officers,  and,  whilst  these  were  so  employed,  their  seniority  would 
"  continue  to  count,  and  in  all  respects  they  would  enjoy  the  same 
"  rights  as  if  they  were  serving  in  the  navy.  It  could  engage  foreign 
"  sailors  and  officers,  always  provided  that  the  captain  and  chief  officer 
"  were  Spaniards.  All  existing  Royal  Decrees  and  Orders,  forbidding 
"  the  importation  into  the  Peninsula  of  stuffs  and  manufactured  articles 
"  from  India,  China,  and  Japan  were  abrogated  in  favour  of  this 
"  company.  Philippine  produce,  too,  shipped  to  Spain  by  the  company, 
"  could  enter  duty  free.  The  prohibition  on  direct  traffic  with  China 
"and  India  was  thenceforth  abolished  in  favour  of  all  Manila  merchants, 
"and  the  company's  ships  in  particular  could  call  at  Chinese  ports. 
"  The  company  undertook  to  support  Philippine  agriculture,  and  to 
"  spend,  with  this  object,  4  per  cent,  of  its  nett  profits." 

In  order  to  protect  the  company's  interests,  foreign  ships  were  not 
allowed  to  bring  goods  from  Europe  to  the  Philippines,  although  they 
could  land  Chinese  and  Indian  wares. 

By  the  Treaties  of  Tordesillas  and  Antwerp  (q.v.),  the  Spaniards  had 
agreed  that  to  reach  their  Oriental  possessions  they  would  take  only  the 
Western  route,  which  would  be  via  Mexico  or  round  Cape  Horn.  These 
treaties,  however,  were  virtually  quashed  by  King  Charles  III.  on  the 
establishment  of  the  "  Real  Compania  de  Filipinas.''''  Holland  only  lodged 
a  nominal  protest  when  the  company's  ships  were  authorized  to  sail 
to  the  Philippines  via  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  for  the  Spaniards1 
ability  to  compete  had,  meanwhile,  vastly  diminished. 

With  such  important  immunities,  and  the  credit  which  ought  to 
have  been  procurable  by  a  company  with  P.8,000,000  paid-up  capital, 
its  operations  might  have  been  relatively  vast.  However,  its  balance  sheet, 
closed  to  October  31,  1790  (five-and-a-half  years  after  it  started),  shows 
the  total  nominal  assets  to  be  only  P.  10,700,1 94,  largely  in  unrecoverable 
advances  to  tillers.  The  working  account  is  not  set  out.  Although  it 
was  never,  in  itself,  a  flourishing  concern,  it  brought  immense  benefit  to 
the  Philippines  (at  the  expense  of  its  shareholders)  by  opening  the 
way  for  the  Colony's  future  commercial  prosperity.  This  advantage 
operated  in  two  ways.  (1)  It  gave  great  impulse  to  agriculture,  which 
1  "  La  Libertad  del  comercio  de  Filipinas/'  by  Manuel  Azcarraga. 


254        The  Real  Compaiiia  fails — Dawn  of  Free  trade 

thenceforth  began  to  make  important  strides.  By  large  sums  of  money, 
distributed  in  anticipation  of  the  4  per  cent,  on  nett  profit,  and  expended 
in  the  rural  districts,  it  imparted  life,  vigour  and  development  to  those 
germs  of  husbandry — such  as  the  cultivation  of  sugar-cane,  tobacco, 
cotton,  indigo,  pepper,  etc. — which,  for  a  long  time  had  been,  and  to 
a  certain  extent  are  still,  the  staple  dependence  of  many  provinces. 
(2)  It  opened  the  road  to  final  extinction  of  all  those  vexatious  pro- 
hibitions of  trade  with  the  Eastern  ports  and  the  Peninsula  which  had 
checked  the  energy  of  the  Manila  merchants.  It  was  the  precursor  of 
free  trade — the  stepping-stone  to  commercial  liberty  in  these  regions. 

The  causes  of  its  decline  are  not  difficult  to  trace.  Established  as 
it  was  on  a  semi-official  basis,  all  kinds  of  intrigues  were  resorted  to — 
all  manner  of  favouritism  was  besought — to  secure  appointments,  more 
or  less  lucrative,  in  the  Great  Company.  Influential  incapacity  prevailed 
over  knowledge  and  ability,  and  the  men  intrusted  with  the  direction 
of  the  company^  operations  proved  themselves  inexperienced  and  quite 
unfit  to  cope  with  unshackled  competition  from  the  outer  world.  Their 
very  exclusiveness  was  an  irresistible  temptation  to  contrabandists. 
Manila  private  merchants,  viewing  with  displeasure  monopoly  in  any 
form,  lost  no  opportunity  of  putting  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  company. 
Again,  the  willing  concurrence  of  native  labourers  in  an  enterprise  of 
magnitude  was  as  impossible  to  secure  then  as  it  is  now.  The  native 
had  a  high  time  at  the  expense  of  the  company,  revelling  in  the 
enjoyment  of  cash  advances,  for  which  some  gave  little,  others  nothing. 
Success  could  only  have  been  achieved  by  forced  labour,  and  this  right 
was  not  included  in  the  charter. 

In  1825  the  company  was  on  the  point  of  collapse,  when,  to  support 
the  tottering  fabric,  its  capital  was  increased  by  P.  12,500,000  under 
Real  Cedula  of  that  year,  dated  June  22.  King  Charles  IV.  took 
15,772  (P.250)  shares  of  this  new  issue.  But  nothing  could  save  the 
wreck,  and  finally  it  was  decreed,  by  Real  Cedula  of  May  28,  1830, 
that  the  privileges  conceded  to  the  "  Real  Compania  de  Filipinas "  had 
expired — and  Manila  was  then  opened  to  Free  Trade  with  the  whole 
world.     It  marked  an  epoch  in  Philippine  affairs. 

In  1820  the  declared  independence  of  Mexico,  acknowledged 
subsequently  by  the  European  Powers,  forced  Spain  to  a  decision,  and 
direct  trade  between  the  Philippines  and  the  mother  country  became  a 
reluctant  necessity.  No  restrictions  were  placed  on  the  export  to 
Spain  of  colonial  produce,  but  value  limitations  were  fixed  with  regard 
to  Chinese  goods.  The  export  from  the  Philippines  to  Acapulco, 
Callao,  and  other  South  American  ports  was  limited  to  P.750,000  at 
that  date.  In  the  same  year  (1820)  permission  was  granted  for  trade 
between  Manila  and  the  Asiatic  ports.  Twenty-two  years  afterwards 
one-third  of  all  the  Manila  export  trade  was  done  with  China. 

When  the  galleons  fell  into   disuse,   communication  was  definitely 


Foreign  traders  admitted — Russell  &,  Sturgis         255 

established  with  Spain  by  merchant  sailing  ships  via  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  whilst  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal  (1869)  brought  the 
Philippines  within  32  days1  journey  by  steamer  from  Barcelona. 

The  voyage  via  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  occupied  from  three  to  six 
months ;  the  sailings  were  less  frequent  than  at  the  present  day,  and  the 
journey  was  invariably  attended  with  innumerable  discomforts.  It  was 
interesting  to  hear  the  few  old  Spanish  residents,  in  my  time,  compare 
their  privations  when  they  came  by  the  Cape  with  the  luxurious  facilities 
of  later  times.  What  is  to-day  a  pleasure  was  then  a  hardship,  conse- 
quently the  number  of  Spaniards  in  the  Islands  was  small ;  their 
movements  were  always  known.  It  was  hardly  possible  for  a  Spaniard  to 
acquire  a  sum  of  money  and  migrate  secretly  from  one  island  to  another, 
and  still  less  easy  was  it  for  him  to  leave  the  Colony  clandestinely. 

The  Spaniard  of  that  day  who  settled  in  the  Colony  usually  became 
well  known  during  the  period  of  the  service  which  brought  him  to  the 
Far  East.  If,  after  his  retirement  from  public  duty,  on  the  conclusion 
of  his  tenure  of  office,  he  decided  to  remain  in  the  Colony,  it  was  often 
due  to  his  being  able  to  count  on  the  pecuniary  support  and  moral 
protection  of  the  priests.  The  idea  grew,  so  that  needy  Spaniards  in 
the  Philippines,  in  the  course  of  time,  came  to  entertain  a  kind  of 
socialistic  notion  that  those  who  had  means  ought  to  aid  and  set  up 
those  who  had  nothing,  without  guarantee  of  any  kind :  "  Si  hubiera 
quien  me  proteja!'1''  was  the  common  sigh — the  outcome  of  Caesarism 
nurtured  by  a  Government  which  discountenanced  individual  effort. 
Later  on,  too,  many  natives  seemed  to  think  that  the  foreign  firms, 
and  others  employing  large  capital,  might  well  become  philanthropic 
institutions,  paternally  assisting  them  with  unsecured  capital.  The 
natives  were  bred  in  this  moral  bondage  :  they  had  seen  trading  com- 
panies, established  under  royal  sanction,  benefit  the  few  and  collapse ; 
they  had  witnessed  extensive  works,  undertaken  por  via  de  administration, 
miscarry  in  their  ostensible  objects  but  prosper  in  their  real  intent, 
namely,  the  providing  of  berths  for  those  who  lived  by  their  wits. 

The  patriarchal  system  was  essayed  by  a  wealthy  firm  of  American 
merchants  (Russell  &  Sturgis)  with  very  disastrous  results  to  themselves. 
They  distributed  capital  all  over  the  Colony,  and  the  natives  abused 
their  support  in  a  most  abominable  manner.  A  native,  alleging  that 
he  had  opened  up  a  plantation,  would  call  on  the  firm  and  procure 
advances  against  future  crops  after  scant  inquiry.  Having  once  advanced, 
it  was  necessary  to  continue  doing  so  to  save  the  first  loans. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  late  Mr.  Nicholas  Loney,  great  impulse 
was  given  to  the  commerce  of  Yloilo,  and,  due  to  his  efforts,  the  Island 
of  Negros  was  first  opened  up.  His  memory  is  still  revered,  and  he  is 
often  spoken  of  as  the  original  benefactor  to  the  trading  community  of 
that  district.  Russell  &  Sturgis  subsequently  extended  their  opera- 
tions   to    that  locality.      The  result   was   that   they    were  deceived  in 


256  Manila  becomes  known  to  the  world 

every  direction  by  the  natives,  who,  instead  of  bringing  in  produce  to 
pay  off  advances,  sent  their  sons  to  college,  built  fine  houses,  bought 
pianos,  jewellery,  etc.,  and  in  a  hundred  ways  satisfied  their  pride  and 
love  for  outward  show  in  a  manner  never  known  before,  at  the  expense 
of  the  American  capitalists.  As  bankers,  the  firm  enjoyed  the  unlimited 
confidence  of  those  classes  who  had  something  to  lose  as  well  as  to  gain  ; 
hence  it  is  said  that,  the  original  partners  having  withdrawn  their  money 
interest,  the  firm  endeavoured  to  continue  the  business  with  a  working 
capital  chiefly  derived  from  the  funds  deposited  by  private  persons  at 
8  per  cent,  per  annum.  All  might  have  gone  well  but  for  the 
rascality  of  the  native  agriculturists,  who  brought  about  the  failure 
of  the  house  in  1875  by  taking  loans  and  delivering  no  produce.  The 
news  amazed  everybody.  Trade  was,  for  the  moment,  completely 
paralyzed.  The  great  firm,  which  for  years  had  been  the  mainspring 
of  all  Philippine  mercantile  enterprise,  had  failed !  But  whilst 
many  individuals  suffered  (principally  depositors  at  interest),  fifty 
times  as  many  families  to-day  .  owe  their  financial  position  to  the 
generosity  of  the  big  firm  ;  and  I  could  mention  the  names  of  half 
a  dozen  real-estate  owners  in  Yloilo  Province  who,  having  started 
with  nothing,  somehow  found  themselves  possessing  comparatively  large 
fortunes  at  the  time  of  the  liquidation. 

Consequent  on  the  smash,  a  reaction  set  in  which  soon  proved  bene- 
ficial to  the  Colony  at  large.  Foreign  and  Spanish  houses  of  minor 
importance,  which  had  laboured  in  the  shade  during  the  existence  of  the 
great  firm,  were  now  able  to  extend  their  operations  in  branches  of  trade 
which  had  hitherto  been  practically  monopolized. 

Before  Manila  was  opened  to  foreign  trade,  even  in  a  restricted  form, 
special  concessions  appear  to  have  been  granted  to  a  few  traders.  One 
writer  mentions  that  a  French  mercantile  house  was  founded  in  Manila 
many  years  prior  to  1787,  and  that  an  English  firm  obtained  permission 
to  establish  itself  in  1809.  In  1789  a  foreign  ship  was  allowed  to  enter 
the  port  of  Manila  and  to  discharge  a  cargo.  This  would  appear  to  have 
been  the  first.  In  olden  times  the  demand  for  ordinary  foreign 
commodities  was  supplied  by  the  Chinese  traders  and  a  few  Americans 
and  Persians.  During  the  latter  half  of  the  18th  century  a  Spanish 
man-of-war  occasionally  arrived,  bringing  European  manufactures  for 
sale,  and  loaded  a  return  cargo  of  Oriental  goods. 

The  Philippine  Islands  were  but  little  known  in  the  foreign  markets 
and  commercial  centres  of  Europe  before  the  middle  of  the  19th  century. 
Notwithstanding  the  special  trading  concessions  granted  to  one  foreigner 
and  another  from  the  beginning  of  last  century,  it  was  not  until  the 
port  of  Manila  was  unrestrictedly  opened  to  resident  foreign  merchants 
in  1834  that  a  regular  export  trade  with  the  whole  mercantile  world 
gradually  came  into  existence. 


Pioneers  of  foreign  trade  257 

It  is  said  that  whilst  the  charter  of  the  "Real  Compaiiia  de  Filipinos'''' 
was  still  in  force  (1785-1830)  a  Mr.  Butler  1  solicited  permission  to 
reside  in  and  open  up  a  trade  between  Manila  and  foreign  ports ;  but 
his  petition  was  held  to  be  monstrous  and  grievously  dangerous  to  the 
political  security  of  the  Colony ;  hence  it  was  rejected.  The  Spaniards 
had  had  very  good  reason  to  doubt  foreign  intercourse  after  their  ex- 
perience of  1738,  when  they  preferred  a  war  with  England  to  a  gross 
abuse  of  the  Asiento  contract  entered  into  under  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht.2 
Subsequently  the  American  firm  already  mentioned,  Russell  &  Sturgis, 
made  a  request  to  be  allowed  to  trade,  which,  having  the  support  of 
the  Gov.-General  of  the  day,  was  granted ;  and  Mr.  Butler,  taking 
advantage  of  this  recent  precedent,  also  succeeded  in  founding  a  com- 
mercial house  in  Manila.  To  these  foreigners  is  due  the  initiation  of 
the  traffic  in  those  products  which  became  the  staple  trade  of  the 
Colony  and  paved  the  way  for  the  balk  of  the  business  being,  as  it  is 
to-day,  in  the  hands  of  European  and  American  merchants. 

The  distrustful  sentiment  of  olden  times  (justifiable  in  the  18th 
century)  pervaded  the  Spaniards-'  commercial  and  colonial  policy  up  to 
their  last  day.  Proposed  reforms  and  solicitations  for  permission  to 
introduce  modern  improvements  were  by  no  means  welcomed.  In  the 
provinces  clerical  opposition  was  often  cast  against  liberal  innovations, 
and  in  the  Government  bureaux  they  were  encompassed  with  obstructive 
formalities,  objections,  and  delays.3 

1  Mr.  John  B.  Butler,  who  was  born  in  1800,  resided  many  years  in  Manila,  and 
married  a  native  wife.  He  died  on  October  4,  1855,  in  London,  whence  his  mortal 
remains  were  brought  to  Manila  in  1800,  at  the  instance  of  his  widow,  and  interred 
in  Saint  Augustine's  Church,  near  an  altar  on  the  left  side  of  the  nave.  The  site  is 
marked  by  a  marble  inscribed  slab. 

2  The  Peace  of  Utrecht,  signed  in  1713,  settled  the  succession  of  Philip,  the 
French  Dauphin,  to  the  Spanish  throne,  whilst  among  the  concessions  which 
England  gained  for  herself  under  this  treaty  was  a  convention  with  Spain,  known  as 
the  Asiento  contract.  This  gave  the  British  the  right  to  send  one  shipload  of 
merchandise  yearly  to  the  Spanish  colonies  of  America.  Nevertheless,  many  ships 
went  instead  of  one.  An  armed  contest  ensued  (1739-42),  and  although  the 
Spaniards  lost  several  galleons  in  naval  combats  undertaken  by  Admiral  Vernon 
and  Commodore  Anson,  the  British  losses  were  not  inconsiderable.  , 

So  prejudicial  to  the  vital  interests  of  Spain  was  the  abuse  of  the  ceded  right 
held  to  be  that  the  earliest  efforts  of  the  first  new  Cabinet  under  Ferdinand  VI. 
were  engaged  in  a  revision  of  the  commercial  differences  between  that  country  and 
England.  England  was  persuaded  to  relinquish  the  Asiento  contract  in  exchange 
for  advantages  of  greater  consideration  in  another  direction. 

About  a  century  ago  England  took  over  from  Spain  Nootka  Sound,  a  station 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  where  a  flourishing  fur  trade  was  carried  on  by  British  settlers. 
Tbe  cessicm  was  accorded  under  a  solemn  promise  not  to  trade  thence  with  the 
Spanish  colonies  of  South  America. 

3  For  example:  vide  "Memoria  leida  por  el  Secretario  de  la  Camara  de 
Comercio  de  Manila,  Don  F.  de  P.  Rodoreda,  en  28  de  Marzo  de  1890,"  p.  6 
(published  in  Manila  by  Diaa  Puertas  y  Compaiiia). 

It  remarks  :  "  Jurado  Mercantil — El  expedieute  siguio  la  penosa  perigrinacion 
"  de  nuestro  pesado  y  complicado  en^rauaje  administrativo  y  llevaba  ya  muy  cerca 
"  de  dos  aiios  empleados  en  solo  recorrer  dos  de  los  muchos  Centros  consultivos  a 
"  que  debia  ser  sometido,  etc." 

17 


258  Foreign  and  Philippine  Banks 

By  Royal  Ordinance  of  1844  strangers  were  excluded  from  the 
interior ;  in  1857  unrepealed  decrees  were  brought  forward  to  urge  the 
prohibition  of  foreigners  to  establish  themselves  in  the  Colony ;  and, 
as  late  as  1886,  their  trading  here  was  declared  to  be  "  prejudicial  to  the 
material  interests  of  the  country." 1 

The  support  of  the  friars  referred  to  in  p.  255  became  a  thing 
of  the  past.  Colonists  had  increased  tenfold,  the  means  of  communica- 
tion and  of  exit  were  too  ample  for  the  security  of  the  lenders,  who,  as 
members  of  religious  communities,  could  not  seek  redress  at  law,  and, 
moreover,  those  "  lucky  hits  "  which  were  made  by  penniless  Europeans 
in  former  times  by  pecuniary  help  "just  in  the  nick  of  time"  were  no 
longer  possible,  for  every  known  channel  of  lucrative  transaction  was  in 
time  taken  up  by  capitalists. 

It  was  the  capital  brought  originally  to  the  Philippines  through 
foreign  channels  which  developed  the  modern  commerce  of  the  Colony, 
and  much  of  the  present  wealth  of  the  inhabitants  engaged  in  trade  and 
agriculture  is  indirectly  due  to  foreign  enterprise.  Negros  Island  was 
entirely  opened  up  by  foreign  capital.  In  Manila,  the  fathers  of  many 
of  the  half-castes  and  pure  natives  who  at  this  day  figure  as  men  of 
position  and  standing,  commenced  their  careers  as  messengers,  warehouse- 
keepers,  clerks,  etc.,  of  the  foreign  houses. 

There  were  a  great  many  well-to-do  Spaniards  in  trade,  but  few 
whose  funds  on  starting  were  brought  by  them  from  the  Peninsula. 
The  first  Spanish  steamer-owner  in  the  Colony,  a  baker  by  trade,  owed 
his  prosperity  to  the  support  of  Russell  &  Sturgis.  One  of  the  richest 
Spanish  merchants  (who  died  in  1894)  once  kept  a  little  grocer's  shop, 
and  after  the  failure  of  Russell  &  Sturgis  he  developed  into  a  merchant 
and  shipowner  whose  firm  became,  in  time,  the  largest  Spanish  house 
operating  in  hemp  and  other  produce. 

About  14  Spanish  firms  of  a  certain  importance  were  established  in 
Manila,  Yloilo,  and  Cebu,  in  addition  to  the  Europeans  trading  here 
and  there  on  the  coasts  of  the  Islands.  In  Manila  there  were  (and  are 
still)  two  foreign  bank  branches  2  (one  with  a  sub- branch  in  Yloilo), 
three  bank  agencies,  and  the  Philippine  private  banking-house  of 
J.  M.  Tuason  &  Co. ;  also  the  "  Banco  Espanol-Filipino,"  which  was 

1  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  text  of  the  preamble  to  a  Decree,  dated 
March  19,  1886,  relative  to  the  organization  of  the  Philippine  Exhibition  held  in 
Madrid,  signed  by  the  Colonial  Minister,  Don  German  Gamazo  : 

"  Con  el  se  lograra  que  la  gran  masa  de  numerario  que  sale  de  la  Metropoli 
"para  adquirir  en  paises  extranjeros  algodon,  azucar,  cacao,  tabaco  y  otros 
' '  productos  vaya  a  nuestras  posesiones  de  Oceania  donde  comerciantes  extranjeros 
"los  acaparan  con  daiio  evidente  de  los  intereses  materiales  del  pais." 

3  (1)  The  "  Hong-Kong  and  Shanghai  Banking  Corporation,"  incorporated  in 
1867.  Position  on  June  30,  1905  :  Capital  all  paid  up,  $10,000,000  (Mex.) :  sterling 
reserve,  £1,000,000;  silver  reserve,  $8,500,000  (Mex.);  reserve  liability  of 
proprietors,  $10,000,000  (Mex.).  (2)  The  "  Chartered  Bank  of  India,  Australia,  and 
China,"  incorporated  in  1853.  Position  on  December  31,  1904 :  Capital  all  paid  up, 
£800,000  ;  reserve  fund,  £875,000  ;  reserve  liability  of  proprietors,  £800,000. 


The  Spanish- Philippine  Currency  259 

instituted  in  1852,  with  a  capital  of  P. 400,000,  in  2,000  shares  of 
P.200  each.  The  capital  was  subsequently  increased  to  P.600.000.1 
Authorized  by  charter,  it  issued  notes  payable  to  bearer  on  demand 
from  P.10  upwards.  The  legal  maximum  limit  of  note  issue  was 
P.  1,200,000,  whilst  the  actual  circulation  was  about  P.  100,000  short 
of  that  figure.  This  bank  did  a  very  limited  amount  of  very  secure 
business,  and  it  has  paid  dividends  of  12  to  15  per  cent. ;  hence 
the  shares  were  always  at  a  premium.  In  1888,  when  12  per  cent, 
dividend  was  paid,  this  stock  was  quoted  at  P.420  ;  in  1895  it  rose 
to  P. 435.  The  Obras  Pias  funds  {vide  p.  245)  constituted  the  orginal 
capital  of  the  bank.  The  new  position  of  this  institution,  under  the 
(American)  Insular  Government  since  1905,  is  explained  in  Chapter  xxxi. 

The    first   Philippine   bank    was    opened    in    Manila    by   a   certain 
Francisco  Rodriguez  about  the  year  1830. 

From  the  conquest  up  to  the  year  1857  there  was  no  Philippine 
coinage.  Mexican  dollars  were  the  only  currency,  and  in  default  of 
subsidiary  money  these  dollars,  called  pesos,  were  cut.  In  1764  cut 
money  was  prohibited,  and  small  Spanish  silver  and  copper  coins  came 
to  the  Islands.  In  1799  the  Gov.-General  forbade  the  exportation  of 
money,  and  fixed  the  peso  at  8  reales  fuertes  and  the  real  at  17  cuartos. 
Shortly  afterwards  gold  came  to  the  Islands,  and  was  plentiful  until 
1882.  In  1837  other  copper  coins  came  from  Spain,  and  the  realfuerte 
was  fixed  at  20  cuartos.  In  1857  the  Manila  mint  was  established, 
pesetas  were  introduced,  five  being  equal  to  one  peso,  and  32  cuartos 
being  equal  to  one  peseta.  Contemporaneously  the  coinage  in  Spain 
was  34  cuartos  to  one  peseta  and  5  pesetas  to  one  duro — the  coin 
nominally  equivalent  to  the  peso — but  the  duro  being  subdivided  into 
20  reales  vellon,  the  colonial  real  fuerte  came  to  be  equivalent  to 
2|  reales  vellon.  The  evident  intention  was  to  have  one  common 
nominal  basis  (peso  and  duro),  but  subdivided  in  a  manner  to  limit 
the  currency  of  the  colonial  coinage  to  its  own  locality.  With  pesos, 
reales,  cuartos,  maravedis,  and  ounces  of  gold,  bookkeeping  was  some- 
what complicated ;  however,  the  Government  accounts  were  rendered 
easy  by  a  decree  dated  January  17,  1857,  which  fixed  pesos  and  cents 
for  official  reckoning.  Merchants  then  adopted  this  standard.  Up  to 
1860  gold  was  so  abundant  that  as  much  as  10  per  cent,  was  paid  to 
exchange  an  onza  of  gold  (P.16)  for  silver.  In  1878  gold  and  silver  were 
worth  their  nominal  relative  values.  Gold,  however,  has  gradually  dis- 
appeared from  the  Colony,  large  quantities  having  been  exported  to  China. 
In  1881  the  current  premium  for  purchasing  gold  was  2  per  cent.,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  1885  as  much  as  10  per  cent,  premium  was  paid  for  Philippine 
gold  of  the  Isabella  II.  or  any  previous  coinage.  The  gold  currency  of 
Alfonso  XII.  (1875-85)  was  always  of  less  intrinsic  value  than  the  coin  of 

1  "  Banco  Espanol-Filipino."     Position  on  June  30,  1905  :  Capital,  P.  1,500,000  ; 
reserve  fund,  P.  900,000.     It  has  a  branch  in  Yloilo. 


260  Mexican-dollar  smuggling 

earlier  date,  the  difference  averaging  about  2  per  cent.  At  the  present 
day  gold  could  only  be  obtained  in  very  limited  quantities  at  about  the 
same  rate  as  sight  drafts  on  Europe.     Philippine  gold  pieces  are  rare. 

In  1883  Mexican  dollars  of  a  later  coinage  than  1877  were  called  in, 
and  a  term  was  fixed  after  which  they  would  cease  to  be  legal  tender. 
In  1885  decimal  bronze  coins  were  introduced.  In  July,  1886,  a  decree 
was  published  calling  in  all  foreign  and  Chinese  chop  dollars *  within  six 
months,  after  which  date  the  introducer  of  such  coin  into  the  Colony 
would  be  subject  to  the  penalty  of  a  fine  equal  to  20  per  cent,  of  the 
value  imported,  the  obligation  to  immediately  re-export  the  coin,  and 
civil  action  for  the  misdemeanour.  At  the  expiration  of  the  six  months 
the  Treasury  was  not  in  a  position  to  effect  the  conversion  of  the 
foreign  medium  in  private  hands  prior  to  the  publication  of  the  decree. 
The  term  was  extended,  but  in  time  the  measure  became  practically 
void,  so  far  as  the  legal  tender  was  concerned.  However,  the  importa- 
tion of  Mexican  dollars  was  still  prohibited  ;  but,  as  they  remained 
current  in  Manila  at  par  value,  whilst  in  Hong-Kong  and  Singapore 
they  could  be  bought  for  8  to  12  per  cent,  (and  in  1894  25  per  cent.)  less 
than  Manila  dollars,  large  quantities  were  smuggled  into  the  Colony.  It  is 
estimated  that  in  the  year  1887  the  clandestine  introduction  of  Mexican 
dollars  into  Manila  averaged  about  P.  150,000  per  month.  I  remember  a 
Chinaman  was  caught  in  September,  1887,  with  P.164,000,  imported  in 
cases  declared  to  contain  matches.  In  1890  there  was  a  "  boom  ,'1  in 
the  silver  market.  Owing  to  the  action  of  the  American  Silverites,  the 
Washington  Treasury  called  for  a  monthly  supply  of  4,000,000  of  silver 
dollars  ;  consequently  sight  rate  on  London  in  Hong-Kong  touched 
3,?.  10^.,  and  in  Manila  rose  to  3*.  10Jc?.,  but  a  rapid  reaction  set  in  when 
the  Treasury  demand  ceased.  In  1895  we  heard  in  Manila  that  the 
Government  were  about  to  coin  Philippine  pesos  and  absolutely  demone- 
tize Mexicans  as  a  medium  in  the  Islands.  But  this  measure  was  never 
carried  out,  probably  because  the  Government  had  not  the  necessary  cash 
with  which  to  effect  the  conversion.  Some  few  Philippine  peso  pieces 
were,  however,  put  into  circulation  concurrently  with  the  Mexican  pesos. 

In  June,  1903,  the  ss.  Don  Juan,  owned  by  Francisco  L.  Rojas, 
of  Manila,  took  on  board  in  Hong-Kong  about  $400,000  Mexicans 
(i.e.,  pesos)  for  the  purpose  of  smuggling  them  into  Manila.  On  board 
there  were  also,  as  passengers,  a  Senor  Rodoreda  and  a  crowd  of  Chinese 
coolies.  The  vessel  caught  fire  off  the  west  coast  of  Luzon.  The  captain, 
the  crew,  and  the  Spanish  passenger  abandoned  the  ship  in  boats, 
leaving  the  Chinese  to  their  awful  fate.  A  steam  launch  was  sent 
alongside  and  saved  a  few  dollars,  whilst  the  despairing  Chinese  became 
victims  to  the  flames  and  sharks.  The  ship's  burnt-out  hull  was  towed 
to  Manila  Bay.  The  remaining  dollars  were  confiscated,  and  the  captain 
and  chief  engineer  were  prosecuted. 

1  Chop  dollars  are  those  defaced  by  private  Chinese  marks. 


Provincial  Ports  opened  to  Foreigners  261 

The  universal  monetary  crisis  due  to  the  depreciation  of  silver  was 
experienced  here,  and  the  Government  made  matters  still  worse  by 
coining  half-pesos  and  20-cent  pieces,  which  had  not  the  intrinsic  value 
expressed,  and  exchange  consequently  fell  still  lower.  In  September, 
1887,  a  Madrid  periodical,  Correo  de  Espana,  stated  that  the  bastard 
Philippine  50-cent  pieces  were  rejected  in  Madrid  even  by  money- 
changers. In  May,  1888,  the  peso  was  quoted  at  3*.  2f<2.  (over  19  per 
cent,  below  nominal  value),  and  shippers  to  the  Colony,  who  had  already 
suffered  considerably  by  the  loss  on  exchange,  had  their  interests  still 
further  impaired  by  this  action  of  the  Treasury.  For  Exchange 
Fluctuations  vide  Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics.1' 

****** 

A  Custom-house  was  established  and  port  opened  in  Zamboanga 
(Mindanao  Is.)  for  direct  communication  with  abroad  in  1831  ;  those  of 
Sual  (Pangasinan)  and  Yloilo  (Panay  Is.)  in  1855,  and  that  of  Cebu  in 
1863.  The  Custom-house  of  Sual  was  subsequently  abolished,  and  the 
port  having  been  closed  to  direct  foreign  trade,  the  place  has  lost  its 
former  importance,  and  lapsed  into  the  state  of  a  lifeless  village. 

Special  permission  could  be  obtained  for  ships  to  load  in  and  sail 
direct  from  harbours  where  no  Custom-houses  were  established,  on  a 
sum  of  money  being  lodged  beforehand  at  the  Caja  de  Depositos  in 
Manila,  to  cover  duties,  dues,  etc.,  to  be  assessed. 

After  the  opening  of  the  port  of  Yloilo,  three  years  elapsed  before 
a  cargo  of  produce  sailed  thence  to  a  foreign  port.  Since  then  it  has 
gradually  become  the  shipping  centre  for  the  crops  (chiefly  sugar  and 
sapanwood)  raised  in  the  islands  of  Panay  and  Negros.  From  about  the 
year  1882  to  1897  it  attracted  a  portion  of  what  was  formerly  the  Cebu 
trade.  Since  then  the  importance  of  Yloilo  has  diminished.  Its  develop- 
ment as  a  port  was  entirely  due  to  foreigners,  and  considerably  aided 
agriculture  in  the  Visayas  Islands.  Heretofore  the  small  output  of 
sugar  (which  had  never  reached  1,000  tons  in  any  year)  had  to  be  sent 
up  to  Manila.  The  expense  of  local  freight,  brokerages,  and  double 
loading  and  discharging  left  so  little  profit  to  the  planters  that  the 
results  were  then  quite  discouraging.  None  but  wooden  sugar-cane  mills 
were  employed  at  that  time,  but  since  then  many  small  steam-power 
factories  have  been  erected  (vide  Sugar).  The  produce  shipped  in  Yloilo  x 
was  principally  carried  to  the  United  States  in  American  sailing-ships. 

For  figures  relating  to  Chief  Exports  from  the  various  ports,  vide 
Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics.11 

Most  of  the  carrying  Import  trade  was  in  the  hands  of  subsidized 
Spanish  steamer-owners,  whilst  the  larger  portion  of  the  Exports  was 

1  Yloilo  had  its  "  Gremio  de  Comerciantes  "  (Board  of  Trade),  constituted  by 
Philippine  General-Government  Decree  of  September  5,   1884,  and  Manila  had 
Chamber   of  Commerce.     Since    the    Revolution    Yloilo   has   also   a   Chamber   of 
Commerce,  and  Manila  several  of  different  nationalities. 


262  Opening  of  Zamboanga  and  Jold  ports 

conveyed  in  foreign  vessels,  which  arrived  in  ballast  from  Eastern  ports 
where  they  had  left  cargoes. 

Smuggling  was  carried  on  to  a  considerable  extent  for  years,  and 
in  1891  a  fresh  stimulus  was  given  to  contraband  by  the  introduction 
of  a  Protectionist  Tariff,  which  came  into  force  on  April  1  of  that 
year,  and  under  which  Spanish  goods  brought  in  Spanish  ships  were 
allowed  to  enter  free  of  duty.1 

In  order  to  evade  the  payment  of  the  Manila  Port  Works  Tax  (q.v.), 
for  which  no  value  was  given,  large  quantities  of  piece-goods  for  Manila 
were  shipped  from  Europe  to  Yloilo,  passed  through  the  Custom-house 
there  and  re-shipped  in  inter-island  steamers  to  Manila.  In  1890  some 
two-thirds  of  the  Yloilo  foreign  imports  were  for  re-shipment. 

The  circumstances  which  directly  led  to  the  opening  of  Zamboanga 
(in  1831)  as  a  commercial  port  are  interesting  when  it  is  remembered 
that  Mindanao  Island  is  still  quasi-independent  in  the  interior — 
inhabited  by  races  unconquered  by  the  Spaniards,  and  where  agriculture 
by  civilized  settlers  is  as  yet  nascent.  It  appears  that  the  Port  of  Jold 
(Sulu  Is.)  had  been,  for  a  long  time,  frequented  by  foreign  ships,  whose 
owners  or  officers  (chiefly  British)  unscrupulously  supplied  the  Sulus 
with  sundry  manufactured  goods,  including  arms  of  warfare,  much  to 
the  detriment  of  Spanish  interests  there,  in  exchange  for  mother-of-pearl, 
pearls,  gums,  etc.  The  Spaniards  claimed  suzerain  rights  over  the 
island,  but  were  not  strong  enough  to  establish  and  protect  a  Custom- 
house, so  they  imposed  the  regulation  that  ships  loading  in  Jold  should 
put  in  at  Zamboanga  for  clearance  to  foreign  ports.  The  foreigners 
who  carried  on  this  illicit  traffic  protested  against  a  sailing-ship  being 
required  to  go  out  of  her  homeward  course  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  miles  for  the  mere  formality  of  customs  clearance.  A  British 
ship  (and  perhaps  many  before  her)  sailed  straight  away  from  Jold, 
in  defiance  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  matter  was  then  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  British  Government,  who  intimated  that  either  Jold  must 
be  declared  a  free  port  or  a  Custom-house  must  be  established  there. 
The  former  alternative  was  chosen  by  the  Spaniards,  but  Zamboanga 
remained  an  open  port  for  foreign  trade  which  very  rarely  came. 

The  supreme  control  of  merchant  shipping  and  naval  forces  was 
vested  in  the  same  high  official.  No  foreigner  was  permitted  to  own  a 
vessel  trading  between  Spain  and  her  colonies,  or  between  one  Spanish 
colony  and  another,  or  doing  a  coasting  trade  within  the  Colony.  This 
difficulty  was  however  readily  overcome,  and  reduced  to  a  mere  ineffective 
formality,  by  foreigners  employing  Spaniards  to  become  nominal  owners 
of  their  vessels.  Thus  a  very  large  portion  of  the  inter-island  steamer 
carrying-trade  was  virtually  conducted  by  foreigners,  chiefly  British. 

Mail-steamers,  subsidized  by  the  Government,  left  the  capital 
every  fortnight  for  the  different  islands,  and  there  was  a  quarterly 
1   Vide  Board  of  Trade  Journal  (British)  for  February 'and  April,  1891. 


Mail  Service — Carrying-trade — Middlemen  263 

Pacific  Mail  Service  to  the  Ladrone  Islands.1  Regular  mails  arrived 
from,  and  left  for,  Europe  every  fortnight,  but  as  there  were  inter- 
mediate opportunities  of  remitting  and  receiving  correspondence,  really 
about  three  mails  were  received  and  three  despatched  every  month. 
The  mail-route  for  Europe  is  via  Singapore,  but  there  were  some  seven 
or  eight  sailings  of  steamers  per  month  between  Manila  and  Hong-Kong 
(the  nearest  foreign  colony — 640  miles),  whence  mails  were  forwarded 
to  Europe,  Australia,  Japan,  the  United  States,  etc. 

Between  the  capital  and  several  ports  in  the  adjacent  provinces 
there  was  a  daily  service  of  passenger  and  light  cargo-steamers. 

Between  Yloilo  and  the  adjoining  Province  of  Antique,  the  District 
of  Concepcion  and  the  Islands  of  Negros  and  Cebu,  there  were  some 
half-dozen  small  steamers,  belonging  to  Filipinos  and  Spaniards,  running 
regularly  with  passengers  and  merchandise,  whilst  in  the  sugar-producing 
season — from  January  to  May — they  were  fully  freighted  with  cargoes 
of  this  staple  article. 

The  carrying-trade  in  sailing  craft  between  the  Islands  was  chiefly 
in  the  hands  of  natives  and  half-castes.  There  were  also  a  few  Spanish 
sailing-ship  owners,  and  in  the  Port  of  Yloilo  a  few  schooners  (called 
lorchas),  loading  from  40  to  100  tons  of  sugar,  were  the  property  of 
foreigners,  under  the  nominal  ownership  of  Spanish  subjects,  for  the 
reasons  mentioned  in  the  preceding  page. 

The  principal  exporters  employ  middlemen  for  the  collecting  of 
produce,  and  usually  require  their  guarantee  for  sales  at  credit  to  the 
provincial  purchasers  of  imports.  These  middlemen  are  always  persons 
of  means,  born  in  the  Colony,  and,  understanding  both  the  intricacies 
of  the  native  character  and  the  European  mode  of  transacting  business, 
they  serve  as  very  useful — almost  indispensable — intermediaries. 

It  was  only  when  the  crisis  in  the  Sugar  trade  affected  the  whole 
world,  and  began  to  be  felt  in  the  Philippines  in  1884,  that  the  majority 
of  the  natives  engaged  in  that  industry  slowly  began  to  understand  that 
the  current  price  of  produce  fluctuated  according  to  supply  and  demand. 
Before  transactions  were  so  thoroughly  in  the  hands  of  middlemen,  small 
producers  used  to  take  their  samples  to  the  purchasers,  "  to  see  how 
much  they  cared  to  pay ""  as  they  expressed  it— the  term  "  market  price  " 
seldom  being  used  or  understood  in  the  provinces,  because  of  the  belief 
that  prices  rose  or  fell  according  to  the  caprice  or  generosity  of  the 
foreign  buyer.  Accustomed  to  deal,  during  the  first  centuries  of  the 
Spanish  occupation,  with  the  Chinese,  the  natives,  even  among  themselves, 
rarely  have  fixed  prices  in  retail  dealings,  and  nearly  every  quotation  in 
small  traffic  is  taken  only  as  a  fancy  price,  subject  to  considerable  rebate 
before  closing.  /The  Chinese  understand  the  native  pretty  well ;  they  study 
his  likings,  and  they  so  fix  their  prices  that  an  enormous  reduction  can  be 

1  Manila  to  Yap,  1,160  miles.  Yap  to  Ponape,  1,270  miles.  Ponape'  to  Apra, 
880  miles. 


264  Native  Industries 


made  for  his  satisfaction.  He  goes  away  quite  contented,  whilst  the 
Chinaman  chuckles  over  having  got  the  best  of  the  bargain.  Even  the 
import  houses,  when  they  advertise  their  goods  for  sale,  seldom  state 
the  prices  ;  it  seems  as  if  all  regarded  the  question  of  price  as  a  shifty  one. 

The  system  of  giving  credit  in  the  retail  trade  of  Manila,  and  a  few 
provincial  towns,  was  the  ruin  of  many  shopkeepers.  There  were  few 
retailers  who  had  fixed  prices  ;  most  of  them  fluctuated  according  to  the 
race,  or  nationality,  of  the  intending  customer.  \  The  Chinese  dealer 
made  no  secret  about  his  price  being  merely  nominal.  If  on  the  first 
offer  the  hesitating  purchaser  were  about  to  move  away,  he  would  call 
after  him  and  politely  invite  him  to  haggle  over  the  bargain  l\ 
****** 

The  only  real  basis  of  wealth  in  the  Colony  is  the  raw  material 
obtained  by  Agriculture,  and  Forest  produce.  Nothing  was  done  by 
the  conquerors  to  foster  the  Industrial  Arts,  and  the  Manufacturing 
Trades  were  of  insignificant  importance.  Cigars  were  the  only  manu- 
factured export  staple,  whilst  perfumes,  a  little  cordage,  and  occasionally 
a  parcel  of  straw  or  finely-split  bamboo  hats  were  shipped. 

In  the  Provinces  of  Bulacan  and  Pampanga,  split-cane  and  Nito 
(lygodium)  hats,  straw  mats,  and  cigar-cases  are  made.  Some  of  the 
finest  worked  cigar-cases  require  so  much  time  for  making  that  they 
cost  up  to  P.20  each.  Hats  can  only  be  obtained  in  quantities  by 
shippers  through  native  middlemen. 

In  Yloilo  Province  a  rough  cloth  called  Sinamay  is  woven  2  from 
selected  hemp  fibre.  Also  in  this  province  and  that  of  Antique  (Panay 
Is.),  Pina  muslin  of  pure  pine-leaf  fibre  and  Husi  of  mixed  pine-leaf 
and  hemp  filament  are  made.  Ilocos  Province  has  a  reputation  in  these 
Islands  for  its  woollen  and  dyed  cotton  fabrics.  Taal  (Batangas)  also 
produces  a  special  make  of  cotton  stuffs.  Pasig,  on  the  river  of  that 
name,  and  Sulipan  (Pampanga),  are  locally  known  for  their  rough 
pottery,  and  Capiz  and  Romblon  for  their  sugar-bags. 

Paete,  at  the  extreme  east  of  the  Laguna  de  Bay,  is  the  centre  for 
white-wood  furniture  and  wood-carving.  In  Mariquina,  near  Manila, 
wooden  clogs  and  native  leather  shoes  are  made.  Santa  Cruz  (Manila)  is 
the  gold  and  silver- workers1  quarter.  The  native  women  in  nearly  all  the 
civilized  provinces  produce  some  very  handsome  specimens  of  embroidery 
on  European  patterns.  Mats  to  sleep  upon  (petates),  straw  bags  (bayones), 
baskets  (tampipes),  alcohol,  bamboo  furniture,  buffalo-hide  leather,  wax 
candles,  soap,  etc.,  have  their  centres  of  manufacture  on  a  small  scale. 
The  first  Philippine  brewery  was  opened  October  4,  1890,  in  San  Miguel 
(Manila)  by  Don  Enrique  Barretto,  to  whom  was  granted  a  monopoly  by 
the  Spanish  Government  for  twenty  years.  It  is  now  chiefly  owned  by  a 
Philippine  half-caste,  Don  Pedro  P.  Rojas  (resident  in  Paris),  who  formed 

i  «  yd  cuidado  de  regatear,"  was  the  invitation  to  haggle. 

8  Weaving  was  taught  to  the  natives  by  a  Spanish  priest  about  the  year  1.595. 


The  first  Philippine  Railway  265 

it  into  a  company  which  has  become  a  very  flourishing  concern.  Philippine 
capital  alone  supports  these  manufactures.  The  traffic  and  consumption 
being  entirely  local,  the  consequent  increase  of  wealth  to  the  Colony  is 
the  economized  difference  between  them  and  imported  articles.  These 
industries  bring  no  fresh  capital  to  the  Colony,  by  way  of  profits,  but 
they  contribute  to  check  its  egress  by  the  returns  of  agriculture  changing 
hands  to  the  local  manufacturer  instead  of  to  the  foreign  merchant. 

Want  of  cheap  means  of  land-transport  has,  so  far,  been  the  chief 
drawback  to  Philippine  manufactures,  which  are  of  small  importance  in 
the  total  trade  of  the  Colony. 

Philippine  railways  were  first  officially  projected  in  1875,  when  a 
Royal  Decree  of  that  year,  dated  August  6,  determined  the  legislative 
basis  for  works  of  that  nature.  The  Inspector  of  Public  Works  was 
instructed  to  form  a  general  plan  of  a  railway  system  in  Luzon  Island. 
The  projected  system  included  (1)  a  line  running  north  from  Manila 
through  the  Provinces  of  Bulacan,  Pampanga,  and  Pangasinan.  (2)  A  line 
running  south  from  Manila,  along  the  Laguna  de  Bay  shore  and  east- 
wards through  Tayabas,  Camarines,  and  Albay  Provinces.  (3)  A  branch 
from  this  line  on  the  Laguna  de  Bay  shore  to  run  almost  due  south  to 
Batangas.  The  lines  to  be  constructed  were  classed  under  two  heads, 
viz. : — (1)  Those  of  general  public  utility  to  be  laid  down  either  by  the 
State  or  by  subsidized  companies,  the  concession  in  this  case  being  given 
by  the  Home  Government ;  and  (2)  those  of  private  interest,  for  the 
construction  of  which  concessions  could  be  granted  by  the  Gov. -General. 

In  1885  the  Government  solicited  tenders  for  the  laying  of  the 
first  line  of  railway  from  Manila  to  Dagiipan — a  port  on  the  Gulf  of 
Lingayen,  and  the  only  practicable  outlet  for  produce  from  the  Province 
of  Pangasinan  and  Tarlac  District.  The  distance  by  sea  is  216  miles — 
the  railway  line  196  kilometres  (say  120  miles).  The  subsidy  offered 
by  the  Government  amounted  to  about  P.7,650  per  mile,  but  on  three 
occasions  no  tender  was  forthcoming  either  from  Madrid  or  in  Manila, 
where  it  was  simultaneously  solicited.  Subsequently  a  modified  offer 
was  made  of  a  guaranteed  annual  interest  of  8  per  cent,  on  a  maximum 
outlay  of  P.4,964,47365,  and  the  news  was  received  in  Manila  in 
October,  1886,  that  the  contract  had  been  taken  up  by  a  London  firm 
of  contractors.  The  prospectus  of  "  The  Manila  Railway  Co.,  Ltd," 
was  issued  in  February,  1888.  The  line  was  to  be  completed  within 
four  years  from  July  21,  1887,  and  at  the  end  of  ninety-nine  years  the 
railway  and  rolling-stock  were  to  revert  to  the  Spanish  Government 
without  compensation.  The  rails,  locomotives  (36  tons  and  12  tons 
each),  tenders,  coaches,  waggons,  and  ironwork  for  bridges  all  came 
from  England.  The  first  stone  of  the  Central  Station  in  Manila 
(Bilibid  Road,  Tondo)  was  laid  by  Gov.-General  Emilio  Terrero  on 
July  31,  1887.  In  1890  the  original  contractors  failed,  and  only  the 
first  section  of  28  miles  was  opened  to  traffic  on  March  24,  1891. 


266 


The  first  Philippine  Railway 


Many  other  circumstances,  however,  contributed  to  delay  the  opening 
of  the  whole  line.  Compensation  claims  were  very  slowly  agreed  to  ; 
the  Government  engineers  slightly  altered  the  plans  ;  the  company's 
engineers  could  not  find  a  hard  strata  in  the  bed  of  the  Calumpit 
River *  (a  branch  of  the  Rio  jGrande  de  Pampanga)  on  which  to  build 
the  piers  of  the  bridge  ;  and  lastly  the  Spanish  authorities,  who  had 
direct  intervention  in  the  work,  found  all  sorts  of  excuses  for  postponing 
the  opening  of  the  line.  When  the  Civil  Director  was  applied  to, 
he  calmly  replied  that  he  was  going  to  the  baths,  and  would  think 
about  it.  Finally,  on  appeal  to  the  highest  authority,  Gov. -General 
Despujols  himself  went  up  to  Tarlac,  and  in  an  energetic  speech, 
reflecting  on  the  dilatoriness  of  his  subordinates,  he  declared  the  first 
Philippine  railway  open  to  traffic  on  November  23,  1892.  For  about  a 
year  and  a  half  passengers  and  goods  were  ferried  across  the  Calumpit 
River  in  pontoons.  Large  caissons  had  to  be  sunk  in  the  river  in  which 
to  build  the  piers  for  the  iron  bridge,  which  cost  an  enormous  sum  of 
money  in  excess  of  the  estimate.  Later  on  heavy  rains  caused  a  partial 
inundation  of  the  line,  the  embankment  of  which  yielded  to  the 
accumulated  mass  of  water,  and  traffic  to  Dagiipan  was  temporarily 
suspended.  The  total  outlay  on  the  line  far  exceeded  the  company's 
original  calculation,  and  to  avert  a  financial  collapse  fresh  capital  had 
to  be  raised  by  the  issue  of  6  per  cent.  Prior  Lien  Mortgage  Bonds, 
ranking  before  the  debenture  stock.  The  following  official  quotations 
on  the  London  Stock  Exchange  will  show  the  public  appreciation  of 
the  Manila  Railway  Company's  shares  and  bonds : — 

OFFICIAL   QUOTATIONS. 


7% 

6% 

6  %  Prior  Lien 

6  %  Prior  Lien 

December. 

Cum.  Pref. 

Deb.  £100 

Mort.  Bonds, 

Mort.  Bonds, 

£10  Shares. 

Stock. 

Series  A.,  £100. 

Series  B.,  £100. 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

1893     . 

2 

49 

98 

87 

1894 

1 

32 

104 

91 

1895 

2 

29 

107 

85 

1896 

1 

22 

96 

64 

1897 

1 

19 

101 

75 

1898 

If 

45 

110 

98 

1899 

1* 

33| 

10H 

87i 

1900 

H 

42 

103| 

97 

1901 

2 

55 

108 

102 

1902 

H 

52 

109 

102 

1903 

i| 

58 

108 

104 

1904 

3f 

83 

110 

107 

1905 

4 

117 

110 

106 

1  The  extra  delay  was  quite  a  year,  and  the  cause  having  become  common  talk 
among  the  natives  in  the  neighbourhood,  many  of  them  suggested  that  an  evil  spirit 
prevented  the  foundations  of  the  bridge  being  built.  They  proposed  to  propitiate 
him  by  throwing  live  children  into  the  river  ;  consequently  many  mothers  migrated 
with  their  infants  until  they  heard  that  the  difficulty  was  overcome. 


Telegraph  Service  267 


Up  to  July  1,  1905,  the  interest  has  been  regularly  paid  on  the  Prior 
Lien  Bonds.  No  interest  has  been  paid  on  the  debentures  (up  to 
December,  1905)  since  July  1,  1891,  nor  on  the  7  per  cent.  Cumulative 
Preference  Shares  since  July  1,  1890.  On  January  26,  1895,  these 
shares  were  officially  quoted,  for  sellers,  0. 

Including  the  termini  in  Manila  (Tondo)  and  Dagupan,  there  are 
29  stations  and  16  bridges  along  the  main  line,  over  which  the  journey 
occupies  eight  hours.  There  are  two  branch  lines,  viz.  :— from  Bigaa 
to  Cabanatuan  (Nueva  Ecija),  and  from  Angeles  (Pampanga)  to  Camp 
Stotsenberg.  From  the  Manila  terminus  there  is  a  short  line  (about 
a  mile)  running  down  to  the  quay  in  Binondo  for  goods  traffic  only. 
The  country  through  which  this  line  passes  is  flat,  and  has  large 
natural  resources,  the  development  of  which — without  a  railway — had 
not  been  feasible  owing  to  the  ranges  of  mountains — chiefly  the  Cordil- 
lera of  Zambales — which  run  parallel  to  the  coast. 

The  railway  is  ably  managed,  but  when  I  travelled  on  it  in  1904 
much  of  the  rolling-stock  needed  renewal. 

In  1890,  under  Royal  Order  No.  508,  dated  June  11  of  that  year,  a 
99  years1  concession  was  granted  to  a  British  commercial  firm  in  Manila  to 
lay  a  21 -mile  line  of  railway,  without  subsidy,  from  Manila  to  Antipolo, 
to  be  called  the  "  Centre  of  Luzon  Railway.11  The  work  was  to  be 
commenced  within  one  year  and  finished  within  two  years.  The  basis  of 
the  anticipated  traffic  was  the  conveyance  of  pilgrims  to  the  Shrine  of  Our 
Lady  of  Good  Voyage  and  Peace  {vide  p.  184) ;  but,  moreover,  the  pro- 
posed line  connected  the  parishes  of  Dilao  (then  4,380  pop.),  Santa  Ana 
(then  2,115  pop.),  Mariquina  (then  10,000  pop.),  Cainta  (then  2,300 
pop.),  and  Taytay  (then  6,500  pop.) — branching  to  Pasig  and  Angono — 
with  Antipolo  (then  3,800  ;  now  2,800  pop.).  The  estimated  outlay  was 
about  P.l, 000,000,  but  the  concession  was  abandoned.  The  project  has 
since  been  revived  under  American  auspices. 

****** 

Under  Spanish  government  there  was  a  land  Telegraph  Service  from 
Manila  to  all  civilized  parts  of  Luzon  Island — also  in  Panay  Island 
from  Capiz  to  Yloilo,  and  in  Cebu  Island  from  the  city  of  Cebii  across 
the  Island  and  up  the  west  coast  as  far  north  as  Tuburan.  There  was 
a  land-line  from  Manila  to  Bolinao  (Zambales),  from  which  point  a 
submarine  cable  was  laid  in  April,  1880,  by  the  Eastern  Extension 
Australasia  and  China  Telegraph  Company,  Ltd.,  whereby  Manila 
was  placed  in  direct  telegraphic  communication  with  the  rest  of  the 
world.  For  this  service  the  Spanish  Government  paid  the  company 
P.4,000  a  month  for  a  period  of  10  years,  which  expired  in  June,  1890. 
In  April,  1898,  the  same  company  detached  the  cable  from  Bolinao  and 
carried  it  on  to  Manila  in  the  s.s.  Sherard  Osboni,  207  nautical  miles 
having  been  added  to  the  cable  for  the  purpose.  In  return  for  this 
service   the  Spanish  Government   gave   the  company  certain  exclusive 


268  Seclusion  of  the  Colony 

rights  and  valuable  concessions.  In  May,  1898,  the  American  Admiral 
Dewey  ordered  the  Manila-Hong-Kong  cable  to  be  cut,  but  the  connection 
was  made  good  again  after  the  Preliminaries  of  Peace  with  Spain  were 
signed  (August  12,  1898).  Cable  communication  was  suspended,  there- 
fore, from  May  2  until  August  21  of  that  year. 

In  1897  another  submarine  cable  was  laid  by  the  above  company, 
under  contract  with  the  Spanish  Government,  connecting  Manila  with 
the  Southern  Islands  of  Panay  and  Cebu  (Tuburan).  The  Manila- 
Panay  cable  was  also  cut  by  order  of  Admiral  Dewey  (Mav  23,  1898), 
but  after  August  12,  under  an  arrangement  made  between  the 
American  and  Spanish  Governments,  it  was  re-opened  on  a  neutral 
basis,  and  the  company's  own  staff  worked  it  direct  with  the  Manila 
public,  instead  of  through  the  medium  of  Spanish  officials. 

Since  the  American  occupation  a  new  cable  connecting  the  Islands 
with  the  United  States  has  been  laid  (opened  July  4,  1903),  whilst  a 
network  of  submarine  and  land-wires  has  been  established  throughout 
the  Archipelago. 

*****  -as- 

Owing  to  their  geographical  position,  none  of  the  Philippine  ports 
are  on  the  line  of  the  regular  mail  and  passenger  steamers  en  route 
elsewhere ;  hence,  unlike  Hong-Kong,  Singapore,  and  other  Eastern 
ports,  there  is  little  profit  to  be  derived  from  a  cosmopolitan  floating 
population.  Due,  probably,  to  the  tedious  Customs  regulations — the 
obligation  of  every  person  to  procure,  and  carry  on  his  person,  a 
document  of  identification — the  requirement  of  a  passport  to  enter 
the  Islands,  and  complicated  formalities  to  recover  it  on  leaving — 
the  absence  of  railroads  and  hotels  in  the  interior  and  the  difficulties 
of  travelling — this  Colony,  during  the  Spanish  regime,  was  apparently 
outside  the  region  of  tourists  and  "  globe-trotters.'1  Indeed  the 
Philippine  Archipelago  formed  an  isolated  settlement  in  the  Far  East 
which  traders  or  pleasure-seekers  rarely  visited  en  passant  to  explore 
and  reveal  to  the  [world  its  natural  wealth  and  beauty.  It  was  a 
Colony  comparatively  so  little  known  that,  forty  years  ago,  fairly 
educated  people  in  England  used  to  refer  to  it  as  "  The  Manillas,11  whilst 
up  to  the  end  of  Spanish  rule  old  residents,  on  visiting  Singapore  and 
Hong-Kong,  were  often  highly  amused  by  the  extravagant  notions  which 
prevailed,  even  there,  concerning  the  Philippines.  But  the  regulations 
above  referred  to  were  an  advantage  to  the  respectable  resident,  for  they 
had  the  desirable  effect  of  excluding  many  of  those  nondescript  wanderers 
and  social  outcasts  who  invade  other  colonies. 

Since  the  Revolution  there  has  been  a  large  influx  of  American 
tourists  to  the  Islands,  arriving  in  the  army-transports,  passage  free, 
to  see  "  the  new  possession,11  as  the  Archipelago  is  popularly  called  in 
the  United  States. 


269 


CHAPTER  XVI 

AGRICULTURE 

In  years  gone  by,  before  so  many  colonies  were  opened  up  all  over  the 
world,  the  few  who,  in  the  Philippines,  had  the  courage  to  face  the 
obstacles  to  agriculture  in  a  primitive  country  made  fairly  large  fortunes 
in  the  main  staple  products — sugar  and  hemp.  Prices  were  then  treble 
what  they  have  since  been,  labour  was  cheaper,  because  the  needs  of 
the  labouring-class  were  fewer,  and,  owing  to  the  limited  demand  and 
the  rarity  of  epidemic  cattle-disease,  buffaloes  for  tilling  were  worth 
one-eighth  of  what  they  cost  at  the  present  day.  Although  the 
amount  of  trade  was  vastly  less,  those  natives  engaged  in  it  were 
in  sounder  positions  than  the  same  class  generally  is  now. 

Within  the  last  few  years  there  are  hundreds  who  have  embarked  in 
agricultural  enterprises  with  only  one-tenth  of  the  capital  necessary  to 
make  them  successful.  A  man  would  start  planting  with  only  a  few 
hundred  pesos  and  a  tract  of  cleared  land,  without  title-deeds,  and 
consequently  of  no  negotiable  value.  In  the  first  year  he  inevitably  fell 
into  the  hands  of  money-lenders,  who  reasonably  stipulated  for  a  very 
high  rate  of  interest  in  view  of  the  absence  of  guarantees.  The  rates  of 
interest  on  loans  under  such  circumstances  varied  as  a  rule  from  12  to 
24  per  cent.  I  know  a  Visayo  native  who,  by  way  of  interest,  com- 
mission, and  charges,  demanded  as  much  as  30  per  cent.  I  need  not 
refer  to  the  isolated  cases  which  have  come  to  my  knowledge  of  over 
100  per  cent,  being  charged.  As  at  the  present  day  agriculture  in  the 
Philippines  does  not  yield  30  per  cent,  nett  profit,  it  naturally  follows 
that  the  money-lender  at  this  rate  has  to  attach  the  estate  upon  which 
he  has  made  loans,  and  finally  becomes  owner  of  it.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  tiller  who  has  directed  the  labour  of  converting  a  tract  of 
land  into  a  plantation,  simply  gets  a  living  out  of  it.  Some  few  were  able 
to  disencumber  their  property  by  paying,  year  by  year,  not  only  the 
whole  of  the  nett  returns  from  the  plantation,  but  also  the  profits  on 
small  traffic  in  which  they  may  have  speculated.  It  seldom  happened, 
however,  that  the  native  planter  was  sufficiently  loyal  to  his  financial 
supporter  to  do  this  :  on  the  contrary,  although  he  might  owe  thousands 
of  pesos,  he  would  spend  money  in  feasts,  and  undertake  fresh  obligations 


270  Land  values  and  teniwe  in  Luzon  Island 

of  a  most  worthless  nature.  He  would  buy  on  credit,  to  be  paid  for 
after  the  next  crop,  a  quantity  of  paltry  jewellery  from  the  first  hawker 
who  passed  his  way,  or  let  the  cash  slip  out  of  his  hands  at  the  cock-pit 
or  the  gambling-table. 

Even  the  most  provident  seemed  to  make  no  reserve  for  a  bad 
year,  and  the  consequence  was  that  in  1887  I  think  I  may  safely  assert 
that  if  all  the  Philippine  planters  had  had  to  liquidate  within  twelve 
months,  certainly  50  per  cent,  of  them  would  have  been  insolvent.  One 
of  the  most  hazardous  businesses  in  the  Colony  is  that  of  advancing  to 
the  native  planters,  unless  it  be  done  with  the  express  intention  of 
eventually  becoming  owner  of  an  estate,  which  is  really  often  the  case. 

The  conditions  of  land-tenure  in  Luzon  Island  under  Spanish  rule 
stood  briefly  thus  : — The  owners  either  held  the  lands  by  virtue  of 
undisturbed  possession  or  by  transferable  State  grant.  The  tenants — the 
actual  tillers — were  one  degree  advanced  beyond  the  state  of  slave 
cultivators,  inasmuch  as  they  could  accumulate  property  and  were  free 
to  transfer  their  services.  They  corresponded  to  that  class  of  farmers 
known  in  France  as  metayers  and  amongst  the  Romans  of  old  as  Coloni 
Partiarii,  with  no  right  in  the  land,  but  entitled  to  one-half  of  its 
produce.  Like  the  ancients,  they  had  to  perform  a  number  of  services 
to  the  proprietor  which  were  not  specified  in  writing,  but  enforced  by 
usage.  Tenants  of  this  kind  recently  subsisted — and  perhaps  still  do — 
in  Scotland  {vide  "  Wealth  of  Nations,""  by  Adam  Smith,  edition  of 
1886,  p.  160).  Leases  for  long  periods  were  exceptional,  and  I  never 
heard  of  compensation  being  granted  for  improvements  of  Philippine 
estates.     The  conditions  in  Visayas  are  explained  on  p.  274. 

The  value  of  land  suitable  for  Sugar-cane  growing  varies  considerably, 
being  dependent  on  proximity  to  a  port,  or  sugar-market,  and  on 
quality,  facilities  for  drainage,  transport,  site,  boundaries,  etc. 

In  the  Province  of  Bulacan,  land  which  in  a  great  measure  is 
exhausted  and  yields  only  an  average  of  21  tons  of  cane  per  acre,  was 
valued  (prior  to  the  American  occupation),  on  account  of  its  nearness 
to  the  capital,  at  P.115  per  acre.  In  Pampanga  Province,  a  little 
further  north,  the  average  value  of  land,  yielding,  say,  30  tons  of  cane 
per  acre,  was  P.75  per  acre.  Still  further  north,  in  the  Province  of 
Nueva  Ecija,  whence  transport  to  the  sugar-market  is  difficult  and  can 
only  be  economically  effected  in  the  wet  season  by  river,  land  producing 
an  average  of  35  tons  of  cane  per  acre  would  hardly  fetch  more  than 
P.30  per  acre.     Railroads  will  no  doubt  eventually  level  these  values. 

In  reality,  Bulacan  land  is  priced  higher  than  its  intrinsic  value  as 
ascertained  by  yield  and  economy  of  produce-transport.  The  natives 
are,  everywhere  in  the  Colony,  more  or  less  averse  to  alienating  real 
estate  inherited  from  their  forefathers,  and  as  Bulacan  is  one  of  the 
first  provinces  where  lands  were  taken  up,  centuries  ago,  an  attachment 
to  the  soil  is  particularly  noticeable.     In  that  province,  as  a  rule,  only 


Sugar-cane  lands — Land  Measures  271 

genuine  necessity,  or  a  fancy  price  far  in  excess  of  producing- worth, 
would  induce  an  owner  to  sell  his  land. 

Land  grants  were  obtainable  from  the  Spanish  Government  by 
proving  priority  of  claim,  but  the  concession  was  only  given  after  weari- 
some delay,  and  sometimes  it  took  years  to  obtain  the  title-deeds.  Then 
large  capital  was  requisite  to  utilize  the  property,  the  clearance  often 
costing  more  than  the  virgin  tract,  whilst  the  eviction  of  squatters  was  a 
most  difficult  undertaking  :  " Ty  suis  et  jy  rested  thought  the  squatter, 
and  the  grantee  had  no  speedy  redress  at  law.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
soil  is  so  wonderfully  rich  and  fertile  that  the  study  of  geoponics  and 
artificial  manuring  was  never  thought  essential. 

The  finest  sugar-cane  producing  island  in  the  Archipelago  is  Negros, 
in  the  Visaya  district,  between  N.  latitudes  9'  and  11°.  The  area  of 
the  Island  is  about  equal  to  that  of  Porto  Rico,  but  for  want  of  capital 
is  only  about  one-half  opened  up.  Nevertheless,  it  sent  to  the  Yloilo 
market  in  1892  over  115,000  tons  of  raw  sugar — the  largest  crop  it  has 
yet  produced.     In  1850  the  Negros  sugar  yield  was  625  tons. 

The  price  of  uncleared  land  there,  suitable  for  sugar-cane  cultivation, 
in  accessible  spots,  was,  say,  P.35  per  acre,  and  cleared  land  might  be 
considered  worth  about  P.  70  per  acre.  The  yield  of  sugar-cane  may 
be  estimated  at  40  tons  per  acre  on  the  estates  opened  up  within  the 
last  ten  years,  whilst  the  older  estates  produce  per  acre  nearly  30  tons 
of  cane,  but  of  a  quality  which  gives  such  a  high-class  sugar  that  it 
compensates  for  the  decrease  in  quantity,  taking  also  into  account  the 
economy  of  manipulating  and  transporting  less  bulk. 

Otaheiti  cane  (yellow)  is  generally  planted  in  Luzon,  whilst  Java 
cane  (red)  is  most  common  in  the  southern  islands.  Tabo  is  the 
Tagalog  generic  name  for  sugar-cane. 

The  following  equivalents  of  Philippine  land-measures  may  be 
useful,  viz.  : — 

1  Quinon  .         .         .    =  40,000  square  varas  =  10,000  square  brazas. 

=  5  cabans  =  6  "9444  acres  =  2  "795  hectares. 

1  Balita     .         .         .    =  4,000  square  varas  =  1,000  square  brazas. 

=  "69444  acre  =  "2795  hectare. 

1  Loan      .         .         .    =  400  square  varas  =  100  square  brazas. 

=  '06944  acre  =  "02795  hectare. 

1  Square  Braza  .    =  3  "3611  square  English  yards. 

=  4,355-98     „  „       inches. 

1  Square  Vara .         .    =  "8402  „  ,,       yards. 

=  1,088-89     „  „        inches. 

1  Acre       .         .         .    =  5,760  square  varas  =  1  -44  balitas. 

=  "72  caban  =  "404671  hectare. 

The  average  yield  of  sugar   per  acre  is  about  as   follows,  viz.  : — 
Pampanga  Province,  say  @  6|  %  extraction    .         .  =  1  "95  Tons  of  Sugar. 
Other  Northern  provinces,  say  @  5j  %  extraction  .  =  1  "65     „     „       „ 
Negros    Island  (with   almost   exclusively  European 

mills),  say  @  7|  %  extraction  .  .         .         .  =  2  "75      „     „       „ 


272  Sugar-cane  cultivation 

From  Yloilo  the  sugar  is  chiefly  exported  to  the  United  States, 
where  there  is  a  demand  for  raw  material  only  from  the  Philippines  for 
the  purpose  of  refining,  whilst  from  Manila  a  certain  quantity  of  crystal- 
grain  sugar  is  sent,  ready  for  consumption,  to  Spain.  Consequently,  in 
the  Island  of  Luzon,  a  higher  class  of  machinery  is  employed.  In  1890 
there  were  five  private  estates,  with  vacuum-pans  erected,  and  one 
refinery,  near  Manila,  (at  Malabon).  Also  in  1885  the  Government 
acquired  a  sugar-machinery  plant  with  vacuum-pan  for  their  model 
estate  at  San  Ramon  in  the  Province  of  Zamboanga  ;  the  sugar  turned 
out  at  the  trial  of  the  plant  in  my  presence  was  equal  to  21  D.  S.  of 
that  year.  Convict  labour  was  employed.  During  the  Rebellion  half 
the  machinery  on  this  estate  was  destroyed  or  stolen. 

It  is  a  rare  thing  to  see  other  than  European  mills  in  the  Island 
of  Negros,  whilst  in  every  other  sugar-producing  province  roughly- 
made  vertical  cattle-mills  of  wood,  or  stone  (wood  in  the  south  and 
stone  in  the  north),  as  introduced  by  the  Chinese,  are  still  in  use.  With 
one  exception  (at  Cabanatuan,  Nueva  Ecija),  which  was  a  failure,  the 
triple-effect  refining-plant  is  altogether  unknown  in  this  Colony. 

The  sugar-estates  generally  are  small.  There  are  not  a  dozen  estates 
in  the  whole  Colony  which  produce  over  1,000  tons  of  raw  sugar  each 
per  season.  An  estate  turning  out  500  tons  of  sugar  is  considered 
a  large  one.  I  know  of  one  estate  which  yielded  1,500  tons,  and  another 
1,900  tons  in  a  good  season.  In  the  Island  of  Negros  there  is  no  port 
suitable  for  loading  ships  of  large  tonnage,  and  the  crops  have  to  be 
carried  to  the  Yloilo  market,  in  small  schooners  loading  from  40  to  100 
tons  (vide  p.  263).  From  the  estates  to  the  coast  there  are  neither 
canals  nor  railroads,  and  the  transport  is  by  buffalo-cart. 

The  highest  tablelands  are  used  for  cane-planting,  which  im- 
peratively requires  a  good  system  of  drainage.  In  Luzon  Island  the 
output  of  sugar  would  be  far  greater  if  more  attention  were  paid  to  the 
seasons.  The  cane  should  be  cut  in  December,  and  the  milling  should 
never  last  over  ten  weeks.  The  new  cane-point  setting  should  be 
commenced  a  fortnight  after  the  milling  begins,  and  the  whole  operation 
of  manufacture  and  planting  for  the  new  crop  should  be  finished  by 
the  middle  of  March.  A  deal  of  sugar  is  lost  by  delay  in  each  branch 
of  the  field  labour.  In  the  West  Indies  the  planters  set  the  canes  out 
widely,  leaving  plenty  of  space  for  the  development  of  the  roots,  and 
the  ratoons  serve  up  to  from  five  to  twenty  years.  In  the  Philippines 
the  setting  of  cane-points  is  renewed  each  year,  with  few  exceptions, 
and  the  planting  is  comparatively  close. 

Bulacan  sugar-land,  being  more  exhausted  than  Pampanga  land, 
will  not  admit  of  such  close  planting,  hence  Bulacan  land  can  only  find 
nourishment  for  14,300  points  per  acre,  whilst  Pampanga  land  takes 
17,800  points  on  average  computation. 

In  Negros,  current  sugar  is  raised  from  new  lands  (among  the  best) 


Pi'ocess  of  Sugar  extraction  273 

and  from  lands  which  are  hardly  considered  suitable  for  cane-planting. 
Good  lands  are  called  "  new "  for  three  crops  in  Negros,  and  during 
that  period  the  planting  is  close,  to  choke  the  cane  and  prevent  it 
becoming  aqueous  by  too  rapid  development. 

In  the  Northern  Philippines  "  clayed "  sugar  (Spanish,  Azucar  de 
pilon)  is  made.  The  massecuite,  when  drawn  from  the  pans,  is  turned 
into  earthenware  conic  pots  containing  about  150  lb.  weight.  When 
the  mass  has  set,  the  pot  is  placed  over  a  jar  (Tagalog,  oya)  into 
which  the  molasses  drains.  In  six  months,  if  allowed  to  remain  over 
the  jar,  it  will  drain  about  20  per  cent,  of  its  original  weight,  but  it  is 
usually  sold  before  that  time,  if  prices  are  favourable. 

The  molasses  is  sold  to  the  distilleries  for  making  Alcohol,1  whilst 
there  is  a  certain  demand  for  it  for  mixing  with  the  drinking-water 
given  to  Philippine  ponies,  although  this  custom  is  now  falling  into 
disuse,  in  Manila  at  least,  because  molasses  is  never  given  to  the 
American  imported  horses. 

From  nine  tests  which  I  made  with  steam  machinery,  of  small 
capacity,  in  different  places  in  the  northern  provinces,  without  inter- 
fering with  the  customary  system  of  manipulating  the  cane  or  the 
adjustment  of  the  mill  rolls,  I  found  the — 

Average  juice  extraction  to  be  .  .  .  .  .  56 "37  % 
„  moisture  in  the  megass  on  leaving  the  mill  .  23'27  ,, 
,,        amount  of  dry  megass2     .....     20*36  „ 

100 -00  % 

The  average  density  of  juice  in  the  cane  worked  off  as  above  was 
10f°  Beaume. 

In  Negros  the  process  is  very  different.  The  juice  is  evaporated 
in  the  pan-battery  to  a  higher  point  of  concentration,  so  that  the 
molasses  becomes  incorporated  with  the  saccharine  grain.  It  is  then 
turned  out  into  a  wooden  trough,  about  8  feet  long  by  4  feet  wide,  and 
stirred  about  with  shovels,  until  it  has  cooled  so  far  as  to  be  unable  to 
form  into  a  solid  mass,  or  lumps.  When  quite  cold,  the  few  lumps 
visible  are  pounded,  and  the  whole  is  packed  in  grass  bags  (bayones). 
Sugar  packed  in  this  way  is  deliverable  to  shippers,  whereas  "  clayed  r 
sugar  can  only  be  sold  to  the  assorters  and  packers  (farderos),  who 
sun-dry  it  on  mats  and  then  bag  it  after  making  up  the  colour  and 
quality  to  exporter's  sample  {vide  p.  173). 

The  Labour  system  in  the  Northern   Philippines   is  quite  distinct 

1  The  sale  of  Alcohol  was  a  Government  monopoly  until  1862.  Molasses  is  sold 
by  the  Tinaja,—  an  earthenware  jar  measuring  19  inches  in  height  and  17^  inches 
at  the  maximum  diameter  ;  it  contains  16  gantas  (liquid  measure)  =  say  11  gallons. 

2  British  patents  for  paper-making  from  sugar-cane  fibre  were  granted  to  Berry 
in  1838,  Johnson  in  1855,  Jullion  in  1855,  Ruck  and  Touche  (conjointly)  in  1856, 
and  Hook  in  1857. 

18 


274  Labour  conditions  on  Sugar  estates 

from  that  adopted  in  the  South.  The  plantations  in  the  North  are 
worked  on  the  co-operative  principle  (sistema  de  inquilinos).  The  land- 
owner divides  his  estate  into  tenements  (aparcerias),  each  tenant  (aparcero) 
being  provided  with  a  buffalo  and  agricultural  implements  to  work  up 
the  plot,  plant,  and  attend  to  the  cane-growth  as  if  it  were  his  own 
property.  Wherever  the  native  goes  to  work  he  carries  the  indispensable 
bowie-knife  (Tagalog,  guloc ;  Spanish,  bolo).  When  the  cutting-season 
arrives,  one  tenant  at  a  time  brings  in  his  cane  to  the  mill,  and  when 
the  sugar  is  worked  off,  usually  one-third,  but  often  as  much  as  one-half 
of  the  output,  according  to  arrangement,  belongs  to  the  tenant.  The 
tenant  provides  the  hands  required  for  the  operations  of  cane-crushing 
and  sugar-making ;  the  cost  of  machinery  and  factory  establishment  is 
for  the  account  of  the  landowner,  who  also  has  to  take  the  entire  risk 
of  typhoons,  inundations,  drought,  locusts,1  etc. 

During  the  year,  whilst  the  cane  is  maturing,  the  tenants  receive 
advances  against  their  estimated  share,  some  even  beyond  the  real 
value,  so  that,  in  nearly  every  case,  the  full  crop  remains  in  the 
hands  of  the  estate-owner.  In  the  general  working  of  the  plantation 
hired  day-labour  is  not  required,  the  tenants,  in  fact,  being  regarded, 
in  every  sense,  as  servants  of  the  owner,  who  employs  them  for 
whatever  service  he  may  need.  Interest  at  10  to  12  per  cent,  per 
annum  is  charged  upon  the  advances  made  in  money,  rice,  stuffs,  etc., 
during  the  year ;  and  on  taking  over  the  tenant's  share  of  output, 
as  against  these  advances,  a  rebate  on  current  price  of  the  sugar  is 
often  agreed  to. 

In  the  South,  plantations  are  worked  on  the  daily-wages  system, 
(sistema  de  jornal),  and  the  labourer  will  frequently  exact  his  pay  for 
several  weeks  in  advance.  Great  vigilance  is  requisite,  and  on  estates 
exceeding  certain  dimensions  it  is  often  necessary  to  subdivide  the 
management,  apportioning  it  off  to  overseers,  or  limited  partners,  called 
"  Axas.11  Both  on  European  and  native  owners1  estates  these  axas  were 
often  Spaniards.  The  axas"1  interest  varies  on  different  properties,  but, 
generally  speaking,  he  is  either  credited  with  one-third  of  the  product 
and  supplied  with  necessary  capital,  or  he  receives  two-thirds  of  the 
yield  of  the  land  under  his  care  and  finds  his  own  working  capital 
for  its  tilth,  whilst  the  sunk  capital  in  land,  machinery,  sheds,  stores, 
etc.,  is  for  the  account  of  the  owner. 

In  1877  a  British  company — the  "  Yengarie " — was  started  with 
a  large  capital  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  cane-juice  all  over  the 
Colony  and  extracting  from  it  highly-refined  sugar.  The  works,  fitted 
with  vacuum-pans  and  all  the  latest  improvements  connected  with  this 

1  Since  about  the  year  1885  a  weed  has  been  observed  to  germinate  spon- 
taneously around  the  roots  of  the  sugar-cane  in  the  Laguna  Province.  The  natives 
have  given  it  the  name  of  Bulaclac  ng  tubo  (Sugar-cane  flower).  It  destroys  the 
saccharine  properties  of  the  cane.  The  bitter  juice  of  this  weed  has  been  found  to 
be  a  useful  palliative  for  certain  diseases. 


Sugar  Statistics  275 


class  of  apparatus,  were  established  at  Mandaloyan,  about  three  miles 
from  Manila  up  the  Pasig  River.  From  certain  parts  of  Luzon 
Island  the  juice  was  to  be  conveyed  to  the  factory  in  tubes,  and  the 
promoter,  who  visited  Cebu  Island,  proposed  to  send  schooners  there 
fitted  with  tanks,  to  bring  the  defecated  liquid  to  Mandaloyan  The 
project  was  an  entire  failure  from  the  beginning  (for  the  ordinary 
shareholders  at  least),  and  in  1880  the  machinery  plant  was  being 
realized  and  the  company  wound  up. 

The  classification  of  sugar  in  the  South  differs  from  that  in  the 
North.  In  the  former  market  it  is  ranked  as  Nos.  0,  1,  2,  3  Superior 
and  Current.  For  the  American  market  these  qualities  are  blended, 
to  make  up  what  is  called  "Assorted  Sugar,"  in  the  proportion  of 
one-eighth  of  No.  1,  two-eighths  of  No.  2,  and  five-eighths  of  No.  3. 
In  the  North  the  quality  is  determined  on  the  Dutch  standard.  The 
New  York  and  London  markets  fix  the  prices,  which  are  cabled  daily 
to  the  foreign  merchants  in  Manila. 

From  a  series  of  estimates  compiled  by  me  I  find  that  to  produce 
7,000  to  10,000  piculs,  the  cost  laid  down  in  Yloilo  would  be,  say,  P.2.00 
per  picul  (P.32.00  per  ton) ;  the  smaller  the  output  the  larger  is  the 
prime  cost,  and  vice-versa. 

Fortunes  have  been  made  in  this  Colony  in  cane-sugar,  and  until 
the  end  of  1883  sugar-planting  paid  the  capitalist  and  left  something 
to  the  borrowing  planter ;  now  it  pays  only  interest  on  capital.  From 
the  year  1884  the  subsidized  beet-root  sugar  manufacturers  on  the 
continent  of  Europe  turned  out  such  enormous  quantities  of  this  article 
that  the  total  yield  of  sugar  exceeded  the  worlds  requirements.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  cane-sugar  manufacture  declined  almost  at 
the  same  ratio  as  that  of  beet-root  advanced,  as  will  be  seen  from  the 
subjoined  figures : — 


The  world's  production  in  1880,  cane  sugar 
})         )>              }>               ;>         beet      ,, 

Tons. 
3,285,714 
1,443,349 
4,729,063 

The  world's  production  in  1887,  cane  sugar 
>)         )>              >>               >}         beet      ,, 

Tons. 

2,333,004 
2,492,610 
4,825,614 

.     Increase 
.     Decrease 

Tons. 
1,049,261 
952,710 

The  world's  output  was      .... 

.     Increased 

96,551 

Since  the  above  date,  however,  the  output  of  Beet  Sugar  has  become 


276  Rice — Rice  measure 

about  double  that  of  Cane  Sugar,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  following 
figures,  viz. : — 

Season  of  Season  of 

World's  Production.  1S99-1900.  1900-1901. 

Tons.  Tons. 

Cane  sugar 2,867,041       .       3,425,022 

Beet      „ 5,607,944       .       6,096,858 

8,474,985       .       9,521,880 

On  estates  already  established  at  old  prices,  cane-sugar  production 
pays  an  interest  on  capital,  but  the  capitalist  is  not  necessarily  the 
planter  and  nominal  owner,  as  has  been  explained.  Since  the  American 
occupation  the  cost  of  labour,  living,  material,  live-stock,  and  all  that 
the  planter  or  his  estate  need,  has  increased  so  enormously  that  the 
colonist  should  ponder  well  before  opening  up  a  new  estate  for  cane- 
growing  in  world-wide  competition.  For  figures  of  Sugar  Shipments 
vide  Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics." 

Rice  (Oryzd)  being  the  staple  food  of  the  Filipinos,  it  is  cultivated 
more  or  less  largely  in  every  province  of  the  Colony.  Its  market  value 
fluctuates  considerably  according  to  the  stocks  in  hand  and  the  season 
of  the  year.  It  appears  to  be  the  only  branch  of  agriculture  in  which 
the  lower  classes  of  natives  take  a  visible  pleasure  and  which  they 
understand  thoroughly.     In  1897  about  80,000  tons  were  raised. 

The  natives  measure  and  sell  rice  (Tagalog,  bigas)  and  paddy 
(Tagalog,  palay)  by  the  caban  and  its  fractions  ;  the  caban  dry  measure 
is  as  follows,  viz  : — 

4  Apatans  =  1  Chupa ;  8  Chupas  =  1  Ganta  ;  25  Gantas  =  1  Caban, 

the  equivalent  of  which  in  English  measure  is  thus,  viz  :— 

1  Atapan  =  '16875  of  a  pint. 

1  Chupa    =  '675  of  a  pint. 

1  Ganta     =  2  quarts,  If  pints. 

1  Caban    =16  gallons,  3  quarts,  1  pint. 

Rice  of  foreign  importation  is  weighed  and  quoted  by  the  picul  of 
133^  lbs.  avoirdupois,  subdivided  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

16  Taels  =  1  Catty  ;  10  Catties  =  1  Chinanta ;  10  Chinantas  =  1  Picul. 

Thirty  years  ago  rice  was  exported  from  the  Philippines,  but  now 
not  even  sufficient  is  produced  for  home  consumption,  hence  this 
commodity  is  imported  in  large  quantities  from  Siam,  Lower  Burmah, 
and  Cochin  China  to  supply  the  deficiency.  In  1897  nearly  65,000  tons 
of  rice  were  brought  from  those  countries,  and  since  the  American 
occupation  the  annual  receipts  of  foreign  rice  have  increased  to  fivefold. 
Sual  (Pangasinan),  on  the  Gulf  of  Lingayen,  was,  thirty-five  years  ago, 


Rice  machinery ;   husking;   'pearling  277 

a  port  of  importance,  whence  rice  was  shipped  to  China  (vide  p.  261). 
This  falling  off  of  rice-production  did  not,  however,  imply  a  loss  to 
the  population  in  Spanish  times  when  imported  rice  was  sold  cheaply, 
because,  in  many  provinces,  land  formerly  used  for  rice-growing  was 
turned  to  better  account  for  raising  other  crops  which  paid  better  in  a 
fairly  good  market. 

The  natives  everywhere  continue  to  employ  the  primitive  method  of 
treating  rice-paddy  for  domestic  and  local  use.  The  grain  is  generally 
husked  by  them  in  a  large  mortar  hewn  from  a  block  of  molave,  or  other 
hardwood,  in  which  it  is  beaten  by  a  pestle.  Sometimes  two  or  three 
men  or  women  with  wooden  pestles  work  at  the  same  mortar.  This 
mortar  is  termed,  in  Tagalog  dialect,  Luzon,  the  name  given  to  the 
largest  island  of  the  group.  However,  I  have  seen  in  the  towns  of 
Candava  (Pampanga),  Pagsanjan  (La  Laguna),  near  Calamba  in 
the  same  province,  in  Naig  (Cavite),  in  Camarines  Province,  and  a 
few  other  places,  an  attempt  to  improve  upon  the  current  system  by 
employing  an  ingenious  wooden  mechanical  apparatus  worked  by 
buffaloes.  It  consisted  of  a  vertical  shaft  on  which  was  keyed  a 
bevel-wheel  revolving  horizontally  and  geared  into  a  bevel  pinion 
fixed  upon  a  horizontal  shaft.  In  this  shaft  were  adjusted  pins, 
which,  at  each  revolution,  caught  the  corresponding  pins  in  vertical 
sliding  columns.  These  columns  (five  or  six) — being  thereby  raised  and 
allowed  to  fall  of  their  own  weight  when  the  raising-pins  had  passed 
on — acted  as  pounders,  or  pestles,  in  the  mortars  placed  below  them. 
Subsequently,  notable  progress  was  made  in  Camarines  Province  by 
Spaniards,  who,  in  1888,  employed  steam  power,  whilst  in  Pagsanjan 
(La  Laguna)  animal  motive  power  was  substituted  by  that  of  steam. 
Also,  near  Calamba,  in  the  same  province,  water  power  was  eventually 
employed  to  advantage.  In  Negros,  near  the  village  of  Candaguit, 
there  was  one  small  rice-machinery  plant  worked  by  steam  power, 
brought  by  a  Spaniard  from  Valencia  in  Spain.  Presumably  it  was 
not  a  success,  as  it  remained  only  a  short  time  in  use. 

Finally  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  gave  a  great  stimulus  to  the 
rice-husking  and  pearling  industry,  which  was  taken  up  by  foreigners. 
There  are  now  important  rice  steam-power  mills  established  at  Calumpit, 
Gerona,  Moncada,  Bayambang,  and  other  places  along  the  line  from 
Calumpit  towards  Dagupan,  which  supply  large  quantities  of  cleaned 
rice  to  Manila  and  other  provinces,  where  it  is  invariably  more  highly 
appreciated  than  the  imported  article.  Also,  at  Nueva  Cdceres 
(Camarines),  in  1896,  a  large  steam-power  rice  mill  was  being  worked  by 
Don  Manuel  Pardo,  who  had  a  steamer  specially  constructed  in  Hong- 
Kong  for  the  transport  of  his  output  to  the  provincial  markets. 

The  average  yield  of  cleaned  rice  from  the  paddy  is  50  per  cent., 
whilst  no  special  use  is  found  for  the  remaining  50  per  cent,  of  coarse 
paddy-bran.     The  fine  bran,  almost  dust  (called  in  Tagalog  Tiki  Tiki), 


278  Rice  Statistics — Macan  and  Paga  rice 

serves,  however,  for  several  purposes  on  the  farm.  The  rice  grain  which 
is  broken  in  the  husking  is  known  as  Pinaua  in  Tagalog. 

The  customary  charge  for  husking  and  winnowing  a  caban  of  paddy 
is  12|  cents,  so  that  as  two  cabans  of  paddy  give  one  caban  of  rice,  the 
cost  of  this  labour  would  be  25  cents  per  caban  of  rice. 

The  average  amount  of  rice  consumed  by  a  working  man  per  day  is 
estimated  at  four  chupas,  or,  say,  close  upon  eight  cabans  per  annum, 
which,  on  the  old  reckoning — that  is  to  say  in  Spanish  times,  taking 
an  average  price  of  1  peso  per  caban  of  paddy  =  2  pesos  per 
caban  of  rice,  plus  25  cents  for  cleaning  =  2.25  pesos  per  caban  of 
clean  rice — amounts  to  18  pesos  per  annum.  A  native's  further 
necessities  are  fish,  an  occasional  piece  of  buffalo,  betel-nut,  tobacco,  six 
yards  of  cotton  print-stuff,  and  payment  of  taxes,  all  of  which  (including 
rice)  amounted  to  say  P. 50  in  the  year,  so  that  a  man  earning  20  cents 
per  day  during  300  days  lived  well,  provided  he  had  no  unforeseen 
misfortunes.    Cock-fighting  and  gambling  of  course  upset  the  calculation. 

There  are,  it  is  said,  over  20  different  kinds  of  rice-paddy.  These 
are  comprised  in  two  common  groups — the  one  is  called  Macan  rice 
(Spanish,  Arroz  de  Semillero)  which  is  raised  on  alluvial  soil  on  the  low- 
lands capable  of  being  flooded  conveniently  with  water,  and  the  other 
has  the  general  denomination  (in  Luzon  Is.)  of  Paga  or  Dumali  (Spanish, 
Arroz  de  Secano)  and  is  cultivated  on  high  lands  and  slopes  where 
inundation  is  impracticable. 

The  Afacan,  or  low-land  rice,  is  much  the  finer  quality,  the  grain  being 
usually  very  white,  although  Macan  rice  is  to  be  found  containing  up  to 
25  per  cent,  of  red  grain,  known  in  Tagalog  as  TaiTg%  or  Malagcquit. 
The  white  grain  is  that  most  esteemed.  The  yield  of  grain  varies 
according  to  the  quality  of  the  soil.  In  the  north  of  Bulacan  Province 
the  average  crop  of  Macan  rice  may  be  taken  at  80  cabans  of  grain  for 
one  caban  of  seed.  In  the  south  of  the  same  province  the  return  reaches 
only  one-half  of  that.  In  the  east  of  Pampanga  Province,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Arayat,  Magalang,  and  Candava  villages,  the  yield  is  still 
higher,  giving,  in  a  good  year,  as  much  as  100  cabans  for  one  of  seed. 
In  Negros  a  return  of  50  cabans  to  one  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  average. 

Paga  rice  always  shows  a  large  proportion  of  red  grain,  and  the 
return  is,  at  the  most,  half  that  of  Macan  yield,  but  whilst  rarely  more 
than  one  crop  per  annum  is  obtained  from  low-lands  {Macan  rice) — 
taking  the  average  throughout  the  Islands — in  most  places  up  to  three 
crops  of  Paga  rice  can  be  obtained. 

Besides  the  ordinary  agricultural  risks  to  which  rice  cultivation  is 
exposed,  a  special  danger  often  presents  itself.  The  Paga  rice  is 
frequently  attacked  by  flies  (Tagalog,  Alutangia),  which  suck  the 
flower  just  before  seeding,  and  the  person  in  charge  of  the  plantation 
has  to  stroll  in  the  evenings  and  mornings  among  the  setting  to  whisk 
off  these    insects    with    a   bunch  of  straws    on  the  end  of  a  stick,  or 


Rice  planting  279 


catch  them  with  a  net  to  save  the  grain.  Both  Macau  and  Paga 
are  sometimes  damaged  by  an  insect,  known  in  Ilocos  Province  as 
Talibatab,  which  eats  through  the  stalk  of  the  plant  before  maturity, 
causing  the  head,  or  flower,  to  droop  over  and  wither,  but  this  does 
not  happen  every  season. 

To  plant  Macan  rice  the  grain  or  seed  is  sown  in  the  month  of  June 
on  a  piece  of  land  called  the  "  seeding-plot,"  where,  in  six  weeks,  it 
attains  a  height  of  about  one  foot,  and,  provided  the  rains  have  not 
failed,  it  is  then  pulled  up  by  the  roots  and  transplanted,  stem  by  stem, 
in  the  flooded  fields.  Each  field  is  embanked  with  earth  (Tagalog, 
pilapil)  so  that  the  water  shall  not  run  off,  and  just  before  the  setting 
is  commenced,  the  plough  is  passed  for  the  last  time.  Then  men, 
women,  and  children  go  into  the  inundated  fields  with  their  bundles  of 
rice-plant  and  stick  the  stalks  in  the  soft  mud  one  by  one.  It  would 
seem  a  tedious  operation,  but  the  natives  are  so  used  to  it  that  they 
quickly  cover  a  large  field.  In  four  months  from  the  transplanting  the 
rice  is  ripe,  but  as  at  the  end  of  November  there  is  still  a  risk  of  rain 
falling,  the  harvest  is  usually  commenced  at  the  end  of  December,  after 
the  grain  has  hardened  and  the  dry  season  has  fairly  set  in.  If,  at  such 
an  abnormal  period,  the  rains  were  to  return  (and  such  a  thing  has 
been  known),  the  sheaves,  which  are  heaped  for  about  a  month  to  dry, 
would  be  greatly  exposed  to  mildew  owing  to  the  damp  atmosphere. 
After  the  heaping — at  the  end  of  January — the  paddy,  still  in  the 
straw,  is  made  into  stacks  (Tagalog,  Mandala).  In  six  weeks  more  the 
grain  is  separated  from  the  straw,  and  this  operation  has  to  be  concluded 
before  the  next  wet  season  begins — say  about  the  end  of  April.  On 
the  Pacific  coast  (Camarines  and  Albay),  where  the  seasons  are  reversed 
{vide  p.  22),  rice  is  planted  out  in  September  and  reaped  in  February. 

The  separation  of  the  grain  is  effected  in  several  ways.  Some  beat 
it  out  with  their  feet,  others  flail  it,  whilst  in  Cavite  Province  it  is  a 
common  practice  to  spread  the  sheaves  in  a  circular  enclosure  within 
which  a  number  of  ponies  and  foals  are  trotted. 

In  Negros  Island  there  is  what  is  termed  Ami  rice — a  small  crop 
which  spontaneously  rises  in  succession  to  the  regular  crop  after  the 
first  ploughing. 

It  seldom  happens  that  a  "  seeding-plot "  has  to  be  allowed  to 
run  to  seed  for  want  of  rain  for  transplanting,  but  in  such  an  event  it  is 
said  to  yield  at  the  most  tenfold. 

Nothing  in  Nature  is  more  lovely  than  a  valley  of  green  half-ripened 
rice-paddy,  surrounded  by  verdant  hills.  Rice  harvest-time  is  a  lively 
one  among  the  poor  tenants  in  Luzon,  who,  as  a  rule,  are  practically 
the  landowner's  partners  working  for  half  the  crop,  against  which  they 
receive  advances  during  the  year.  Therefore,  cost  of  labour  may  be 
taken  at  50  per  cent,  plus  10  per  cent,  stolen  from  the  owner's  share. 

Paddy-planting  is  not  a  lucrative  commercial  undertaking,  and  few 


280  Rice  trade 

take  it  up  on  a  large  scale.  None  of  the  large  millers  employing  steam 
power  are,  at  the  same  time,  grain  cultivators.  There  is  this  advantage 
about  the  business,  that  the  grower  is  less  likely  to  be  confronted  with 
the  labour  difficulty,  for  the  work  of  planting  out  and  gathering  in 
the  crop  is,  to  the  native  and  his  family,  a  congenial  occupation.  Rice- 
cultivation  is,  indeed,  such  a  poor  business  for  the  capitalist  that 
perhaps  a  fortune  has  never  been  made  in  that  sole  occupation,  but  it 
gives  a  sufficient  return  to  the  actual  tiller  of  his  own  land.  The  native 
woman  is  often  quite  as  clever  as  her  husband  in  managing  the  estate 
hands,  for  her  tongue  is  usually  as  effective  as  his  rattan.  I  venture  to 
say  there  are  not  six  white  men  living  who,  without  Philippine  wives, 
have  made  fortunes  solely  in  agriculture  in  these  Islands. 


281 


CHAPTER   XVII 

MANILA   HEMP— COFFEE— TOBACCO 

Hemp  (Musa  textiUs) — referred  to  by  some  scientific  writers  as  M. 
troglodytarum — is  a  wild  species  of  the  plantain  (M.  paradisiaca) 
found  growing  in  many  parts  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  so  closely 
resembles  the  M.  paradisiaca,  which  bears  the  well-known  and  agree- 
able fruit — the  edible  banana,  that  only  connoisseurs  can  perceive  the 
difference  in  the  density  of  colour  and  size  of  the  green  leaves — those 
of  the  hemp-plant  being  of  a  somewhat  darker  hue,  and  shorter.  The 
fibre  of  a  number  of  species  of  Musa  is  used  for  weaving,  cordage,  etc., 
in  tropical  countries. 

This  herbaceous  plant  seems  to  thrive  best  on  an  inclined  plane, 
for  nearly  all  the  wild  hemp  which  I  have  seen  has  been  found  on 
mountain  slopes,  even  far  away  down  the  ravines.  Although  requiring 
a  considerable  amount  of  moisture,  hemp  will  not  thrive  in  swampy 
land,  and  to  attain  any  great  height  it  must  be  well  shaded  by  other 
trees  more  capable  of  bearing  the  sun's  rays.  A  great  depth  of  soil 
is  not  indispensable  for  its  development,  as  it  is  to  be  seen  flourishing 
in  its  natural  state  on  the  slopes  of  volcanic  formation.  In  Albay 
Province  it  grows  on  the  declivities  of  the  Mayon  Volcano. 

The  hemp-tree  in  the  Philippines  reaches  an  average  height  of 
10  feet.  It  is  an  endogenous  plant,  the  stem  of  which  is  enclosed  in 
layers  of  half-round  petioles.  The  hemp-fibre  is  extracted  from  these 
petioles,  which,  when  cut  down,  are  separated  into  strips,  five  to  six 
inches  wide,  and  drawn  under  a  knife  attached  at  one  end  by  a  hinge 
to  a  block  of  wood,  whilst  the  other  end  is  suspended  to  the  extremity 
of  a  flexible  stick.  The  bow  tends  to  raise  the  knife,  and  a  cord, 
attached  to  the  same  end  of  the  knife,  and  a  treadle  are  so  arranged  that 
by  a  movement  of  the  foot  the  operator  can  bring  the  knife  to  work  on 
the  hemp  petiole  with  the  pressure  he  chooses.  The  bast  is  drawn 
through  between  the  knife  and  the  block,  the  operator  twisting  the 
fibre,  at  each  pull,  around  a  stick  of  wood  or  his  arm,  whilst  the 
parenchymatous  pulp  remains  on  the  other  side  of  the  knife.  There 
is  no  use  for  the  pulp.  The  knife  should  be  without  teeth  or  indenta- 
tions, but  nearly  everywhere  in  Capis  Province  I  have  seen  it  with  a 


282  Hemp  ;   its  various  uses  ;   machinery 

slightly  serrated  edge.  The  fibre  is  then  spread  out  to  dry,  and  after- 
wards tightly  packed  in  bales  with  iron  or  rattan  hoops  for  shipment. 

A  finer  fibre  than  the  ordinary  hemp  is  sometimes  obtained  in 
small  quantities  from  the  specially-selected  edges  of  the  petiole,  and 
this  material  is  used  by  the  natives  for  weaving.  The  quantity 
procurable  is  limited,  and  the  difficulty  in  obtaining  it  consists  in  the 
frequent  breakage  of  the  fibre  whilst  being  drawn,  due  to  its  compara- 
tive fragility.  Its  commercial  value  is  about  double  that  of  ordinary 
first-class  cordage  hemp.  The  stuff  made  from  this  fine  fibre  (in  Bicol 
dialect,  Lupis)  suits  admirably  for  ladies'*  dresses.  Ordinary  hemp 
fibre  is  used  for  the  manufacture  of  coarse  native  stuff,  known  in 
Manila  as  Sinamay,  much  worn  by  the  poorer  classes  of  natives ;  large 
quantities  of  it  come  from  Yloilo.  In  Panay  Island  a  kind  of  texture 
called  Husi  is  made  of  a  mixture  of  fine  hemp  (lupis)  and  pine-apple 
leaf  fibre.  Sometimes  this  fabric  is  palmed  off  on  foreigners  as  pure 
pina  stuff,  but  a  connoisseur  can  easily  detect  the  hemp  filament  by  the 
touch  of  the  material,  there  being  in  the  hemp-fibre,  as  in  horsehair,  a 
certain  amount  of  stiffness  and  a  tendency  to  spring  back  which,  when 
compressed  into  a  ball  in  the  hand,  prevents  the  stuff  from  retaining 
that  shape.     Pina  fibre  is  soft  and  yielding. 

Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  draw  the  hemp  fibre  by 
machinery,  but  in  spite  of  all  strenuous  efforts,  no  one  has  hitherto 
succeeded  in  introducing  into  the  hemp  districts  a  satisfactory  mecha- 
nical apparatus.  If  the  entire  length  of  fibre  in  a  strip  of  bast  could 
bear  the  strain  of  full  tension,  instead  of  having  to  wind  it  around  a 
cylinder  (which  would  take  the  place  of  the  operator's  hand  and  stick 
under  the  present  system),  then  a  machine  could  be  contrived  to 
accomplish  the  work.  Machines  with  cylinders  to  reduce  the  tension 
have  been  constructed,  the  result  being  admirable  so  far  as  the 
extraction  of  the  fibre  is  concerned,  but  the  cylinder  upon  which  the 
fibre  coiled,  as  it  came  from  under  the  knife,  always  discoloured 
the  material.  A  trial  was  made  with  a  glass  cylinder,  but  the  same 
inconvenience  was  experienced.  On  another  occasion  the  cylinder  was 
dispensed  with,  and  a  reciprocating-motion  clutch  drew  the  bast, 
running  to  and  fro  the  whole  length  of  the  fibre  frame,  the  fibre  being 
gripped  by  a  pair  of  steel  parallel  bars  on  its  passage  in  one  or  two 
places,  as  might  be  necessary,  to  lessen  the  tension.  These  steel  bars, 
however,  always  left  a  transversal  black  line  on  the  filament,  and 
diminished  its  marketable  value.  What  is  desired  is  a  machine  which 
could  be  worked  by  one  man  and  turn  out  at  least  as  much  clean  fibre 
as  the  old  apparatus  could  with  two  men.  Also  that  the  whole  appli- 
ance should  be  portable  by  one  man. 

In  1886  the  most  perfect  mechanical  contrivance  hitherto  brought 
out  was  tried  in  Manila  by  its  Spanish  inventor,  Don  Abelardo  Cuesta ; 
it  worked  to  the  satisfaction  of  those  who  saw  it,  but  the  saving   of 


Hemp  experiments  in  British  India  283 

manual  labour  was  so  inconsiderable  that  the  greater  bulk  of  hemp 
shipped  is  still  extracted  by  the  primitive  process. 

In  September,  1905,  Fray  Mateo  Atienza,  of  the  Franciscan  Order, 
exhibited  in  Manila  a  hemp-fibre-dravving  machine  of  his  own  invention, 
the  practical  worth  of  which  has  yet  to  be  ascertained.  It  is  alleged 
that  this  machine,  manipulated  by  one  man,  can,  in  a  given  time,  turn 
out  104  per  cent,  more  clean  fibre  than  the  old-fashioned  apparatus 
worked  by  two  men. 

Musa  textilis  has  been  planted  in  British  India  as  an  experiment, 
with  unsatisfactory  result,  evidently  owing  to  a  want  of  knowledge  of  the 
essential  conditions  of  the  fibre-extraction.     One  report 1  says — 

"The  first  trial  at  extracting  the  fibre  failed  on  account  of  our  having 
"no  proper  machine  to  bruise  the  stems.  We  extemporized  a  two-roller 
"  mill,  but  as  it  had  no  cog-gearing  to  cause  both  rollers  to  turn  together, 
"  the  only  one  on  which  the  handle  or  crank  was  fixed  turned,  with  the 
"  result  of  grinding  the  stems  to  pulp  instead  of  simply  bruising  them." 

In  the  Philippines  one  is  careful  not  to  bruise  the  stems,  as  this 
would  weaken  the  fibre  and  discolour  it. 

Another  statement  from  British  India  shows  that  Manila  hemp 
requires  a  very  special  treatment.     It  runs  thus : — 

"The  mode  of  extraction  was  the  same  as  practised  in  the  locality  with 
"  Ambadi  (brown  hemp)  and  sunn  hemp,  with  the  exception  that  the  stems 
"  were,  in  the  first  place,  passed  through  a  sugar-cane  mill  which  got  rid  of 
"  sap  averaging  50  per  cent,  of  the  whole.  The  stems  were  next  rotted  in 
"water  for  10  to  12  days,  and  afterwards  washed  by  hand  and  sun-dried. 
"The  out-turn  of  fibre  was  If  lbs.  per  100  lbs.  of  fresh  stem,  a  percentage 
"  considerably  higher  than  the  average  shown  in  the  Saidapet  experiments  ; 
"  it  was  however  of  bad  colour  and  defective  in  strength. " 

If  treated  in  the  same  manner  in  the  Philippines,  a  similar  bad  result 
would  ensue  ;  the  pressure  of  mill  rollers  would  discolour  the  fibre,  and  the 
soaking  with  48  per  cent,  of  pulp,  before  being  sun-dried,  would  weaken  it. 

Dr.  Ure,  in  his  "  Dictionary  of  Arts,  Manufactures  and  Mines,''1 
p.  1,  thus  describes  Manila  Hemp : — 

"  A  species  of  fibre  obtained  in  the  Philippine  Islands  in  abundance. 
"  Some  authorities  refer  these  fibres  to  the  palm-tree  known  as  the  Abaca  or 
"  Anisa  textilis.  There  seem  indeed  to  be  several  well-known  varieties  of 
"  fibre  included  under  this  name,  some  so  fine  that  they  are  used  in  the 
"most  delicate  and  costly  textures,  mixed  with  fibres  of  the  pine-apple, 
"forming  piiia  muslins  and  textures  equal  to  the  best  muslins  of  Bengal.2 

1  Extract  from  a  letter  dated  September  29,  1885,  from  H.  Strachan,  Esq., 
Superintendent,  Government  Experimental  Farm,  Hyderabad,  Sindh — and  Extract 
from  a  letter  dated  February  13,  1886,  from  A.  Stormont,  Esq.,  Superintendent, 
Government  Experimental  Farm,  Khandesh  (vide  "  The  Tropical  Agriculturist," 
Colombo,  June  1,  1886,  p.  876  et  seq.). 

2  The  extremely  fine  muslin  of  delicate  texture  known  in  the  Philippines  as 
Piiia  is  made  exclusively  of  pine-apple  leaf  fibre.  When  these  fibres  are  woven 
together  with  the  slender  filament  drawn  from  the  edges  of  the  hemp  petiole,  the 
manufactured  article  is  called  Husi. 


284  Hemp  cultivation — Fibre  extraction 

"  Of  the  coarser  fibres,  mats,  cordage  and  sail-cloth  are  made.  M.  Duchesne 
"states  that  the  well-known  fibrous  manufactures  of  Manila  have  led  to  the 
"  manufacture  of  the  fibres  themselves,  at  Paris,  into  many  articles  of  furni- 
ture and  dress.  Their  brilliancy  and  strength  give  remarkable  fitness  for 
"  bonnets,  tapestry,  carpets,  network,  hammocks,  etc.  The  only  manu- 
factured articles  exported  from  the  Philippine  Islands,  enumerated  by 
"Thomas  de  Comyn,  Madrid,  1820  (translated  by  Walton),  besides  a  few 
"tanned  buffalo-hides  and  skins,  are  8,000  to  12,000  pieces  of  light  sail-cloth 
"and  200,000  lbs.  of  assorted  Abaca  cordage." 

Manila-hemp  rope  is  very  durable ;  it  is  equally  applicable  to 
cables  and  to  ships'  standing  and  running  rigging,  but  wanting  in 
flexibility.1 

Hemp-growing,  with  ample  capital,  appears  to  be  the  most  lucrative 
and  least  troublesome  of  all  agricultural  enterprises  in  staple  export 
produce  in  the  Colony,  whilst  it  is  quite  independent  of  the  seasons. 
The  plant  is  neither  affected  by  disease  nor  do  insects  attack  it,  and 
the  only  ordinary  risks  appear  to  be  hurricanes,  drought,  insufficient 
weeding,  and  the  ravages  of  the  wild  boar. 

Planted  in  virgin  soil,  each  shoot  occupies,  at  first,  a  space  of 
20  English  square  feet.  In  the  course  of  time,  this  regularity  of  dis- 
tribution disappears  as  the  original  plant  is  felled  and  the  suckers  come 
up  anywhere,  spontaneously,  from  its  root.  The  plant  requires  three 
years  to  arrive  at  cutting  maturity,  or  four  years  if  raised  from  the 
seed ;  most  planters,  however,  transplant  the  six-month  suckers,  instead 
of  the  seed,  when  forming  a  new  plantation.  The  stem  should  be  cut 
for  fibre-drawing  at  the  flowering  maturity  ;  in  no  case  should  it  be 
allowed  to  bear  fruit,  as  the  fibre  is  thereby  weakened,  and  there 
is  sometimes  even  a  waste  of  material  in  the  drawing,  as  the  accumu- 
lation of  fibre  with  the  sap  at  the  knife  is  greater. 

The  average  weight  of  dry  fibre  extracted  from  one  plant  equals  10 
ounces,  or  say  2  per  cent,  of  the  total  weight  of  the  stem  and  petioles ; 
but  as  in  practice  there  is  a  certain  loss  of  petioles,  by  cutting  out  of 
maturity,  whilst  others  are  allowed  to  rot  through  negligence,  the  average 
output  from  a  carefully-managed  estate  does  not  exceed  3*60  cwt.  per 
acre,  or  say  4  piculs  per  caban  of  land. 

The  length  of  the  bast,  ready  for  manipulation  at  the  knife,  averages 
in  Albay  6  feet  6  inches. 

The  weight  of  moisture  in  the  wet  fibre,  immediately  it  is  drawn 
from  the  bast,  averages  56  per  cent.  To  sun-dry  the  fibre  thoroughly, 
an  exposure  of  five  hours  is  necessary. 

The  first  petioles  forming  the  outer  covering,  and  the  slender  central 
stem  itself  around  which  they  cluster,  are  thrown  away.  Due  to  the 
inefficient  method  of  fibre-drawing,  or  rather  the  want  of  mechanical 
appliances  to  effect  the  same,  the  waste  of  fibre  probably  amounts  to  as 
much  as  30  per  cent,  of  the  whole  contained  in  the  bast. 

1  A  British  patent  for  Manila  hemp-paper  was  granted  to  Newton  in  1852. 


Hemp  cultivation — qualities  285 

In  sugar-cane  planting,  the  poorer  the  soil  is  the  wider  the  cane  is 
planted,  whilst  the  hemp-plant  is  set  out  at  greater  space  on  virgin  land 
than  on  old,  worked  land,  the  reason  being  that  the  hemp-plant  in  rich 
soil  throws  out  a  great  number  of  shoots  from  the  same  root,  which 
require  nourishment  and  serve  for  replanting.  If  space  were  not  left 
for  their  development,  the  main  stem  would  flower  before  it  had  reached 
its  full  height  and  circumference,  whereas  sugar-cane  is  purposely  choked 
in  virgin  soil  to  check  its  running  too  high  and  dispersing  the  saccharine 
matter  whilst  becoming  ligneous. 

A  great  advantage  to  the  colonist,  in  starting  hemp-growing  in 
virgin  forest-land,  consists  in  the  clearance  requiring  to  be  only  partial, 
whilst  newly  opened  up  land  is  preferable,  as  on  it  the  young  plants  will 
sometimes  throw  up  as  many  as  thirty  suckers.  The  largest  forest-trees 
are  intentionally  left  to  shade  the  plants  and  young  shoots,  so  that  only 
light  rooting  is  imperatively  necessary.  In  cane-planting,  quite  the 
reverse  is  the  case,  ploughing  and  sunshine  being  needful. 

The  great  drawback  to  the  beginner  with  limited  capital  is  the 
impossibility  of  recouping  himself  for  his  labour  and  recovering  profit 
on  outlay  before  three  years  at  least.  After  that  period  the  risk  is 
small,  drought  being  the  chief  calamity  to  be  feared.  The  plants 
being  set  out  on  high  land  are  extremely  seldom  inundated,  and  a 
conflagration  could  not  spread  far  amongst  green  leaves  and  sappy 
petioles.  There  is  no  special  cropping  season  as  there  is  in  the  case 
of  sugar-cane,  which,  if  neglected,  brings  a  total  loss  of  crop ;  the 
plants  naturally  do  not  all  mature  at  precisely  the  same  time,  and 
the  fibre-extraction  can  be  performed  with  little  precipitation,  and 
more  or  less  all  the  year  round,  although  the  dry  season  is  preferable 
for  the  sun-bleaching.  If,  at  times,  the  stage  of  maturity  be  over- 
looked, it  only  represents  a  percentage  of  loss,  whilst  a  whole  plantation 
of  ripe  sugar-cane  must  all  be  cut  with  the  least  possible  delay.  No 
ploughing  is  necessary,  although  the  plant  thrives  better  when  weeding 
is  carefully  attended  to ;  no  costly  machinery  has  to  be  purchased  and 
either  left  to  the  mercy  of  inexperienced  hands  or  placed  under  the 
care  of  highly-paid  Europeans,  whilst  there  are  few  agricultural 
implements  and  no  live-stock  to  be  maintained  for  field  labour. 

The  hemp-fibre,  when  dry,  runs  a  greater  risk  of  fire  than  sugar,  but 
upon  the  whole,  the  comparative  advantages  of  hemp  cultivation  over 
sugar-cane  planting  appear  to  be  very  great. 

Hemp-fibre  is  classified  by  the  large  provincial  dealers  and  Manila 
firms  as  of  first,  second,  and  third  qualities.  The  dealers,  or  acopiadores, 
in  treating  with  the  small  native  collectors,  or  their  own  workpeople, 
take  delivery  of  hemp  under  two  classes  only,  viz.  : — first  quality 
(corriente)  and  second  quality  (cobrada),  the  former  being  the  whiter, 
with  a  beautiful  silky  gloss. 

The  difficulties   with  which    the   European  hemp-cultivator  has  to 


286  Hemp — Labour  difficulties 

contend  all  centre  to  the  same  origin — the  indolence  of  the  native  ; 
hence  there  is  a  continual  struggle  between  capitalist  and  labourer  in 
the  endeavour  to  counterbalance  the  native^  inconstancy  and  anti- 
pathy to  systematic  work.  Left  to  himself,  the  native  cuts  the 
plant  at  any  period  of  its  maturity.  When  he  is  hard  pressed  for 
a  peso  or  two  he  strips  a  few  petioles,  leaving  them  for  days  exposed 
to  the  rain  and  atmosphere  to  soften  and  render  easier  the  drawing 
of  the  fibre,  in  which  putrefaction  has  commenced.  The  result  is 
prejudicial  to  the  dealer  and  the  plantation  owner,  because  the  fibre 
discolours.  Then  he  passes  the  bast  under  a  toothed  knife,  which  is 
easy  to  work,  and  goes  down  to  the  village  with  his  bundle  of  dis- 
coloured coarse  fibre  with  a  certain  amount  of  dried  sap  on  it  to 
increase  the  weight.  He  chooses  night-time  for  the  delivery,  so  that 
the  acopiador  may  be  deceived  in  the  colour  upon  which  depends 
the  selection  of  quality,  and  in  order  that  the  fibre,  absorbing  the 
dew,  may  weigh  heavier.  These  are  the  tricks  of  the  trade  well  known 
to  the  native.  The  large  dealers  and  plantation  owners  use  every 
effort  to  enforce  the  use  of  knives  without  teeth,  so  that  the  fibre 
may  be  fine,  perfectly  clean  and  white,  to  rate  as  first-class  ;  the  native 
opposes  this  on  the  ground  that  he  loses  in  weight,  whilst  he  is  too  dull 
to  appreciate  his  gain  in  higher  value.  For  instance,  presuming  the 
first  quality  to  be  quoted  in  Manila  at  a  certain  figure  per  picul  and 
the  third  quality  at  two  pesos  less,  even  though  the  first-class  basis 
price  remained  firm,  the  third-class  price  would  fall  as  the  percentage 
of  third-class  quality  in  the  supplies  went  on  increasing. 

Here  and  there  are  to  be  found  hemp-plants  which  give  a  whiter 
fibre  than  others,  whilst  some  assert  that  there  are  three  or  four  kinds 
of  hemp-plant ;  but  in  general  all  will  yield  commercial  first-class  hemp 
(Abaca  corrimte),  and  if  the  native  could  be  coerced  to  cut  the  plant  at 
maturity — draw  the  fibre  under  a  toothless  knife  during  the  same  day 
of  stripping  the  petioles — lodge  the  fibre  as  drawn  on  a  clean  place,  and 
sun-dry  it  on  the  first  opportunity,  then  (the  proprietors  and  dealers 
positively  assert)  the  output  of  third-quality  need  not  exceed  5  to  6  per 
cent,  of  the  whole  produced.  In  short,  the  question  of  quality  in  Abaca 
has  vastly  less  relation  to  the  species  of  the  plant  than  to  the  care  taken 
in  its  extraction  and  manipulation. 

The  Chinese  very  actively  collect  parcels  of  hemp  from  the  smallest 
class  of  native  owners,  but  they  also  enter  into  contracts  which 
bring  discredit  to  the  reputation  of  a  province  as  a  hemp-producing 
district.  For  a  small  sum  in  cash  a  Chinaman  acquires  from  a  native 
the  right  to  work  his  plantation  during  a  short  period.  Having  no 
proprietary  interest  at  stake,  and  looking  only  to  his  immediate  gain, 
he  indiscriminately  strips  plants,  regardless  of  maturity,  and  the  property 
reverts  to  the  small  owner  in  a  sorely  dilapidated  condition.  The 
market  result  is  that,  although  the  fibre  drawn  may  be  white,  it  is  weak, 


Hemp  Statistics  287 


therefore  dealings  with  the  Chinese  require  special  scrutiny.  Under  the 
native  system  eac^i  labourer  on  an  "  estate  "  (called  in  Albay  Province 
late)  is  remunerated  by  receiving  one-half  of  all  the  fibre  he  draws ;  the 
other  half  belongs  to  the  late  owner.  The  share  corresponding  to  the 
labourer  is  almost  invariably  delivered  at  the  same  time  to  the  employer, 
who  purchases  it  at  the  current  local  value — often  at  much  less. 

In  sugar- planting,  as  no  sugar  can  be  hoped  for  until  the  fixed 
grinding-season  of  the  year,  planters  have  to  advance  to  their  work- 
people during  the  whole  twelve  months  in  Luzon,  under  the  aparcero 
system.  If,  after  so  advancing  during  six  or  eight  months,  he  loses 
half  or  more  of  his  crop  by  natural  causes,  he  stands  a  poor  chance  of 
recovering  his  advances  of  that  year.  There  is  no  such  risk  in  the  case 
of  hemp ;  when  a  man  wants  money  he  can  work  for  it,  and  brino- 
in  his  bundle  of  fibre  and  receive  his  half-share  value.  The  few 
foreigners  engaged  in  hemp-planting  usually  employ  wage  labour. 

In  Manila  the  export-houses  estimate  the  prices  of  second  and 
third  qualities  by  a  rebate  from  first-class  quality  price.  These  rates 
necessarily  fluctuate.  When  the  deliveries  of  second  and  third  qualities 
go  on  increasing  in  their  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  first-class  sent 
to  the  market,  the  rebate  for  lower  qualities  on  the  basis  price  (first- 
class)  is  consequently  augmented.  If  the  total  supplies  to  Manila  began 
to  show  an  extraordinarily  large  proportionate  increase  of  lower  qualities, 
these  differences  of  prices  would  be  made  wider,  and  in  this  manner 
indirect  pressure  is  brought  to  bear  upon  the  provincial  shippers  to  send 
as  much  first-class  quality  as  possible. 

The  labour  of  young  plant-setting  in  Albay  Province  in  Spanish 
times  was  calculated  at  3  pesos  per  1 ,000  plants ;  the  cost  of  shoots 
2  feet  high,  for  planting  out,  was  from  50  cents  to  one  peso  per  100. 
However,  as  proprietors  were  frequently  cheated  by  natives  who,  having 
agreed  to  plant  out  the  land,  did  not  dig  holes  sufficiently  deep,  or 
set  plants  without  roots,  it  became  customary  in  Luzon  to  pay  10  pesos 
per  100  live  plants,  to  be  counted  at  the  time  of  full  growth,  or  say 
in  three  years,  in  lieu  of  paying  for  shoots  and  labour  at  the  prices 
stated  above.     The  contractor,  of  course,  lived  on  the  estate. 

In  virgin  soil,  2,500  plants  would  be  set  in  one  pisoson  of  land 
(vide  Albay  land  measure),  or  say  720  to  each  acre. 

A  hemp-press  employing  60  men  and  boys  should  turn  out  230 
bales  per  day.  Freight  by  mail  steamer  to  Manila  in  the  year  1890 
from  Albay  ports  beyond  the  San  Bernardino  Straits,  was  50  cents  per 
bale  ;  from  ports  west  of  the  Straits,  37£  cents  per  bale. 

In  the  extraction  of  the  fibre  the  natives  work  in  couples  ;  one 
man  strips  the  bast,  whilst  his  companion  draws  it  under  the  knife. 
A  fair  week's  work  for  a  couple,  including  selection  of  the  mature  plants 
and  felling,  would  be  about  300  lbs.  However,  the  labourer  is  not 
able    to   give  his  entire  attention   to  fibre-drawing,  for  occasionally  a 


288  Hemp  Statistics 


day  has  to  be  spent  in  weeding  and  brushwood  clearance,  but  his  half- 
share  interest  covers  this  duty. 

The  finest  quality  of  hemp  is  produced  in  the  Islands  of  Leyte 
and  Marinduque,  and  in  the  Province  of  Sorsogdn,  especially  Giibat, 
in  Luzon  Island. 

Previous  to  the  year  1825,  the  quantity  of  hemp  produced  in  these 
Islands  was  insignificant ;  in  1840  it  is  said  to  have  exceeded  8,500  tons. 
The  average  anmial  shipment  of  hemp  during  the  20  years  pre- 
ceding the  American  occupation,  i.e.,  1879-98,  was  72,815  tons,  produced 
(annual  average  over  that  period)  approximately  as  follows,  viz. : — in 
Albay  and  Sorsogdn,  32,000  tons ;  in  Leyte,  16,000  tons ;  in  Samar, 
9,000  tons ;  in  Camarines,  4,500  tons ;  in  Mindanao,  4,000  tons ;  in 
Cebii,  2,500  tons ;  in  all  the  other  districts  together,  4,815  tons. 

Albay  Province  is  still  the  leading  hemp  district  in  the  Islands. 
A  small  quantity  of  low-quality  hemp  is  produced  in  Capis  Province 
(Panay  Is.) ;  collections  are  also  made  along  the  south-east  coast 
of  Negros  Island  from  Dumaguete  northwards  and  in  the  district  of 
Mauban 1  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  Tayabas  Province  (Luzon  Is).  For 
figures  of  Hemp  Shipments,  vide  Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics.11 

The  highest  Manila  quotation  for  first-quality  hemp  (corriente) 
during  the  years  1882  to  1896  inclusive  was  P.17.21|  per  picul,  and 
the  lowest  in  the  same  period  P.6.00  per  picul  (16  piculs  =1  ton; 
2  piculs  =1  bale),  whilst  specially  selected  lots  from  Sorsogdn  and 
Marinduque  fetched  a  certain  advance  on  these  figures. 

Albay  Province  (local)  Land  Measure 

1       Topon       =   16  square  Brazas  =  53  "776  English  square  yards. 
312^    Topones    =   1  Pisoson  =  5,000  square  Brazas. 

,,  „         —  \  of  Quiilon  =  2\  Cabanes  =  3  "472  acres. 

During  the  decade  prior  to  the  commercial  depression  of  1884, 
enormous  sums  of  money  were  lent  by  foreign  firms  and  wealthy  hemp- 
staplers  to  the  small  producers  against  deliveries  to  be  effected.  But 
experience  proved  that  lending  to  native  producers  was  a  bad  business, 
for,  on  delivery  of  the  produce,  they  expected  to  be  again  paid  the 
full  value  and  pass  over  the  sums  long  due.  Hence,  capital  which 
might  have  been  employed  to  the  mutual  advantage  of  all  concerned, 
was  partially  withheld,  and  the  natives  complained  then,  as  they  do 
now,  that  there  is  no  money. 

Fortunately  for  the  Philippines,  the  fibre  known  as  Manila  hemp 
is  a  speciality  of  the  Colony,  and  the  prospect  of  over-production, 
almost  annihilating  profits  to  producers — as  in  the  sugar  colonies — is 

1  A  large  proportion  of  the  product  sent  from  Mauban  to  Manila  as  marketable 
hemp  is  really  a  wild  hemp-fibre  locally  known  by  the  name  of  Alinsanay.  It  is 
a  worthless,  brittle  filament  which  has  all  the  external  appearance  of  marketable 
hemp.  A  sample  of  it  broke  as  easily  as  silk  thread  between  my  fingers.  Its 
maximum  strength  is  calculated  to  be  one-fourth  of  hemp  fibre. 


Coffee  289 

at  present  remote,  although  the  competition  with  other  fibre  is  severe. 
The  chief  fibre-producing  countries,  besides  this  colony,  are  New 
Zealand,  Mauritius,  East  Indies,  Italy,  Russia,  North  America  (sisal) 
and  Mexico  (henequen). 

In  1881  the  Abaca  plants  presented  to  the  Saigon  Botanical  Gardens 
were  flourishing  during  the  management  of  Mons.  Coroy,  but  happily 
for  this  Colony  the  experiment,  which  was  to  precede  the  introduction 
of  "  Manila  Hemp v'  into  French  Cochin  China,  was  abandoned,  the 
plants  having  been  removed  by  that  gentleman's  successor.  In  1890 
"  Manila  Hemp '',  was  cultivated  in  British  North  Borneo  by  the  Labuk 
Planting  Company,  Limited,  and  the  fibre  raised  on  their  estates  was 
satisfactorily  reported  on  by  the  Rope  Works  in  Hong-Kong. 

In  view  of  the  present  scarcity  of  live-stock,  hemp,  which  needs  no 
buffalo  tillage,  would  seem  to  be  the  most  hopeful  crop  of  the  future. 
It  will  probably  advance  as  fast  as  sugar  cultivation  is  receding,  and 
command  a  good  remunerative  price.  Moreover,  as  already  explained, 
not  being  distinctly  a  season  crop  as  sugar  is,  nor  requiring  expensive 
machinery  to  produce  it,  its  cultivation  is  the  most  recommendable  to 
American  colonists. 

****** 

Coffee  (Coffea  arabica)  planting  was  commenced  in  the  Colony  early 
in  the  last  century.  Up  to  1889  plantation-owners  in  the  Province  of 
Batangas  assured  me  that  the  trees  possessed  by  their  grandfathers  were 
still  flourishing,  whilst  it  is  well  known  that  in  many  coffee-producing 
colonies  the  tree  bears  profitably  only  up  to  the  twenty-fifth  year, 
and  at  the  thirtieth  year  it  is  quite  exhausted.  Unless  something  be  done 
to  revive  this  branch  of  agriculture  it  seems  as  if  coffee  would  soon  cease 
to  be  an  article  of  export  from  these  Islands.  '  In  the  year  1891  the 
crops  in  Luzon  began  to  fall  off"  very  considerably,  in  a  small  measure 
due  to  the  trees  having  lost  their  vigour,  but  chiefly  owing  to  the 
ravages  of  a  worm  in  the  steins.  In  1892-93  the  best  and  oldest- 
established  plantations  were  almost  annihilated.  Nothing  could  be  done 
to  stop  the  scourge,  and  several  of  the  wealthiest  coffee-owners  around 
Lipa,  personally  known  to  me,  ploughed  up  their  land  and  started  sugar- 
cane growing  in  place  of  coffee.  In  1883  7,451  tons  of  coffee  were 
shipped,  whilst  in  1903  the  total  export  did  not  reach  four  tons. 

The  best  Philippine  Coffee  comes  from  the  Provinces  of  Batangas, 
La  Laguna  and  Cavite  (Luzon  Is.),  and  includes  a  large  proportion  of 
caracolillo,  which  is  the  nearest  shape  to  the  Mocha  bean  and  the 
most  esteemed.  The  temperate  mountain  regions  of  Benguet,  Bontoc, 
and  Lepanto  (N.  W.  Luzon)  also  yield  good  coffee. 

The  most  inferior  Philippine  coffee  is  produced  in  Mindanao  Island, 
and  is  sent  up  to  Manila  sometimes  containing  a  quantity  of  rotten 
beans.  It  consequently  always  fetches  a  lower  price  than  Manila  (i.e., 
Luzon)  coffee,  which  is  highly  prized  in  the  market. 

19 


290 

Coffee-dealing 

MANILA   QUOTATIONS   FOR  THE  TWO   QUALITIES 

Average  Prices  throughout  the  Years 

Per  Picul  of  133£ 
Eng.  lbs. 

1882. 

1883. 

1884. 

1885. 

1886. 

1887. 

1S88. 

1890. 

1891. 

Manila  (Luzon)  Coffee 
Mindanao  Coffee 

P.cts. 

10.25 

9.30 

P.cts. 
12.00 
10.00 

P.cts. 
12.68 
12.00 

P.cts. 

12.00 

9.87 

P.cts. 

12.17 

9.56 

P.cts. 
26.14 
19.50 

nom. 

P.cts. 
21.47 
20.34 

P.cts. 
31.00 
25.80 

P.cts. 
30.50 
24.40 

Quotations  later  than  1891  would  serve  no  practical  purpose  in  the 
above  table  of  comparison,  as,  due  to  the  extremely  small  quantity  pro- 
duced, almost  fancy  prices  have  ruled  since  that  date.  In  1896,  for 
instance,  the  market  price  ran  up  to  P.35  per  picul,  whilst  some  small 
parcels  exchanged  hands  at  a  figure  so  capriciously  high  that  it 
cannot  be  taken  as  a  quotation.  For  figures  of  Coffee  Shipments,  vide 
Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics.1' 

I  investigated  the  system  of  coffee-growing  and  trading  in  all  the 
Luzon  districts,  and  found  it  impossible  to  draw  up  a  correct  general 
estimate  showing  the  nett  cost  laid  down  in  Manila  market.  The 
manner  of  acquiring  the  produce  and  the  conditions  of  purchase  varied 
so  greatly,  and  were  subject  to  so  many  peculiar  local  circumstances, 
that  only  an  approximate  computation  could  be  arrived  at. 

Some  of  the  provincial  collectors  had  plantations  of  their  own ; 
others  had  not,  whilst  none  of  them  depended  entirely  upon  the 
produce  of  their  own  trees  for  fulfilling  the  contracts  in  the  capital. 

Coffee  was  a  much  more  fluctuating  concern  than  hemp,  as  the 
purchase-rate  (although  perhaps  low)  was  determined  out  of  season 
several  months  before  it  was  seen  how  the  market  would  stand  for  the 
sale  of  that  coffee  ;  in  hemp  transactions  (there  being  practically  no 
season  for  hemp)  the  purchase-money  need  only  be  paid  on  delivery  of 
the  produce  by  the  labourer  at  rates  proportionate  to  Manila  prices, 
unless  the  dealer  be  simply  a  speculator,  in  which  case,  having  con- 
tracted in  Manila  to  deliver  at  a  price,  he  must  advance  to  secure 
deliveries  to  fulfil  his  contract.  Therefore,  in  coffee,  a  provincial 
collector  might  lose  something  on  the  total  year's  transactions  or  he 
might  make  an  enormous  profit,  if  he  worked  with  his  own  capital.  If 
he  borrowed  the  capital  from  Manila  dealers — middlemen — as  was  often 
the  case,  then  he  might  make  a  fortune  for  his  Manila  friends,  or  he 
might  lose  another  year's  interest  on  the  borrowed  funds. 

In  Cavite  Province  districts  there  was  another  way  of  negotiating 
coffee  speculations.  The  dealer  with  capital  advanced  at,  say,  6  or  7 
pesos  per  picul  "on  joint  account  up  to  Manila."  The  planter 
then  bound  himself  to  deliver  so  many  piculs  of  coffee  of  the  next 
gathering,  and  the  difference  between  the  advance  rate  and  the  sale 
price  in  Manila  was  shared  between  the  two,  after  the  capitalist  had 


Coffee  cultivation  291 


deducted  the  charges  for  transport,  packing,  commission  in  Manila,  etc. 
All  the  risk  was,  of  course,  on  the  part  of  the  capitalist,  for  if  the  crop 
failed  the  small  planter  had  no  means  of  refunding  the  advance. 

On  a  carefully-managed  plantation,  a  caban  of  land  (8,000  square 
Spanish  yards)  was  calculated  to  yield  10*40  piculs  (  =  12|  cwt.)  of  clean 
coffee,  or,  say,  9  cwt.  per  acre.  The  selling  value  of  a  plantation,  in  full 
growth,  was  about  P.250  per  caban,  or,  say,  P.  180  per  acre.  After  1896 
this  land  value  was  merely  nominal. 

The  trees  begin  to  give  marketable  coffee  in  the  fourth  year  of 
growth,  and  flourish  best  in  hilly  districts  and  on  highlands,  where  the 
roots  can  be  kept  dry,  and  where  the  average  temperature  does  not 
exceed  70°  Fahr.  Caracol'dlo  is  found  in  greater  quantities  on  the 
highest  declivities  facing  east,  where  the  morning  sun  evaporates  the 
superfluous  moisture  of  the  previous  night's  dew. 

In  the  Province  of  Cavite  there  appeared  to  be  very  little  system  in 
the  culture  of  the  coffee-tree.  Little  care  was  taken  in  the  selection 
of  shading-trees,  and  pruning  was  much  neglected.  Nevertheless, 
very  fine  coffee  was  brought  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Indan,  Silan, 
Alfonso,  and  Amadeo.  The  Batangas  bean  had  the  best  reputation 
in  Manila;  hence  the  Indan  product  was  sometimes  brought  to  that 
market  and  sold  as  Batangas  coffee. 

In  Batangas  the  coffee-plant  is  usually  shaded  by  a  tree  called 
Madrecacao  (Gliricidia  maculatd) — Tagalog,  Galedupa  pungam.  On 
starting  a  plantation  this  tree  is  placed  in  rows,  each  trunk  occupying 
one  Spanish  yard,  and  when  it  has  attained  two  or  three  feet  in  height 
the  coffee-shoot  is  planted  at  each  angle.  Between  the  third  and  eighth 
years  of  growth  every  alternate  shading-tree  and  coffee-plant  is  removed, 
as  more  space  for  development  becomes  necessary.  The  coffee-plants 
are  pruned  from  time  to  time,  and  on  no  account  should  the  branches 
be  allowed  to  hang  over  and  meet.  Around  the  wealthy  town  of  Lipa 
some  of  the  many  coffee-estates  were  extremely  well  kept  up,  with 
avenues  crossing  the  plantations  in  different  directions. 

At  the  end  of  eight  years,  more  or  less,  according  to  how  the  quality 
of  soil  and  the  situation  have  influenced  the  development,  there  would 
remain,  say,  about  2,400  plants  in  each  caban  of  land,  or  1,728  plants 
per  acre.  Comparing  this  with  the  yield  per  acre,  each  tree  would 
therefore  give  9 '33  ounces  of  marketable  coffee,  whilst  in  Peru,  where  the 
coffee-tree  is  planted  at  an  elevation  of  5,000  to  6,000  feet  above  sea- 
level,  each  tree  is  said  to  yield  one  pound  weight  of  beans. 

In  the  Philippines  the  fresh  ripe  berries,  when  thoroughly  sun-dried, 
lose  an  average  weight  of  52  per  cent,  moisture. 

The  sun-dried  berries  ready  for  pounding  (husking)  give  an  average 
of  33*70  of  their  weight  in  marketable  coffee-beans. 

It  takes  eight  cabanes  measure  {vide  p.  276)  of  fresh-picked  ripe 
berries  to  turn  out  one  picul  weight  of  clean  beans. 


292  Coffee-beans — Tobacco 


Owing  to  the  fact  that  one  year  in  every  five  gives  a  short  crop,  due 
either  to  the  nature  of  the  plant  or  to  climatic  variations,  it  pays  better 
to  collect  coffee  from  the  very  small  growers  rather  than  sink  capital  in 
large  estates  on  the  aparcero  system  (q.v.). 

The  coffee-plant  imperatively  requires  shade  and  moisture,  and 
over- pruning  is  prejudicial.  If  allowed  to  run  to  its  natural  height  it 
would  grow  up  to  15  to  25  feet  high,  but  it  is  usually  kept  at  7  to  10 
feet.  The  leaves  are  evergreen,  very  shining,  oblong,  leathery,  and  much 
resemble  those  of  the  common  laurel.  The  flowers  are  small,  and  cluster 
in  the  axils  of  the  leaves.  They  are  somewhat  similar  to  the  Spanish 
jasmine,  and  being  snow-white,  the  effect  of  a  coffee  plantation  in  bloom 
is  delightful,  whilst  the  odour  is  fragrant.  The  fruit,  when  ripe,  is  of 
a  dark  scarlet  colour,  and  the  ordinary  coffee-berry  contains  two  semi- 
elliptic  seeds  of  a  horny  or  cartilaginous  nature  glued  together  and 
enveloped  in  a  coriaceous  membrane ;  when  this  is  removed  each  seed  is 
found  covered  with  a  silver-grey  pellicle. 

The  Caracolillo  coffee-berry  contains  only  one  seed,  with  a  furrow  in 
the  direction  of  the  long  axis,  which  gives  it  the  appearance  of  being  a 
geminous  seed  with  an  inclination  to  open  out  on  one  side. 

In  Arabia  Felix,  where  coffee  was  first  planted  in  the  15th  century, 
and  its  cultivation  is  still  extensive,  the  collection  of  the  fruit  is  effected 
by  spreading  cloths  under  the  trees,  from  which,  on  being  violently 
shaken,  the  ripe  berries  fall,  and  are  then  placed  upon  mats  to  dry,  after 
which  the  beans  are  pressed  under  a  heavy  roller. 

In  the  Philippines,  women  and  children — sometimes  men — go  into 
the  plantations  with  baskets  and  pick  the  berries.  The  fruit  is  then 
heaped,  and,  in  a  few  days,  washed,  so  that  a  great  portion  of  the  pulp 
is  got  rid  of.  Then  the  berries  are  dried  and  pounded  in  a  mortar  to 
separate  the  inner  membrane  and  pellicle ;  these  are  winnowed  from  the 
clean  bean,  which  constitutes  the  coffee  of  commerce  and  is  sent  in  bags 
to  Manila  for  sale. 

The  Philippine  plantations  give  only  one  crop  yearly,  whilst  in  the 
West  Indies  beans  of  unequal  ripeness  are  to  be   found  during  eight 
months  of  the  twelve,  and  in  Brazil  there  are  three  annual  gatherings. 
****** 

The  seed  of  the  Tobacco-plant  ( Nicotiana  tabacum)  was  among  the 
many  novelties  introduced  into  the  Philippines  from  Mexico  by  Spanish 
missionaries,  soon  after  the  possession  of  the  Colony  by  the  Spaniards 
was  an  accomplished  fact.  From  this  Colony  it  is  said  to  have  been 
taken  in  the  16th  or  17th  century  into  the  south  of  China,  where  its  use 
was  so  much  abused  that  the  sale  of  this  so-called  noxious  article  was, 
for  a  long  time,  prohibited  under  penalty  of  death. 

During  the  first  two  centuries  of  Spanish  dominion  but  little  direct 
attention  was  paid  to  the  tobacco  question  by  the  Government,  who 
only  nominally  held,  but  did  not  assert,  the  exclusive  right  of  traffic  in 


The  Government  Tobacco  Monopoly  293 

this  article.  At  length,  in  the  year  1781,  during  the  Gov. -Generalship 
of  Jose  Basco  y  Vargas  (a  naval  officer),  the  cultivation  and  sale  of 
tobacco  was  formally  decreed  a  State  monopoly,  which  lasted  up  to  the 
end  of  the  year  1882.  In  the  meantime,  it  became  an  important  item 
of  public  revenue.  In  1882  the  profits  of  the  Tobacco  Monopoly 
amounted  to  half  the  Colony's  Budget  expenditure. 

A  few  years  before  that  date  a  foreign  company  offered  to  guarantee 
the  Budget  (then  about  P.  15,000,000),  in  exchange  for  the  Tobacco 
Monopoly,  but  the  proposal  was  not  entertained,  although  in  the  same 
year  the  Treasury  deficit  amounted  to  P.2,000,000. 

By  Royal  Decree  of  July  1,  1844,  a  contract  was  entered  into  with 
the  firm  of  CTShea  &  Co.,  renting  to  them  the  Monopoly,  but  it  was 
suddenly'rescinded.  The  annual  profits  from  tobacco  to  the  Government 
at  that  date  were  about  P.2,500,000. 


Government   Profit 


1859  .    .     P.  4,932,463 

1860  .    .  over    5,000,000 
1869  .    .    .  5,230,581 


1840  .  .  P.2,123,505 

1845  .  .  2,570,679 

1850  .  .  3,036,611 

1855  .  .  3,721,168 

A  bale  of  tobacco  contains  4,000  leaves  in  40  bundles  {munos),  of  100  leaves  each. 

The  classification  of  the  deliveries  depended  on  the  districts  where 
the  crop  was  raised  and  the  length  of  the  leaf. 

The  tobacco  trade  being  also  a  Government  concern  in  Spain, 
this  Colony  was  required  to  supply  the  Peninsula  State  Factories  with 
90,000  quintals  (of  100  Span,  lbs.)  of  tobacco-leaf  per  annum. 

Government  Monopoly  was  in  force  in  Luzon  Island  only.  The 
tobacco  districts  of  that  island  were  Cagayan  Valley  (which  comprises 
La  Isabela),  La  Union,  El  Abra,  Ilocos  Sur  y  Norte  and  Nueva  Ecija. 
In  no  other  part  of  Luzon  was  tobacco-planting  allowed,  except  for  a 
short  period  on  the  Caraballo  range,  inhabited  by  undomesticated 
mountain  tribes,  upon  whom  prohibition  would  have  been  difficult  to 
enforce.  In  1842  the  Igorrotes  were  allowed  to  plant,  and,  in  the  year 
1853,  the  Government  collection  from  this  source  amounted  to  25,000 
bales  of  excellent  quality.  The  total  population  of  these  districts  was, 
in  1882  (the  last  year  of  Monopoly),  about  785,000. 

The  Visayas  Islands  were  never  under  the  Monopoly  system.  The 
natives  there  were  free  to  raise  tobacco  or  other  crops  on  their  land.  It 
was  not  until  1840  that  tobacco- planting  attracted  general  attention  in 
Visayas.  Government  factories  or  collecting-centres  were  established 
there  for  classifying  and  storing  such  tobacco  as  the  Visayos  cared  to 
bring  in  for  sale  to  the  State,  but  they  were  at  liberty  to  sell  their 
produce  privately  or  in  the  public  markets.  They  also  disposed  of  large 
quantities  by  contraband  to  the  Luzon  Island  Provinces.1 

1  Vide  Instructions  re  Contraband  from  the  Treasury  Superintendent,  Juan 
Manuel  de  la  Matta,  to  the  "  Intendente  de  Visayas "  in  1843. 


294  Tobacco-growing  by  compulsory  labour 

Antique  Province  never  yielded  more  tobacco  than  could  be  con- 
sumed locally.  In  1841  the  Antique  tobacco  crop  was  valued  at 
P. 80,000.  But,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  higher  prices,  the  enthusiastic 
Provincial  Governor,  Manuel  Iturriaga,  encouraged  the  growers,  in 
1843,  to  send  a  trial  parcel  to  the  Government  collectors ;  it  was, 
however,  unclassed  and  rejected. 

Mindoro,  Lucban,  and  Marinduque  Islands  produced  tobacco  about 
sixty  years  ago,  and  in  1846  the  Government  established  a  collecting- 
centre  in  Mindoro  ;  but  the  abuses  and  cruelty  of  the  officials  towards 
the  natives,  to  force  them  to  bring  in  their  crops,  almost  extinguished 
this  class  of  husbandry. 

During  the  period  of  Monopoly  in  the  Luzon  districts,  the  produc- 
tion was  very  carefully  regulated  by  the  Home  Government,  by 
enactments  revised  from  time  to  time,  called  "  General  Instructions 
for  the  Direction,  Administration  and  Control  of  the  Government 
Monopolies." *  Compulsory  labour  was  authorized,  and  those  natives  in 
the  northern  provinces  of  Luzon  Island  who  wished  to  till  the  land  (the 
property  of  the  State)— for  title-deeds  were  almost  unknown  and  never 
applied  for  by  the  natives — were  compelled  to  give  preference  to  tobacco. 
In  fact,  no  other  crops  were  allowed  to  be  raised.  Moreover,  they  were 
not  permitted  peacefully  to  indulge  their  indolent  nature — to  scrape  up 
the  earth  and  plant  when  and  where  they  liked  for  a  mere  subsistence. 
Each  family  was  coerced  into  contracting  with  the  Government  to  raise 
4,000  plants  per  annum,  subject  to  a  fine  in  the  event  of  failure.  The 
planter  had  to  deliver  into  the  State  stores  all  the  tobacco  of  his  crop — 
not  a  single  leaf  could  he  reserve  for  his  private  consumption. 

Lands  left  uncultivated  could  be  appropriated  by  the  Government, 
who  put  their  own  nominees  to  work  them,  and  he  who  had  come  to 
consider  himself  owner,  by  mere  undisturbed  possession,  lost  the  usufruct 
and  all  other  rights  for  three  years.  His  right  to  the  land,  in  fact,  was 
not  freehold,  but  tenure  by  villein  socage. 

Emigrants  were  sent  north  from  the  west  coast  Provinces  of  North 
and  South  Ilocos.  The  first  time  I  went  up  to  Cagayan  about  200 
emigrant  families  were  taken  on  board  our  vessel  at  North  Ilocos, 
en  route  for  the  tobacco  districts,  and  appeared  to  be  as  happy  as  other 
natives  in  general.  They  were  well  supplied  with  food  and  clothing, 
and  comfortably  lodged  on  their  arrival  at  the  Port  of  Aparri. 

In  the  Government  Regulations  referred  to,  the  old  law  of  Charles  III., 
which  enacted  that  a  native  could  not  be  responsible  at  law  for  a  debt 
exceeding  P.5,  was  revived,  and  those  emigrants  who  had  debts  were 
only  required  to  liquidate  them  out  of  their  earnings  in  the  tobacco 
district  up  to  that  legal  maximum  value. 

As  soon  as  the  native  growers    were   settled    on  their  lands  their 

1  Instruccion  General  para  la  Direction,  Administration  y  Intervention  de  las 
Rentas  Estancadas,  1849. 


Condition  of  the  native  growers  295 

condition  was  by  no  means  an  enviable  one.  A  Nueva  Ecija  land- 
owner and  tobacco-grower,  in  a  letter  to  El  Liberal  (Madrid)  in  1880, 
depicts  the  situation  in  the  following  terms  : — The  planter,  he  says,  was 
only  allowed  to  smoke  tobacco  of  his  own  crop  inside  the  aerating-sheds 
which  were  usually  erected  on  the  fields  under  tilth.  If  he  happened 
to  be  caught  by  a  carabineer  only  a  few  steps  outside  the  shed  with  a 
cigar  in  his  mouth  he  was  fined  2  pesos — if  a  cigarette,  50  cents — and 
adding  to  these  sums  the  costs  of  the  conviction,  a  cigar  of  his  own  crop 
came  to  cost  him  P.7.37|,  and  a  cigarette  P.1.87j.  The  fines  in  Nueva 
Ecija  amounted  to  an  annual  average  of  P.7,000  on  a  population  of 
170,000.  From  sunrise  to  sunset  the  native  grower  was  subject  to 
domiciliary  search  for  concealed  tobacco — his  trunks,  furniture,  and 
every  nook  and  corner  of  his  dwelling  were  ransacked.  He  and  all  his 
family — wife  and  daughters — were  personally  examined  :  and  often  an 
irate  husband,  father,  or  brother,  goaded  to  indignation  by  the  indecent 
humiliation  of  his  kinswoman,  would  lay  hands  on  his  bowie-knife  and 
bring  matters  to  a  bloody  crisis  with  his  wanton  persecutors.  .  .  .  The 
leaves  were  carefully  selected,  and  only  such  as  came  under  classification 
were  paid  for.  The  rejected  bundles  were  not  returned  to  the  grower,  but 
burnt — a  despairing  sacrifice  to  the  toiler  !  The  Cabezas  de  Barangay 
{vide  p.  223)  had,  under  penalty  of  arrest  and  hard  labour,  to  see 
that  the  families  fulfilled  their  onerous  contract.  Corporal  punishment, 
imprisonment,  and  amercement  resulted ;  of  frequent  occurrence  were 
those  fearful  scenes  which  culminated  in  riots  such  as  those  of  Ilocos 
in  1807  and  1814,  when  many  Spaniards  fell  victims  to  the  natives1 
resentment  of  their  oppression. 

Palpable  injustice,  too,  was  imposed  by  the  Government  with  respect 
to  the  payments.  The  Treasury  paid  loyally  for  many  years,  but  as 
generation  succeeded  generation,  and  the  native  growers'1  families  came 
to  feel  themselves  attached  to  the  soil  they  cultivated,  the  Treasury, 
reposing  on  the  security  of  this  constancy,  no  longer  kept  to  the 
compact.  The  officials  failed  to  pay  with  punctuality  to  the  growers 
the  contracted  value  of  the  deliveries  to  the  State  stores.  They  required 
exactitude  from  the  native — the  Government  set  the  example  of 
remissness.  The  consequence  was  appalling.  Instead  of  money 
Treasury  notes  were  given  them,  and  speculators  of  the  lowest  type 
used  to  scour  the  tobacco-growing  districts  to  buy  up  this  paper  at  an 
enormous "  discount.  The  misery  of  the  natives  was  so  distressing,  the 
distrust  of  the  Government  so  radicate,  and  the  want  of  means  of 
existence  so  urgent,  that  they  were  wont  to  yield  their  claims  for  an 
insignificant  relative  specie  value.  The  speculators  held  the  bonds  for 
realization  some  day  ;  the  total  amount  due  by  the  Government  at  one 
time  exceeded  P.l, 500,000.  Once  the  Treasury  was  so  hard-pressed 
for  funds  that  the  tobacco  ready  in  Manila  for  shipment  to  Spain  had 
to  be  sold  on  the  spot  and  the  90,000  quintals  could  not  be  sent — hence 


296  Tobacco  Monopoly  abolished 

purchases  of  Philippine  tobacco  had  to  be  made  by  tender  in  London 
for  the  Spanish  Government  cigar  factories. 

At  length,  during  the  government  of  General  Domingo  Moriones 
(1877-80),  it  was  resolved  to  listen  to  the  overwhelming  complaints 
from  the  North,  and  pay  up  to  date  in  coin.  But,  to  do  this,  Spain, 
always  in  a  state  of  chronic  insolvency,  had  to  resort  to  an  abominable 
measure  of  disloyalty.  The  funds  of  the  Deposit  Bank  (Caja  de 
Depositos)  were  arbitrarily  appropriated,  and  the  deposit-notes,  bearing 
8  per  cent,  interest  per  annum,  held  by  private  persons,  most  of  whom  were 
Government  clerks,  etc.,  were  dishonoured  at  due  date.  This  gave  rise 
to  great  clamour  on  the  part  of  those  individuals  whose  term  of  service 
had  ceased  (cesantes),  and  who,  on  their  return  to  Spain,  naturally 
wished  to  take  their  accumulated  savings  with  them.  The  Gov.-General 
had  no  other  recourse  open  to  him  but  to  reinstate  them  in  their  old 
positions,  on  his  own  responsibility,  pending  the  financial  crisis  and  the 
receipt  of  instructions  from  the  Government  at  Madrid. 

For  a  long  time  the  question  of  abolishing  the  Monopoly  had 
been  debated,  and  by  Royal  Order  of  May  20,  1879,  a  commission  was 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  convenience  of  farming  out  the  tobacco 
traffic.  The  natives  were  firmly  opposed  to  it ;  they  dreaded  the 
prospect  of  the  provinces  being  overrun  by  a  band  of  licensed  perse- 
cutors, and  of  the  two  evils  they  preferred  State  to  private  Monopoly. 
Warm  discussions  arose  for  and  against  it  through  the  medium  of  the 
Manila  newspapers.  The  "Consejo  de  Filipinas,11  in  Madrid,  had  given 
a  favourable  report  dated  May  12,  1879,  and  published  in  the  Gaceta 
de  Madrid  of  July  13,  1879.  The  clergy  defeated  the  proposal  by 
the  Corporations  of  Friars  jointly  presenting  a  Memorial  against  it — and 
it  was  thenceforth  abandoned.  The  Tobacco  Monopoly  was  the  largest 
source  of  public  revenue,  hence  the  doubt  as  to  the  policy  of  free  trade 
and  the  delay  in  granting  it.  There  existed  a  possibility  of  the  Treasury 
sustaining  an  immense  and  irretrievable  loss,  for  a  return  to  Monopoly, 
after  free  trade  had  been  allowed,  could  not  for  a  moment  be  thought  of. 
It  was  then  a  safe  income  to  the  Government,  and  it  was  feared  by 
many  that  the  industry,  by  free  labour,  would  considerably  fall  off. 

As  already  stated,  the  Government  Monopoly  ceased  on  December  31, 
1882,  when  the  tobacco  cultivation  and  trade  were  handed  over  to 
private  enterprise.  At  that  date  there  were  five  Government  Cigar  and 
Cigarette  Factories,  viz.  : — Malabon,  Arroceros,  Meisig,  El  Fortin,  and 
Cavite,  giving  employment  to  about  20,000  operatives. 

Up  to  within  a  year  of  the  abolition  of  Monopoly,  a  very  good 
smokeable  cigar  could  be  purchased  in  the  estancos l  from  one  half- 
penny and  upwards,  but  as  soon  as  the  free  trade  project  was  definitely 
decided  upon,  the  Government  factories,  in  order  to  work  off  their  old 
stocks  of  inferior  leaf,  filled  the  estancos  with  cigars  of  the  worst  quality. 
1  Licensed  depots  for  the  sale  of  monopolized  goods. 


Free  trade  in  Tobacco  ;    Government  losses         297 

The  Colonial  Treasurer- General  at  the  time  of  this  reform 
entertained  very  sanguine  hopes  respecting  the  rush  which  would  be 
made  for  the  Government  brands,  and  the  general  public  were  led  to 
believe  that  a  scarcity  of  manufactured  tobacco  would,  for  some 
months,  at  least,  follow  the  establishment  of  free  trade  in  this  article. 
With  this  idea  in  view,  Government  stocks  sold  at  auction  aroused 
competition  and  fetched  unusually  high  prices  at  the  close  of  1882  and 
the  first  month  of  the  following  year,  in  some  cases  as  much  as  23/- 
per  cwt.  being  realized  over  the  upset  prices.  However,  the  Treasurer- 
General  was  carried  too  far  in  his  expectations.  He  was  unfortunately 
induced  to  hold  a  large  amount  of  Government  manufactured  tobacco 
in  anticipation  of  high  offers,  the  result  being  an  immense  loss  to  the 
Treasury,  as  only  a  part  was  placed,  with  difficulty,  at  low  prices,  and 
the  remainder  shipped  to  Spain.  In  January,  1883,  the  stock  of  tobacco 
in  Government  hands  amounted  to  about  100  tons  of  1881  crop, 
besides  the  whole  crop  of  1882.  Little  by  little  the  upset  prices  had 
to  be  lowered  to  draw  buyers.  The  tobacco  shipped  during  the  first  six 
months  of  the  year  1883  was  limited  to  that  sold  by  auction  out  of  the 
Government  stocks,  for  the  Government  found  themselves  in  a  dilemma 
with  their  stores  of  this  article,  and  the  free  export  only  commenced 
half  a  year  after  free  production  was  granted.  On  December  29, 
1883,  a  Government  sale  by  auction  was  announced  at  50  per  cent, 
reduction  on  their  already  low  prices,  but  the  demand  was  still  very 
meagre.  Finally,  in  the  course  of  1884,  the  Government  got  rid  of  the 
bulk  of  their  stock,  the  balance  being  shipped  to  the  mother  country. 
The  colonial  authorities  continued  to  pay  the  ancient  tobacco-tribute 
to  Spain,  and  the  first  contract,  with  this  object,  was  made  during  that 
year  with  a  private  company  for  the  supply  of  about  2,750  tons. 

During  the  first  year  of  Free  Trade,  cigar  and  cigarette  factories 
were  rapidly  started  in  Manila  and  the  provinces,  but  up  to  1897  only 
some  eight  or  ten  factories  had  improved  the  quality  of  the  manu- 
factured article,  whilst  prices  rose  so  considerably  that  the  general 
public  probably  lost  by  the  reform.  Cigars,  like  those  sold  in  the 
estancos  in  1881,  could  never  again  be  got  so  good  for  the  same  price, 
but  at  higher  prices  much  better  brands  were  offered. 

A  small  tax  on  the  cigar  and  tobacco-leaf  trade,  officially  announced 
in  August,  1883,  had  the  beneficial  effect  of  causing  the  closure  of  some 
of  the  very  small  manufactories,  and  reduced  the  probability  of  a  large 
over-supply  of  an  almost  worthless  article. 

Export-houses  continued  to  make  large  shipments  of  leaf- tobacco 
and  cigars  until  the  foreign  markets  were  glutted  with  Philippine 
tobacco  in  1883,  and  in  the  following  years  the  export  somewhat 
decreased.  For  figures  of  Tobacco  Leaf  and  Cigar  Shipments,  vide 
Chap,  xxxi.,  "Trade  Statistics." 

As  to  the  relative   quality  of   Philippine  tobacco,  there    are    very 


298  Tobacco  trading  risks ;   qualities ;   districts 

divided  opinions.  Decidedly  the  best  Manila  cigars  cannot  compare 
with  those  made  from  the  famous  leaf  of  the  Vuelta  de  Abajo  (Cuba), 
and  in  the  European  markets  they  have  very  justly  failed  to  meet  with 
the  same  favourable  reception  as  the  Cuban  cigars  generally. 

During  my  first  journey  up  the  Cagayan  River,  I  was  told  that 
some  years  ago  the  Government  made  earnest  efforts  to  improve  the 
quality  of  the  plant  by  the  introduction  of  seed  from  Cuba,  but 
unfortunately  it  became  mixed  up  with  that  usually  planted  in  the 
Philippine  provinces,  and  the  object  in  view  failed  completely.  On 
my  renewed  visit  to  the  tobacco  districts,  immediately  after  the  abolition 
of  monopoly,  the  importance  of  properly  manipulating  the  green  leaf 
did  not  appear  to  be  thoroughly  appreciated.  The  exact  degree  of 
fermentation  was  not  ascertained  with  the  skill  and  perseverance  necessary 
to  turn  out  a  well-prepared  article.  Some  piles  which  I  tested  were 
over-heated  (taking  the  Java  system  as  my  standard),  whilst  larger 
quantities  had  been  aerated  so  long  in  the  shed,  after  cutting,  that 
they  had  lost  their  finest  aroma. 

There  are  many  risks  in  tobacco-leaf  trading.  The  leaf,  during  its 
growth,  is  exposed  to  perforation  by  a  worm  which,  if  not  brushed  off' 
every  morning,  may  spread  over  the  whole  field.  Through  the  indolence 
of  the  native  cultivator  this  misfortune  happens  so  frequently  that  rarely 
does  the  Cagayan  Valley  tobacco  contain  (in  the  total  crop  of  the  season) 
more  than  10  per  cent,  of  perfect,  undamaged  leaves.  In  the  aera ting- 
sheds  another  kind  of  worm  appears  in  the  leaf;  and,  again,  after  the 
leaves  are  baled  or  the  cigars  boxed,  an  insect  drills  little  holes  through 
them — locally,  it  is  said  to  be  "  picado.-" 

Often  in  the  dry  season  (the  winter  months)  the  tobacco-leaf,  for 
want  of  a  little  moisture,  matures  narrow,  thick  and  gummy,  and 
contains  an  excess  of  nicotine,  in  which  case  it  can  only  be  used  after 
several  years'  storage.  Too  much  rain  entirely  spoils  the  leaf.  Another 
obstacle  to  Philippine  cigar  manufacture  is  the  increasing  universal 
demand  for  cigars  with  light-coloured  wrappers,  for  which  hardly  two 
per  cent,  of  the  Philippine  leaf  is  suitable  in  world  competition, 
whilst  the  operative  cannot  handle  with  economy  the  delicate  light- 
coloured  Sumatra  wrapper.  The  difficulties  of  transport  are  so  great 
that  it  costs  more  to  bring  the  finest  tobacco-leaf  from  the  field  to  the 
Manila  factory  than  it  would  to  send  it  from  Manila  to  Europe  in 
large  parcels.  The  labour  question  is  also  an  important  consideration, 
for  it  takes  several  years  of  daily  practice  for  a  Filipino  to  turn  out 
a  first-class  marketable  cigar  ;  the  most  skilful  operatives  can  earn  up 
to  P.50  a  month. 

The  best  quality  of  Philippine  tobacco  is  produced  in  the  northern 
provinces  of  Luzon  Island,  the  choicest  selections  coming  from  Cagayan 
and  La  Isabela.  The  Provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Ilocos  Sur  y  Norte, 
La  Union,  Nueva  Ecija,  and  even  Pampanga,  yield  tobacco. 


Cigar  values 


299 


In  the  Visayas,  tobacco  is  cultivated  in  Panay  Island  and  on  the 
east  coast  of  Negros  Island  (district  of  Escalante)  and  Cebu  Island — 
also  to  a  limited  extent  in  Mindanao.  The  Visaya  leaf  generally  is 
inferior  in  quality,  particularly  that  of  Yloilo  Province,  some  of  which, 
in  fact,  is  such  rubbish  that  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  a  profit 
can  be  expected  from  its  cultivation.  The  Escalante  (Negros,  E.  coast) 
and  the  Barili  (Cebu  W.  coast)  tobacco  seemed  to  me  to  be  the  fullest 
flavoured  and  most  agreeable  leaf  in  all  the  Visayas. 

A  tobacco  plantation  is  about  as  pretty  as  a  cabbage-field. 

In  1883  a  company,  styled  The  General  Philippine  Tobacco  Com- 
pany ("  Compania  General  de  Tabacos  de  Filipinas ,1),  formed  in  Spain 
and  financially  supported  by  French  capitalists,  was  established  in  this 
Colony  with  a  capital  of  ^3,000,000.  It  gave  great  impulse  to  the 
trade  by  soon  starting  with  five  factories  and  purchasing  four  estates 
("  San  Antonio,"  "  Santa  Isabel,"  "  San  Luis,'"  and  "  La  Concepcion  "), 
with  buying-agents  in  every  tobacco  district.  Up  to  1898  the  baled 
tobacco-leaf  trade  was  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  this  company.  Little 
by  little  the  companv  launched  out  into  other  branches  of  produce- 
purchasing,  and  lost  considerable  sums  of  money  in  the  provinces  in 
its  unsuccessful  attempt  to  compete  with  the  shrewd  foreign  merchants, 
but  it  is  still  a  good  going  concern. 

Prices  and  Weights  of  some  of  the  best  Cigars  Manufactured  in  Manila 
packed  in  Boxes  ready  for  Use  or  Shipment. 


Per  Thousand. 

In  Boxes  of 

Per  Thousand. 

In  Boxes  of 

lbs. 

Pesos 

lbs. 

Pesos 

30 

500 

10 

17 

45 

50 

30 

200 

25 

17 

40 

50 

17 

150 

25 

12 

30 

50 

25 

125 

25 

16 

24 

50 

23 

70 

25 

12 

20 

100 

17 

60 

50 

16 

18 

100 

18 

60 

50 

4i 

13 

100 

Cigars  and  cigarettes  are  now  offered  for  sale  in  every  town,  village, 
and  hamlet  of  the  Islands,  and  their  manufacture  for  the  immense 
home  consumption  (which,  of  cigars,  is  about  one-third  of  the 
whole  output),  and  to  supply  the  demand  for  export,  constitutes  an 
important  branch  of  trade,  giving  employment  to  thousands  of  operatives. 


300 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

SUNDRY  FOREST  AND  FARM  PRODUCE 

Maize — Cacao — Coprah,  etc. 

Maize  (Zea  mays),  or  "  Indian  Corn,11  forms  the  staple  article  of  food  in 
lieu  of  rice  in  a  limited  number  of  districts,  particularly  in  the  South, 
although  as  a  rule  this  latter  cereal  is  preferred. 

Many  agriculturists  alternate  their  crops  with  that  of  maize,  which, 
it  is  said,  does  not  impoverish  the  land  to  any  appreciable  extent. 
There  is  no  great  demand  for  this  grain,  and  it  is  generally  cultivated 
rather  as  an  article  for  consumption  in  the  grower's  household  than  for 
trade.  Planted  in  good  land  it  gives  about  200-fold,  and  two  crops  in 
the  year  =  400-fold  per  annum  ;  but  the  setting  out  of  one  caban  of 
maize  grain  occupies  five  times  the  surface  required  for  the  planting  of 
the  same  measure  of  rice  grain.  An  ordinary  caban  of  land  is  8,000 
square  Spanish  yards  (vide  Land  Measure,  p.  271),  and  this  superficie 
derives  its  denomination  from  the  fact  that  it  is  the  average  area 
occupied  by  the  planting  out  of  one  caban  measure  of  rice  grain.  The 
maize  caban  of  land  is  quite  a  special  measure,  and  is  equal  to  5  rice 
cabans.  Estimating,  therefore,  the  average  yield  of  rice-paddy  to  be 
50  cabanes  measure  per  ordinary  caban  of  land,  the  same  superficie, 
were  it  suitable  for  maize-raising,  would  give  one-fifth  of  400-fold  per 
annum  =  80  cabanes  measure  of  maize  per  rice  caban  of  land. 

The  current  price  of  maize,  taking  the  average  in  several  provinces, 
is  rarely  above  that  of  paddy  for  the  same  measure,  whilst  it  is  often 
lower,  according  to  the  demand,  which  is  influenced  by  the  custom  of 
the  natives  in  the  vicinity  where  it  is  offered  for  sale. 

It  is  eaten  after  being  pulverized  between  stone  or  hardwood  slabs 
with  the  surfaces  set  horizontally,  the  upper  one  being  caused  to  revolve 
on  the  lower  one,  which  is  stationary.  In  many  village  market-places 
one  sees  heads  of  maize  roasted  and  exposed  for  sale.  This  is  of  a 
special  quality,  grown  in  alluvial  soil — the  intervals  of  rivers  which 
overflow  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year.  Three  crops  per  annum  are 
obtainable  on  land  of  this  kind,  so  that  the  supply  is  constant  all  the  year 
round.     Before  the  American  occupation,  the  price  of  the  raw  maize- 


Cacao-beans — Chocolate  301 

heads  to  the  market-sellers  was  about  60  cuartos  per  100,  which  they 
retailed  out  roasted  at  one  cuarto  each  (3|  cuartos  equal  about  one 
penny) ;  the  profit  was  therefore  proportionately  large  when  local 
festivities  created  a  demand. 

The  Cacao-tree — ( Theobroma  cacao,  or  "  Food  of  the  gods,11  as 
Linnaeus  called  it) — a  native  of  Central  America,  flourishes  in  these 
Islands  in  the  hot  and  damp  districts. 

It  is  said  to  have  been  imported  into  the  Philippines  towards  the  end 
of  the  17th  century  from  Mexico,  where  it  has  been  in  very  ancient  use. 
Gaspar  de  San  Agustin  records  the  following1: — "In  the  year  1670 
"  a  navigator,  Pedro  Brabo  de  Lagunas,  brought  from  Acapulco  a  pot 
"containing  a  cacao-plant  which  he  gave  to  his  brother,  Bartolome 
"  Brabo,  a  priest  in  Camarines,  from  whom  it  was  stolen  by  a  Lipa 
"  native,  Juan  del  Aguila,  who  hid  it  and  took  care  of  it,  and  from  it 
"  was  propagated  all  the  original  Philippine  stock." 

Outside  the  tropics  the  tree  will  grow  in  some  places,  but  gives  no 
fruit.  The  Philippine  quality  is  very  good,  and  compares  favourably 
with  that  of  other  countries,  the  best  being  produced  between  latitudes 
11°  and  12°  N. 

The  cultivation  of  cacao  is  an  extremely  risky  and  delicate  business, 
as,  often  when  the  planter's  hopes  are  about  to  be  realized,  a  slight 
storm  will  throw  down  the  almost-ripened  fruit  in  a  day.  A  disease 
sometimes  attacks  the  roots  and  spreads  through  a  plantation.  It  would 
be  imprudent,  therefore,  to  devote  one^  time  exclusively  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  this  product  at  the  risk  of  almost  instantaneous  ruin.  Usually, 
the  Philippine  agriculturist  rightly  regards  cacao  only  as  a  useful 
adjunct  to  his  other  crops.  In  the  aspect  of  a  cacao  plantation  there 
is  nothing  specially  attractive.  The  tree  itself  is  not  pretty.  The 
natives  who  grow  the  fruit  usually  make  their  own  chocolate  at  home 
by  roasting  the  beans  over  a  slow  fire,  and  after  separating  them  from 
their  husks  (like  almond-skins),  they  pound  them  with  wet  sugar,  etc., 
into  a  paste,  using  a  kind  of  rolling-pin  on  a  concave  block  of  wood. 
The  roasted  beans  should  be  made  into  chocolate  at  once,  as  by 
exposure  to  the  air  they  lose  flavour.  Small  quantities  of  cacao  are 
sent  to  Spain,  but  the  consumption  in  the  Colony,  when  made  into 
chocolate 2  by  adding  sugar,  vanilla,  cinnamon,  etc.,  to  counteract  the 

1  "  Hist,  de  Filipinas,"  by  Gaspar  de  San  Agustin.  MS.  in  the  Convento  de 
San  Agustin,  Manila.  The  date  of  the  introduction  of  cacao  into  these  Islands  is 
confirmed  bv  Juan  de  la  Concepcion  in  his  ' '  Hist.  General  de  Philipinas,"  Vol.  IX. 
p.  150.     Published  in  14  vols.,  Manila,  1788. 

2  The  word  chocolate  is  derived  from  the  Mexican  word  chocolatl.  The 
Mexicans,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  used  cacao-beans  as  money.  The  grandees 
of  the  Aztec  Court  ate  chocolate  made  of  the  ground  bean  mixed  with  Indian  corn 
and  rocou  {vide  W.  H.  Prescott's  "  Hist,  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  "). 

Chocolate  was  first  used  in  Spain  in  1520  ;  in  Italy  in  1606  ;  in  England  in 
1657,  and  in  Germany  in  1700. 


302  Cacao  cultivation — Castor*  oil — Gogo 

natural  bitterness  of  the  bean,  is  considerable.  In  making  the  paste, 
a  large  quantity  of  sugar  is  added,  varying  from  one-third  of  its 
weight  to  equal  parts,  whilst  one  pod  of  vanilla  is  sufficient  for  1^  lbs. 
of  cacao.  Chocolate  is  often  adulterated  with  roasted  rice  and  Pili 
nuts.  The  roasted  Pili  nut  alone  has  a  very  agreeable  almond  taste. 
As  a  beverage,  chocolate  is  in  great  favour  with  the  Spaniards  and 
half-castes  and  the  better  class  of  natives.  In  every  household  of  any 
pretensions  the  afternoon  caller  is  invited  to  "  merendar  con  chocolate," 
which  corresponds  to  the  English  "  5  o'clock  tea." 

The  cacao-beans  or  kernels  lie  in  a  fruit  something  like  a  gherkin, 
about  5  inches  long  and  3  inches  in  diameter,  and  of  a  dark  reddish 
colour  when  ripe.  The  tree  bears  its  fruit  on  the  main  branches,  or  on 
the  trunk  itself,  but  never  on  twigs  or  thin  branches.  The  fruit  contains 
from  15  to  25  beans,  in  regular  rows,  with  pulpy  divisions  between  them 
like  a  water-melon.  The  kernels  are  about  the  size,  shape,  and  colour 
of  almonds,  obtuse  at  one  end,  and  contain  a  fatty  or  oily  matter  to 
the  extent  of  one-half  their  weight.  In  order  to  make  "  soluble  cocoa  " 
as  sold  in  Europe  this  fatty  substance  is  extracted. 

The  beans  are  planted  out  at  short  distances  in  orchards,  or  in  the 
garden  surrounding  the  owners  dwelling.  The  tree,  in  this  Colony, 
does  not  attain  a  great  height — usually  up  to  10  feet — whereas  in  its 
natural  soil  it  grows  up  to  30  feet  at  least.  Like  coffee,  it  bears  fruit 
in  the  fourth  year,  and  reaches  maturity  in  the  sixth  year.  The 
fair  annual  yield  of  a  tree,  if  not  damaged  by  storms  or  insects, 
would  be  about  three  pints  measure  of  beans,  which  always  find  a 
ready  sale.  The  tree  is  most  delicate ;  a  slight  laceration  of  the  root, 
or  stagnant  water  near  it,  may  kill  it ;  it  needs  a  moisture-laden  sultry 
air,  which,  however,  must  not  exceed  75°  Fahr. 

If  all  went  well  with  the  crop,  large  profits  might  accrue  to  the 
cacao-planter,  but  it  rarely  happens  (perhaps  never)  during  the  six 
months  of  fruit-ripening  that  losses  are  not  sustained  by  hurricanes, 
disease  in  the  tree,  the  depredations  of  parrots,  monkeys,  rats,  and  other 
vermin,  etc.  Practically  speaking,  cacao-planting  should  only  be 
undertaken  in  this  Colony  by  agriculturists  who  have  spare  capital  and 
can  afford  to  lose  a  crop  one  year  to  make  up  for  it  in  the  next.  The 
venture  pays  handsomely  in  fortunate  seasons,  but  it  is  not  the  line  of 
planting  to  be  taken  up  by  hand-to-mouth  colonists  who  must  seek 
immediate  returns,  nor  as  a  sole  occupation. 

****** 

Castor  Oil  is  obtained  in  a  few  places  from  the  seeds  of  the  Palma 
Christi  or  Ricinus  communis,  but  the  plant  is  not  cultivated,  and  the  oil 
has  not  yet  become  an  article  of  current  trade. 

Gogo  (Entada  purscetha),  sometimes  called  Baijogo  in  Tagalog,  is 
a  useful  forest  product  in  general  demand,  on  sale  at  every  market- 
place and  native  general  shop.     It  is  a  fibrous  bark,  taken  in  strips  of 


Camote — Gobi — Mani — A  reca-nut — Buyo  303 

S  or  4  feet  long.  It  looks  exactly  like ,  cocoa-nut  coir,  except  that  its 
colour  is  a  little  lighter  and  brighter.  It  is  used  for  cleansing  the  hair, 
for  which  purpose  a  handful  is  put  to  soak  in  a  basin  of, water  over- 
night, and  the  next  morning  it  will  saponify  when  rubbed  between  the 
hands.  The  soap  which  issues  therefrom  is  then  rubbed  in  the  hair  at 
the  time  of  bathing.  It  is  in  common  use  among  the  natives  of  both 
sexes  and  many  Europeans.  An  infusion  of  Gogo  is  a  purgative.  If 
placed  dry  in  the  tinaja  jars  (Tagalog,  Tapayan),  containing  cacao- 
beans,  the  insects  will  not  attack  the  beans. 

Camote  {Convolvulus  batatas)  is  the  sweet  potato  or  Yam,  the  foliage 
of  which  quickly  spreads  out  like  a  carpet  over  the  soil  and  forms 
tubers,  like  the  common  potato.  It  is  a  favourite  article  of  food  among 
the  natives,  and  in  nearly  every  island  it  is  also  found  wild.  In  kitchen- 
gardens  it  is  planted  like  the  potato,  the  tuber  being  cut  in  pieces. 
Sometimes  it  is  dried  (Tagalog,  Pacumbong  camote).  It  is  also 
preserved  whole  in  molasses  (Tagalog,  Palubog  na  camote). 

Gabi  (Caladhim)  is  another  kind  of  esculent  root,  palatable  to 
the  natives,  similar  to  the  turnip,  and  throws  up  stalks  from  1  to  3  feet 
high,  at  the  end  of  which  is  an  almost  round  leaf,  dark  green,  from 
3  to  5  inches  diameter  at  maturity. 

Potatoes  are  grown  in  Cebu  Island,  but  they  are  rarely  any  larger 
than  walnuts.  With  very  special  care  a  lai'ger  size  has  been  raised  in 
Negros  Island  ;  also  potatoes  of  excellent  flavour  and  of  a  pinkish  colour 
are  cultivated  in  the  district  of  Benguet ;  in  Manila  there  is  a  certain 
demand  for  this  last  kind. 

Mani  (Arachis  hypogcea),  commonly  called  the  "  Pea- nut,"  is  a 
creeping  plant,  which  grows  wild  in  many  places.  It  is  much  cultivated, 
however,  partly  for  the  sake  of  the  nut  or  fruit,  but  principally  for  the 
leaves  and  stalks,  which,  when  dried,  even  months  old,  serve  as  an 
excellent  and  nutritious  fodder  for  ponies.  It  contains  a  large  quantity 
of  oil,  and  in  some  districts  it  is  preferred  to  the  fresh-cut  zacate  grass, 
with  which  the  ponies  and  cattle  are  fed  in  Manila. 

The  Philippine  pea-nut  is  about  as  large  as  that  seen  in  England. 
In  1904  the  American  Bureau  of  Agriculture  brought  to  the  Islands  for 
seed  a  quantity  of  New  Orleans  pea-nuts  two  to  three  times  larger. 

Areca  Palm  (Areca  catechu)  (Tagalog,  Bonga),  the  nut  of  which 
is  used  to  make  up  the  chewing  betel  when  split  into  slices  about 
one-eighth  of  an  inch  thick.  This  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  palms. 
The  nuts  cluster  on  stalks  under  the  tuft  of  leaves  at  the  top  of  the  tall 
slender  stem.  It  is  said  that  one  tree  will  produce,  according  to  age, 
situation,  and  culture,  from  200  to  800  nuts  yearly.  The  nut  itself  is 
enveloped  in  a  fibrous  shell,  like  the  cocoa-nut.  In  Europe  a  favourite 
dentifrice  is  prepared  from  the  areca-nut. 

Buyo  (Piper  betle)  (Tagalog,  Igrno),  is  cultivated  with  much  care 
in    every    province,   as    its   leaf,    when    coated    with    lime    made   from 


804  Cocoanuts — Tuba  (beve?~age) 

oyster-shells  and  folded  up,  is  used  to  coil  round  the  areca-nut, 
the  whole  forming  the  buyo  (betel),  which  the  natives  of  these 
Islands,  as  in  British  India,  are  in  the  habit  of  chewing.  To  the  chew 
a  quid  of  tobacco  is  sometimes  added.  A  native  can  go  a  great  number 
of  hours  without  food  if  he  has  his  betel ;  it  is  said  to  be  stomachical. 
After  many  years  of  habit  in  chewing  this  nut  and  leaf  it  becomes 
almost  a  necessity,  as  is  the  case  with  opium,  and  it  is  believed  that, 
its  use  cannot,  with  safety,  be  suddenly  abandoned.  To  the  newly- 
arrived  European,  it  is  very  displeasing  to  have  to  converse  with  a 
native  betel-eater,  whose  teeth  and  lips  appear  to  be  smeared  with 
blood.  The  buyo  plant  is  set  out  on  raised  beds  and  trained  (like 
hops)  straight  up  on  sticks,  on  which  it  grows  to  a  height  of  about 
6  feet.  The  leaf  is  of  a  bright  green  colour,  and  only  slightly  pointed. 
In  all  market-places,  including  those  of  Manila,  there  is  a  great  sale 
of  this  leaf,  which  is  brought  fresh  every  day. 

Cocoanut  (Cocos  nucifera)  plantations  pay  very  well,  and  there  is 
a  certain  demand  for  the  fruit  for  export  to  China,  besides  the  constant 
local  sales  in  the  tianguis.1  Niog  is  the  Tagalog  name  for  the  cocoanut 
palm.  Some  tap  the  tree  by  making  an  incision  in  the  flowering  (or  fruit- 
bearing)  stalk,  under  which  a  bamboo  vessel,  called  a  bombon,  is  hung 
to  receive  the  sap.  This  liquid,  known  as  tuba,  is  a  favourite  beverage 
among  the  natives.  As  many  as  four  stalks  of  the  same  trunk  can 
be  so  drained  simultaneously  without  injury  to  the  tree.  In  the 
bottom  of  the  bombon  is  placed  about  as  much  as  a  desert  spoonful  of 
pulverized  Tongo  bark  (Rhizophora  longissima)  to  give  a  stronger  taste 
and  bright  colour  to  the  tuba.  The  incision — renewed  each  time  the 
bombon  is  replaced — is  made  with  a  very  sharp  knife,  to  which  a  keen 
edge  is  given  by  rubbing  it .  on  wood  (Erythrina)  covered  with  a  paste 
of  ashes  and  oil.  The  sap-drawing  of  a  stalk  continues  incessantly  for 
about  two  months,  when  the  stalk  ceases  to  yield  and  dries  up.  The 
bombons  containing  the  liquid  are  removed,  empty  ones  being  put  in 
their  place  every  twelve  hours,  about  sunrise  and  sunset,  and  the  seller 
hastens  round  to  his  clients  with  the  morning  and  evening  draught, 
concluding  his  trade  at  the  market-place  or  other  known  centres  of  sale. 
If  the  tuba  is  allowed  to  ferment,  it  is  not  so  palatable,  and  becomes 
an  intoxicating  drink.  From  the  fermented  juice  the  distilleries  manu- 
facture a  spirituous  liquor,  known  locally  as  cocoa-wine.  The  trees  set 
apart  for  tuba  extraction  do  not  produce  nuts,  as  the  fruit-forming 
elements  are  taken  away. 

The  man  who  gets  down  the  tuba  has  to  climb  the  first  tree,  on  the 
trunk  of  which  notches  are  cut  to  place  his  toes  in.  From  under  the 
tuft  of  leaves  two  bamboos  are  fastened,  leading  to  the  next  nearest 
tree,  and  so  on  around  the  group  which  is  thus  connected.  The  bottom 
bamboo  serves  as  a  bridge,  and  the  top  one  as  a  handrail.  Occasionally 
1  Tiangui,  from  the  Mexican  word  Tianguez,  signifies  "small  market," 


Process  of  Cocoanut  Oil  extraction  305 

a  man  falls  from  the  top  of  a  trunk  70  or  80  feet  high,  and  breaks  his 
neck.     The  occupation  of  tuba  drawing  is  one  of  the  most  dangerous. 

When  the  tree  is  allowed  to  produce  fruit,  instead  of  yielding  tuba, 
the  nuts  are  collected  about  every  four  months.  They  are  brought 
down  either  by  a  sickle-shaped  knife  lashed  on  to  the  end  of  a  long 
pole,  or  by  climbing  the  tree  with  the  knife  in  hand.  When  they  are 
collected  for  oil-extraction,  they  are  carted  on  a  kind  of  sleigh,1  unless 
there  be  a  river  or  creek  providing  a  water-way,  in  which  latter  case 
they  are  tied  together,  stalk  to  stalk,  and  floated  in  a  compact  mass, 
like  a  raft,  upon  which  the  man  in  charge  stands. 

The  water  or  milk  found  inside  a  cocoanut  is  very  refreshing  to 
the  traveller,  and  has  this  advantage  over  fresh  water,  that  it  serves 
to  quench  the  thirst  of  a  person  who  is  perspiring,  or  whose  blood  is 
highly  heated,  without  doing  him  any  harm. 

Well-to-do  owners  of  cocoanut-palm  plantations  usually  farm  out 
to  the  poorer  people  the  right  to  extract  the  tuba,  allotting  to  each 
family  a  certain  number  of  trees.  Others  allow  the  trees  to  bear  fruit, 
and  although  the  returns  are,  theoretically,  not  so  good,  it  pays  the 
owner  about  the  same,  as  he  is  less  exposed  to  robbery,  being  able 
more  closely  to  watch  his  own  interests.  The  trees  bear  fruit  in  the  fifth 
year,  but,  meanwhile,  care  must  be  taken  to  defend  them  from  the 
browsing  of  cattle.  If  they  survive  that  period  they  will  live  for  a 
century.  At  seven  years'  growth  the  cocoanut  palm-tree  seldom  fails 
to  yield  an  unvarying  average  crop  of  a  score  of  large  nuts,  giving 
a  nett  profit  of  about  one  peso  per  annum. 

The  cocoanut  is  largely  used  for  culinary  purposes  in  the  Islands. 
It  is  an  ingredient  in  the  native  "  curry "  (of  no  resemblance  to 
Indian  curry),  and  is  preserved  in  several  ways,  the  most  common 
being  the  Bocayo,  a  sort  of  cocoanut  toffee,  and  the  Matamis  na 
macapuno,  which  is  the  soft,  immature  nut  preserved  in  molasses. 

In  the  Provinces  of  Tayabas,  La  Laguna,  E.  Batangas  and  district 
of  La  Infanta,  the  cocoanut-palm  is  extensively  cultivated,  solely  for  the 
purpose  of  extracting  the  oil  from  the  nut.  The  cocoanut-oil  factories 
are  very  rough,  primitive  establishments,  usually  consisting  of  eight  or 
ten  posts  supporting  a  nipa  palm-leaf  roof,  and  closed  in  at  all  sides 
with  split  bamboos.  The  nuts  are  heaped  for  a  while  to  dry  anp 
concentrate  the  oil  in  the  fruit.  Then  they  are  chopped,  more  or  less, 
in  half.  A  man  sits  on  a  board  with  his  feet  on  a  treadle,  from  which 
a  rope  is  passed  over,  and  works  to  and  fro  a  cylindrical  block,  in 
the  end  of  which  is  fixed  an  iron  scraper.  He  picks  up  the  half-nuts 
one  at  a  time,  and  on  applying  them  to  the  scraper  in  motion,  the 
white  fruit,  or  pith,  falls  out  into  a  vessel  underneath.  These  scrapings 
are  then  pressed  between  huge  blocks  of  wood  to  express  the  oil,  and 
the  mass  is  afterwards  put  into  cast-iron  cauldrons,  of  Chinese  make, 
1  Spanish^  Carroza  ;  Tagalog,  Hila  or  Pardgus ;  Visaya,  Cdngas  or  Dagandan. 

20 


306  Coprali — Coir 

with  water,  which  is  allowed  to  simmer  and  draw  out  the  remaining 
fatty  particles,  which  are  skimmed  off  the  surface.  When  cold,  it  is 
sent  off  to  market  in  small,  straight-sided  kegs,  on  ponies  which  carry 
two  kegs — one  slung  on  each  side.  The  average  estimated  yield  of  the 
cocoanuts,  by  the  native  process,  is  as  follows,  viz.  : — 250  large  nuts 
give  one  cwt.  of  dried  coprah,  yielding,  say,  10  gallons  of  oil. 

Small  quantities  of  Cocoanut  Oil  (Tagalog,  Languis  ng  niog) 
are  shipped  from  the  Philippines,  but  in  the  Colony  itself  it  is  an 
important  article  of  consumption.  Every  dwelling,  rich  or  poor,  con- 
sumes a  certain  amount  of  this  oil  nightly  for  lighting.  For  this 
purpose  it  is  poured  into  a  glass  half  full  of  water,  on  which  it  floats, 
and  a  wick,  made  of  pith,  called  tinsin,  introduced  by  the  Chinese,  is 
suspended  in  the  centre  of  the  oil  by  a  strip  of  tin.  As  the  oil  is 
consumed,  the  wick  is  lowered  by  slightly  bending  the  tin  downwards. 
There  are  few  dwelling-houses,  or  huts,  without  a  light  of  some  kind 
burning  during  the  whole  night  in  expectation  of  a  possible  earthquake, 
and  the  vast  majoritv  use  cocoanut  oil  because  of  the  economy. 

It  is  also  in  use  for  cooking  in  some  out-of-the-way  places,  and 
is  not  unpalatable  when  quite  fresh.  It  is  largely  employed  as  a 
lubricant  for  machinery,  for  which  purpose,  however,  it  is  very  inferior. 
Occasionally  it  finds  a  medicinal  application,  and  the  natives 
commonly  use  it  as  hair-oil.  In  Europe,  cocoa-nut  oil  is  a  white 
solid,  and  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  soap  and  candles ;  in  the 
tropics  it  is  seldom  seen  otherwise  than  in  a  liquid  state,  as  it  fuses 
a  little  above  70°  Fahr 

It  is  only  in  the  last  few  years  that  Coprah  has  acquired  importance 
as  an  article  of  export.  There  are  large  cocoanut  plantations  on  all 
the  principal  islands,  whence  supplies  are  furnished  to  meet  the  foreign 
demand,  which  is  likely  to  increase  considerably. 

For  figures  of  Coprah  Shipments,  vide  Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics." 

Uses  are  also  found  for  the  hard  Shell  of  the  nut  (Tagalog,  Baoo). 
In  native  dwellings  these  shells  serve  the  poor  for  cups  (tabo)  and  a 
variety  of  other  useful  domestic  utensils,  whilst  by  all  classes  they  are 
converted  into  ladles  with  wooden  handles.  Also,  when  carbonized, 
the  shell  gives  a  black,  used  for  dyeing  straw  hats. 

Very  little  use  is  made  of  the  Coir  (Tagalog,  Bunot),  or  outer  fibrous 
skin,  which  in  other  countries  serves  for  the  manufacture  of  cocoanut 
matting,  coarse  brushes,  hawsers,  etc.  It  is  said  that  coir  rots  in  fresh 
water,  whereas  salt  water  strengthens  it.  It  would  therefore  be  un- 
suitable for  running  rigging,  but  for  ships'1  cables  it  cannot  be  surpassed 
in  its  qualities  of  lightness  and  elasticity.  As  it  floats  on  water,  it 
ought  to  be  of  great  value  on  ships,  whilst  of  late  years  its  employment 
in  the  manufacture  of  light  ocean  telegraph  cables  has  been  seriously 
considered,  showing,  as  it  does,  an  advantage  over  other  materials  by 
taking  a  convex  curve  to  the  water  surface — an  important  condition  in 


Nipa  Palm — Cogon-grass — Cotton-tree  307 

cable-laying.1  The  Spaniards  call  this  product  Banote.  In  this  Colony 
it  often  serves  for  cleaning  floors  and  ships1  decks,  when  the  nut  is  cut 
into  two  equal  parts  across  the  grain  of  the  coir  covering,  and  with  it 
a  very  high  polish  can  be  put  on  to  hardwoods. 

The  stem  of  the  Cocoanut  Palm  is  attacked  by  a  very  large  beetle 
with  a  single  horn  at  the  top  of  its  head.  It  bores  through  the  bark 
and  slightly  injures  the  tree,  but  I  never  heard  that  any  had  died 
in  consequence.  In  some  countries  this  insect  is  described  as  the 
rhinoceros  beetle,  and  is  said  to  belong  to  the  Dy7iastidce  species. 

In  the  Philippines,  the  poorest  soil  seems  to  give  nourishment  to 
the  cocoanut-palm  ;  indeed,  it  thrives  best  on,  or  near,  the  sea-shore, 
as  close  to  the  sea  as  where  the  beach  is  fringed  by  the  surf  at  high 
tide.  The  common  cocoanut-palm  attains  a  height  of  about  sixty 
feet,  but  there  is  also  a  dwarf  palm  with  the  stem  sometimes  no  taller 
than  four  feet  at  full  growth,  which  also  bears  fruit,  although  less 
plentifully.     A  grove  of  these  is  a  pretty  sight. 

Sir  Emerson  Tennent,  referring  to  these  trees  in  Ceylon,  is  reported 
to  have  stated 2  that  the  cocoanut-palm  "  acts  as  a  conductor  in 
"  protecting  houses  from  lightning.  As  many  as  500  of  these  trees 
"  were  struck  in  a  single  pattoo  near  Pattalam  during  a  succession  of 
"  thunderstorms  in  April  1859.ri — Colombo  Observer. 

Nipa  Palm  (Nipa  fruticans)  is  found  in  mangrove  swamps  and 
flooded  marshy  lands.  It  has  the  appearance  of  a  gigantic  fern,  and 
thrives  best  in  those  lands  which  are  covered  by  the  sea  at  high  tide. 
In  the  same  manner  as  the  cocoanut-palm,  the  sap  is  extracted  by 
incision  made  in  the  fruit-bearing  stalk,  and  is  used  for  distilling  a 
liquid  known  as  nipa  wine,  which,  however,  should  properly  be  termed 
a  spirit.  The  leaves,  which  are  very  long,  and  about  three  to  five  inches 
wide,  are  of  immense  value  in  the  country  for  thatched  roofs.  Nipa  is 
not  to  be  found  everywhere ;  one  may  go  many  miles  without  seeing 
it,  in  districts  devoid  of  marshes  and  swampy  lowlands.  In  El  Abra 
district  (Luzon  Is.)  nipa  is  said  to  be  unknown.  In  such  places,  another 
material  supplies  its  want  for  thatching,  viz. : — 

Cogon  {Saccharum  koenig'ii),  a  sort  of  tall  jungle  grass  with  a 
very  sharp  edge,  plentifully  abundant  precisely  where  nipa  cannot  be 
expected  to  grow.  I  have  ridden  through  cogon  five  feet  high,  but  a 
fair  average  would  be  about  three  to  four  feet.  It  has  simply  to  be 
cut  and  sun-dried  and  is  ready  for  roof  thatching. 

The  Cotton-tree  (Gossypium  herbaceum,  Linn.?),  (Tagalog,  Bulac), 
is  found  growing  in  an  uncultivated  state  in  many  islands  of  the 
Archipelago.     Long-staple    cotton  was    formerly  extensively  cultivated 

1  British  patents  for  papermaking  from  cocoanut  fibre  were  granted  to 
Newton  in  1852,  and  to  Holt  and  Forster  in  1854.  A  process  for  making  paper 
from  the  cocoanut  kernel  was  patented  by  Draper  in  1854. 

3  Vide  The  Tropical  Agriculturist,  Colombo,  August  2, 1886. 


308         Buri  Palm — Ditd — Talma  brava — Bamboo 

in  the  Province  of  Ilocos  Norte,  whence,  many  years  ago,  large  quantities 
of  good  cotton-stuffs  were  exported.  This  industry  still  exists.  The 
cultivation  of  this  staple  was,  however,  discouraged  by  the  local 
governors,  in  order  to  urge  the  planting  of  tobacco  for  the  Government 
supplies.  It  has  since  become  difficult  to  revive  the  cotton  production, 
although  an  essay,  in  pamphlet  form  (for  which  a  prize  was  awarded  in 
Madrid),  was  gratuitously  distributed  over  the  Colony  in  1888  with  that 
object.  Nevertheless,  cotton  spinning  and  weaving  are  still  carried  on, 
on  a  reduced  scale,  in  the  Ilocos  provinces  (Luzon  west  coast). 

Wild  cotton  is  practically  useless  for  spinning,  as  the  staple  is 
extremely  short,  but  perhaps  by  hybridization  and  careful  attention  its 
culture  might  become  valuable  to  the  Colony.  The  pod  is  elliptical, 
and  the  cotton  which  bursts  from  it  at  maturity  is  snow-white.  It  is 
used  for  stuffing  pillows  and  mattresses.  It  was  a  common  thing,  before 
the  American  occupation,  to  see  (wild)  cotton-trees  planted  along  the 
highroad  to  serve  as  telegraph-posts ;  by  the  time  the  seed  is  fully 
ripe,  every  leaf  has  fallen,  and  nothing  but  the  bursting  pods  remain 
hanging  to  the  branches. 

The  Buri  Palm  is  a  handsome  species,  of  tall  growth,  with  fan- 
like leaves.  Its  juice  serves  as  a  beverage  resembling  tuba.  The  trunk 
yields  a  sago  flour.  The  leaves  are  beaten  on  boulder  stones  to  extract 
a  fibre  for  rope-making,  of  great  strength  and  in  constant  demand. 

The  Dita  tree,  said  to  be  of  the  family  of  the  Apocynese  and 
known  to  botanists  as  Alstonia  scholaris,  is  possibly  a  species  of 
cinchona.  The  pulverized  bark  has  a  bitter  taste  like  quinine,  and  is 
successfully  used  by  the  natives  to  allay  fever.  A  Manila  chemist  once 
extracted  from  the  bark  a  substance  which  he  called  ditaine,  the  yield 
of  crystallizable  alkaloid  being  2  per  cent. 

Palma  Brava  (Coripha  minor)  (Tagalog,  Banga),1  is  a  species 
of  palm,  the  trunk  of  which  is  of  great  local  value.  It  is  immensely 
strong,  and  will  resist  the  action  of  water  for  years.  These  trees  are 
employed  as  piles  for  quay  and  pier  making — for  bridges,  stockades,  and 
in  any  works  where  strength,  elasticity,  and  resistance  to  water  are 
required  in  combination.  When  split,  a  fibrous  pith  is  found  in  the 
centre  much  resembling  cocoanut  coir,  but  the  ligneous  shell  of  the 
stem  still  retains  its  qualities  of  strength  and  flexibility,  and  is  used  for 
vehicle-shafts,  coolies1  carrying-poles,  and  a  variety  of  other  purposes. 

Bamboo  (Bambusa  arundinacea)  is  a  graminifolious  plant — one  of 
the  most  charmingly  picturesque  and  useful  adornments  of  Nature 
bestowed  exuberantly  on  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  grows  in  thick 
tufts  in  the  woods  and  on  the  banks  of  rivers.  Its  uses  are  innumerable, 
and  it  has  not  only  become  one  of  the  articles  of  primary  necessity  to 
the  native,  but  of  incalculable  value  to  all  in  the  Colony. 

There  are  many  kinds   of  bamboos,  distinct  in  formation  and  size. 
1  Not  to  be  confounded  with  Bangd, — Tagalog  for  a  terra-cotta  water-pot. 


Bamboo  ;   varieties  and  divers  uses  309 

The  Tagalog  generic  name  for  knotted  bamboo  is  Cauayan ;  the  Spanish 
name  is  Cana  espina.  The  most  common  species  grows  to  a  height  of 
about  60  feet,  with  a  diameter  varying  up  to  eight  inches,  and  is  of 
wonderful  strength,  due  to  its  round  shape  and  the  regularity  of  its 
joints.  Each  joint  is  strengthened  by  a  web  inside.  It  is  singularly 
flexible,  light,  elastic,  and  of  matchless  floating  power.  The  fibre  is 
tough,  but  being  perfectly  straight,  it  is  easy  to  split.  It  has  a  smooth 
glazed  surface,  a  perfectly  straight  grain,  and  when  split  on  any  surface, 
it  takes  a  high  polish  by  simple  friction.  Three  cuts  with  the  bowie- 
knife  are  sufficient  to  hew  down  the  largest  bamboo  of  this  kind,  and  the 
green  leaves,  in  case  of  extreme  necessity,  serve  for  horses1  fodder. 

There  is  another  variety  also  hollow,  but  not  so  large  as  that  just 
described.  It  is  covered  with  a  natural  varnish  as  hard  as  steel.  It  is 
also  used  for  native  cabin-building  and  many  other  purposes. 

A  third  species,  seldom  found  more  than  five  inches  in  diameter, 
is  much  more  solid,  having  no  cavity  in  the  centre  divided  by  webs. 
It  cannot  be  applied  to  so  many  purposes  as  the  first,  but  where  great 
strength  is  required  it  is  incomparable. 

When  the  bamboo-plant  is  cultivated  with  the  view  of  rendering 
it  annually  productive,  the  shoots  are  pruned  in  the  dry  season  at  a 
height  of  about  seven  feet  from  the  ground.  In  the  following  wet 
season,  out  of  the  clump  germinate  a  number  of  young  shoots,  which, 
in  the  course  of  six  or  eight  months,  will  have  reached  their  normal 
height,  and  will  be  fit  for  cutting  when  required.  Bamboo  should  be 
felled  in  the  dry  season  before  the  sap  begins  to  ascend  by  capillary 
attraction.  If  cut  out  of  season  it  is  prematurely  consumed  by  grub 
(gojo),  but  this  is  not  much  heeded  when  wanted  in  haste. 

The  northern  native  builds  his  hut  entirely  of  bamboo  with  nipa 
palm-leaf  or  cogon  thatching  ;  in  the  Province  of  Yloilo  I  have  seen 
hundreds  of  huts  made  entirely  of  bamboo,  including  the  roofing.  To 
make  bamboo  roofing,  the  hollow  canes  are  split  longitudinally,  and, 
after  the  webbed  joints  inside  have  been  cut  away,  they  are  laid  on  the 
bamboo  frame-work,  and  fit  into  each  other,  the  one  convexly,  the  next 
one  concavely,  and  so  on  alternately.  In  frame-work,  no  joiner's  skill  is 
needed ;  two-thirds  of  the  bamboo  are  notched  out  on  one  side,  and  the 
other  third  is  bent  to  rectangle.  A  rural  bung-alow  can  be  erected  in  a 
week.  When  Don  Manuel  Montuno,  the  late  Governor  of  Morong, 
came  with  his  suite  to  stay  at  my  up-country  bungalow  for  a  shooting  ex- 
pedition, I  had  a  wing  added  in  three  days,  perfectly  roofed  and  finished. 

No  nails  are  ever  used,  the  whole  being  bound  with  bejuco. 
The  walls  of  the  cabin  are  made  by  splitting  the  bamboo,  and, 
after  removing  the  webbed  joints,  each  half  is  beaten  out  flat.  Even 
in  houses  of  certain  pretensions  I  have  often  seen  split-bamboo  flooring, 
which  is  highly  effective,  as  it  is  always  clean  and  takes  a  beautiful 
polish    when  rubbed  over    a  few  times  with    plantain-leaves.       In  the 


310  Bqjo — Bejuco  (rattan) — Bush-rope 

parish  church  of  Las  Piiias,  near  Manila,  there  was  an  organ  made  of 
bamboo,  of  excellent  tone,  extant  up  to  the  year  of  the  Revolution. 

When  the  poor  village  native  wants  to  put  up  his  house  he  calls  a 
bayanin,  and  his  neighbours  assemble  to  give  him  a  hand.  The  bowie- 
knife  is  the  only  indispensable  tool.  One  cuts  the  bamboo  to  lengths, 
another  splits  it,  a  third  fits  it  for  making  the  frame-work,  another 
threads  the  dried  nipa-leaves  for  the  roofing,  and  thus  a  modest  bahay 
is  erected  in  a  week.  The  most  practicable  dwelling  is  the  bamboo  and 
nipa  house,  the  only  serious  drawback  being  the  risk  of  fire. 

Rafts,  furniture  of  all  kinds,  scaffolding,  spoons,  carts,  baskets, 
sledges,  fishing-traps,  fleams,  water-pipes,  hats,  dry  and  liquid  measures, 
cups,  fencing,  canoe-fittings,  bridges,  carrying-poles  for  any  purpose, 
pitchforks,  and  a  thousand  other  articles  are  made  of  this  unexcelled 
material.  Here  it  serves  all  the  purposes  to  which  the  osier  is  applied 
in  Europe.  It  floats  in  water,  serves  for  fuel,  and  ropes  made  of  it 
are  immensely  strong.  Bamboo  salad  is  prepared  from  the  very  young 
shoots,  cut  as  soon  as  they  sprout  from  the  root.  The  value  of  bamboo 
in  Manila  varies  according  to  the  season  of  the  year  and  length  of  the 
bamboo,  the  diameter  of  course  being  proportionate. 

Bojo  (Tagalog,  Buho)  is  a  kind  of  cane,  somewhat  resembling 
the  bamboo  in  appearance  only.  It  has  very  few  knots ;  is  brittle, 
perfectly  smooth  on  the  outer  and  inner  surfaces — hollow,  and  grows 
to  about  25  feet  high  by  2  inches  diameter,  and  is  not  nearly  so 
useful  as  the  bamboo.  It  is  used  for  making  light  fences,  musical 
instruments,  fishing-rods,  inner  walls  of  huts,  fishing-traps,  torches,  etc. 

Bejuco,  or  Rattan-cane,  belonging  to  the  Calamus  family  (Tagalog, 
Hiantoc,  also  Dit-dn),  is  a  forest  product  commonly  found  in  lengths 
of,  say,  100  feet,  with  a  maximum  diameter  of  half-an-inch.  It  is  of 
enormous  strength  and  pliancy.  Its  uses  are  innumerable.  When  split 
longitudinally  it  takes  the  place  of  rope  for  lashing  anything  together ; 
indeed,  it  is  just  as  useful  in  the  regions  of  its  native  habitat  as  cordage 
is  in  Europe.  It  serves  for  furniture  and  bedstead-making,  and  it  is  a 
substitute  for  nails  and  bolts.  Hemp-bales,  sugar-bags,  parcels  of  all 
kinds  are  tied  up  with  it,  and  hats  are  made  of  it.  The  ring  through 
a  buffalo's  nose  is  made  of  whole  rattan,  to  which  is  often  attached  a 
split  strip  for  a  guiding-rein.  Every  joint  in  a  native's  hut,  his  canoe, 
his  fence,  his  cart,  woodwork  of  any  kind — indeed,  everything  to  be  made 
fast,  from  a  bundle  of  sticks  to  a  broken-down  carriage,  is  lashed 
together  with  this  split  material,  which  must,  when  so  employed,  be 
bent  with  the  shiny  skin  outside,  otherwise  it  will  infallibly  snap.  The 
demand  for  this  article  is  very  large. 

Bush-rope  (Calamus  maximus)  (Tagalog,  Paldsan)  is  also  a  forest 
product,  growing  to  lengths  of  about  100  feet,  with  a  maximum 
diameter  of  one  inch  and  a  quarter.  It  is  immensely  strong.  It  is  used 
for  raft  cables  for  crossing  rivers,  stays  for  bamboo  suspension-bridges, 


G-um  Mastic — Ghitta-Percha — Edible  Bird's -nest    311 

and  a  few  other  purposes.  It  is  sometimes  found  with  knots  as  far 
apart  as  30  feet.  It  is  a  species  quite  distinct  from  the  Walking-stick 
Palasan  {Calamus  gracilis)  (Tagalog,  Tabola)  the  appreciated  feature 
of  which  is  the  proximity  of  the  knots.  I  have  before  me  a  specimen 
34  inches  long  with  26  knots. 

Gum  Mastic  (Almdciga)  is  an  article  of  minor  importance  in  the 
Philippine  exports,  the  supply  being  very  limited.  It  is  said  that  large 
quantities  exist ;  but  as  it  is  only  procurable  in  almost  inaccessible 
mountainous  and  uncivilized  districts,  first-hand  collectors  in  the 
provinces,  principally  Chinese,  have  to  depend  upon  the  services  and 
goodwill  of  unsubdued  tribes.  It  is  chiefly  obtained  by  barter,  and  is 
not  a  trade  which  can  be  worked  up  systematically.  The  exports  of 
this  product  fluctuate  considerably  in  consequence.  For  figures  of  Gum 
Mastic  shipments,  vide  Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics." 

Guti'a-Percha  was  formerly  a  more  important  article  of  trade  in 
these  Islands  until  the  Chinese  drove  it  out  of  the  market  by  adultera- 
tion.    A  little  is  shipped  from  Zamboanga. 

Wax  (Tagalog,  patquit)  and  Cinnamon  are  to  be  found  in  much  the 
same  way  as  gum  mastic.  There  is  a  large  consumption  of  wax  in  the 
Islands  for  candles  used  at  the  numerous  religious  feasts.  The  cinnamon 
is  very  inferior  in  quality.  It  is  abundant  in  Mindanao  Island,  but,  like 
gum  mastic,  it  can  only  be  procured  in  small  quantities,  depending  on 
the  caprice  or  necessities  of  the  mountain-tribes.  Going  along  the  sea- 
shore in  Zamboanga  Province,  on  one  occasion,  I  met  a  mountaineer 
carrying  a  bundle  of  cinnamon  to  Zamboanga  Port — many  miles 
distant — to  sell  the  bark  to  the  Chinese  at  P. 8  per  picul.  I  bought  his 
load,  the  half  of  which  I  sent  to  Spain,  requesting  a  friend  there  to 
satisfy  my  curiosity  by  procuring  a  quotation  for  the  sample  in  the 
Barcelona  market.  He  reported  that  the  quality  was  so  low  that  only 
a  nominal  price  could  be  quoted,  and  that  it  stood  nowhere  compared 
with  the  carefully  cultivated  Ceylon  product. 

Edible  BirdVnest  (Collocalia  troglodytes — Coll.  nodifica  esculenta 
Bonap.)  is  an  article  of  trade  with  the  Chinese,  who  readily  purchase  it 
at  high  prices.  It  is  made  by  a  kind  of  sea-swallow,  and  in  appearance 
resembles  vermicelli,  variegated  with  blood-coloured  spots.  The  nests 
are  found  in  high  cliffs  by  the  sea,  and  the  natives  engaged  in  their 
collection  reach  them  by  climbing  up  bush-rope  or  bamboos  with  the 
branch-knots  left  on  to  support  themselves  Avith  their  toes.  It  is  a  very 
dangerous  occupation,  as  the  nests  are  always  built  high  in  almost 
inaccessible  places.  The  Filipino  risks  his  life  in  collecting  them,  whilst 
the  Chinaman  does  the  safe  and  profitable  business  of  trading  in  the  article. 
In  the  Philippines  the  collection  begins  in  December,  and  the  birds 
deprived  of  their  nests  have  then  to  build  a  second  nest  for  laying  their 
eggs.  These  second  nests  are  gathered  about  the  end  of  January,  and 
so  on  up  to  about  the  fourth  collection.     Each  successive  nest  decreases 


SI  2     Trepang — Sapan-wood — Tree  Saps — Hardwoods 

in  commercial  value,  and  the  last  one  is  hardly  worth  the  risk  of  taking. 
Even  though  there  might  be  venturesome  collectors  who  would  dislodge 
the  last  nests,  the  wet  season  fortunately  sets  in  and  prevents  their  being 
reached,  hence  the  bird  is  at  length  able  to  continue  propagation. 
BirdVnest  soup  is  a  delicacy  in  great  demand  in  China. 

These  nests  are  chiefly  found  in  the  Calamianes  group  of  islands, 
particularly  in  Busuanga  Island.  The  Sulu  Archipelago  and  Palaiian 
Island  also    furnish  a  small  quantity  of  edible  birds'-nests. 

Balate,  or  Trepang,  is  a  species  of  sea-slug,  for  which  the  natives 
find  a  ready  sale  to  the  Chinese  at  good  prices.  The  fish  is  preserved 
by  being  gutted,  cooked,  and  sun-dried,  and  has  a  shrimp  taste.  It 
is  found  in  greatest  quantities  oft'  the  Calamianes  and  Palauan  Islands. 

Sapan-Wood  (Coesalpina  sappan)  (Tagalog,  Sibucao,  or  Sapang), 
of  an  inferior  quality  compared  with  the  Pernambuco  wood,  is  a 
Philippine  product  found  in  most  of  the  large  islands.  It  is  a  short, 
unattractive  tree,  with  epigeous  branches  spreading  out  in  a  straggling 
manner.  The  leaves  are  small  and  sparse.  The  wood  is  hard,  heavy, 
crooked,  and  full  of  knots.  It  sinks  in  water,  and  is  susceptible  of  a 
fine  polish.  It  is  whitish  when  fresh  cut,  but  assumes  a  deep  red  colour 
on  exposure  to  the  air.  The  only  valuable  portion  is  the  heart  of  the 
branch,  from  which  is  taken  a  dye  known  in  the  trade  as  "false  crimson,11 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  more  permanent  cochineal  dye.  The  whole 
of  the  colouring-matter  can  be  extracted  with  boiling  water.  It  is 
usually  shipped  from  Manila  and  Yloilo  as  dunnage,  a  small  quantity 
coming  also  from  Cebu.  For  figures  of  Sapan-wood  shipments,  vide 
Chap,  xxxi.,  "  Trade  Statistics.11 

The  Saps  of  certain  Philippine  trees  serve  to  give  a  polished  coating 
to  the  smoothed  surface  of  other  woods.  The  kind  which  I  have 
experimented  with  most  successfully  is  that  of  the  Ipil  tree  (Epema 
decandria).  This  gives  a  glazed  covering  very  similar  to  Japan-ware 
varnish.  It  takes  better  to  the  wood  in  a  cold  climate  than  in  the 
tropics.     I  have  tried  it  both  in  the  Philippines  and  in  Europe. 

Dye  Saps  are  also  numerous — for  instance,  that  of  the  species 
Marsedenia,  called  in  Bicol  dialect  Payanguit  and  Aringuit,  with  which 
hemp  can  be  dyed  blue  ;  the  juice  of  the  skin  of  a  root,  known  in  Bicol 
as  Morinda,  is  used  for  dyeing  hemp  red ;  the  sap  of  the  Talisay  tree 
(Terminalia  mauritiand)  gives  a  black  dye,  and  that  of  the  Cahimpit 
tree  {Terminalia  edulis)  is  a  good  straw-coloured  dye. 

Hardwoods. — These  Islands  are  remarkably  rich  in  valuable 
timber-trees.  For  some  of  the  details  which  I  will  give  of  the  properties 
and  applicability  of  the  varieties  in  general  demand,  I  am  indebted  to 
Mr.   H.  G.    Brown  (of  H.   G.   Brown  &  Co.  Limited,1  steam  saw-mill 

1  This  company  was  formed  in  Hong-Kong  and  incorporated  May  16,  1889,  with 
a  capital  of  P.  300,000  divided  into  6,000  P.  50  shares,  to  take  over  and  work  the 
prosperous  business  of  Mr.  H.  G.  Brown.     Its  success  continued  under  the  three 


Hardwoods  ;   varieties  and  qualities  313 

proprietors  in  Tayabas  Province),  admitted  to  be  the  most  experienced 
person  in  this  branch  of  Philippine  trade. 

Aranga  (Homalinm)  gives  logs  up  to  75  feet  long  by  24  inches 
square.  It  is  specially  used  for  sea  piling  and  all  kinds  of  marine  work 
which  is  subject  to  the  attacks  of  sea- worm  (Teredo  navalis). 

Acle  (Mimosa  acle)  gives  logs  up  to  32  feet  by  28  inches  square.  It 
is  strong,  tenacious,  and  durable,  whilst  it  has  the  speciality  of  being 
difficult  to  burn,  and  is  much  used  in  house-building  ;  it  polishes  well, 
and  is  much  prized  by  the  natives.  It  is  supposed  to  be  identical  with 
the  Payengadu  of  Burmah. 

Anagap  (Pithecolobium  mojitanum,  Benth.)  gives  logs  up  to  18  feet 
long  by  16  inches  square.  It  is  sometimes  used  for  house  furniture  and 
fittings  and  for  other  purposes  where  a  light  durable  wood  is  wanted 
and  is  not  exposed  to  sun  and  rain. 

Apiton  (Dipterocarpus  griffithi,  Miq.)  gives  logs  up  to  70  feet  long 
by  24  inches  square.  It  contains  a  gum  of  which  incense  is  made,  is 
light  when  seasoned,  works  well,  and  will  serve  for  furniture  and  general 
joiner's  purposes. 

Antipolo  (Artocarpus  incisa)  is  much  esteemed  for  vessels1  outside 
planking,  keels,  etc.  It  is  light,  very  strong,  resists  sea- worm  (Teredo 
navalis)  entirely,  and  effects  of  climate.  It  does  not  warp  when  once 
seasoned,  and  is  a  most  valuable  wood. 

Anobing  (Artocarpus  ovata)  is  said  to  resist  damp  as  well  as  Molave 
does,  but  it  is  not  appreciated  as  a  good  hardwood.  It  is  plentiful, 
especially  in  the  district  of  Laguna  de  Bay. 

Betis  (Azaola — Payena  betis?)  gives  logs  up  to  65  feet  long  by  20 
inches  square.  It  is  proof  against  sea- worm,  is  used  for  salt  or  fresh 
water  piling,  piers,  wharves,  etc.;  also  for  keels  and  many  other  parts  of 
ship-building,  and  where  a  first-class  wood  is  indispensably  necessary. 
It  is  somewhat  scarce. 

Batitinan  (  Lagerstrcemia  batitinan)  gives  logs  up  to  40  feet  long 
by  18  inches  square.  Is  very  strong,  tough,  and  elastic  ,•  generally  used 
for  ships'  outside  planking  above  water.  It  stands  the  climate  well 
when  properly  seasoned  ;  is  a  wood  of  the  first  quality,  and  can  be  used 
for  any  purpose  except  those  involving  interment  in  the  ground  or 
exposure  to  ravages  of  sea- worm.  This  wood  is  very  much  stronger 
than  Teak,  and  could  be  used  to  advantage  in  its  place  for  almost  all 
purposes.     It  makes  a  good  substitute  for  Black  Walnut  in  furniture. 

Banaba  (Mtinchaustia  speciosa — Lagerstremis  speciosa  ?) — a  strong 
and  useful  wood  much  used  in  house-  and  ship-building  ;  it  is  thoroughly 
reliable  when  seasoned,  otherwise  it  shrinks  and  warps  considerably. 

years'  able  management  of  Mr.  Brown.  During  that  period  it  paid  an  average 
yearly  dividend  of  8^%,  and  in  1890  its  shares  were  freely  dealt  in  on  the  Hong- 
Kong  market  at  50%  premium.  On  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Brown  in  March,  1891, 
the  company  gradually  dwindled  down  to  a  complete  wreck  in  1894.  It  is  still 
(year  1905)  in  liquidation. 


314  Hardwoods  ;   varieties  and  qualities 

Bansalagtie  {Mimusops  elengi,  Linn.)  gives  logs  up  to  45  feet  long 
by  18  inches  square.  It  seems  to  be  known  in  Europe  as  bullet-tree 
wood.  It  can  be  driven  like  a  bolt,  and  from  this  fact  and  its  durability 
it  is  frequently  used  for  treenails  in  ship-building  in  Manila,  etc.  It  is 
also  used  for  axe  and  other  tool-handles,  belaying-pins,  etc.,  and  on 
account  of  its  compact,  close  grain  it  is  admirably  adapted  for  turning 
purposes  ;  it  lasts  well  in  the  ground. 

Bancal  {Nauclea  gluberrima)  gives  logs  up  to  24  feet  long  by  16 
inches  square.  This  wood  is  of  a  yellow  colour  and  very  easy  to  work. 
It  is  used  for  general  joiner's  work  in  house-building,  etc. 

Cedar  {Cedrela  odorata),  of  the  same  natural  order  as  Mahogany 
(Linn.),  gives  logs  up  to  40  feet  long  by  35  inches  square,  and  is  used 
principally  for  cigar-boxes.  In  the  Colony  it  is  known  as  Calantds.  It 
makes  very  handsome  inside  house-fittings. 

Camagon  or  Mabolo  (a  variety  of  Diospyros  philoshantera)  is  pro- 
cured in  roughly  rounded  logs  of  9  feet  and  upwards  in  length,  by  up 
to  12  inches  in  diameter.  It  is  a  close-grained,  brittle  wood,  and  takes  a 
good  polish  ;  its  colour  is  black  with  yellow  streaks,  and  it  is  used  for 
furniture-making.  It  might  be  termed  the  Philippine  Coromandel  wood, 
and  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  "  false  ebony." 

Dungon  (a  variety  of  Herculia  ambiformis — Sterculia  cymbiformis, 
Blanco)  grows  up  to  50  feet  long,  giving  logs  up  to  20  inches  square. 
It  is  sometimes  called  Iivnzvood,  is  very  hard  and  durable,  and  specially 
strong  in  resisting  great  transverse  pressure,  or  carrying  such  weight  as 
a  heavy  roof.  It  is  used  for  keels  on  account  of  its  great  strength — it 
does  not  resist  the  sea-worm  ;  it  is  applied  to  all  purposes  in  Manila 
where  more  than  ordinary  strength  is  required  when  Molave  cannot  be 
procured  in  sufficiently  great  lengths  and  Ipil  is  unattainable. 

Dinglas  {Decandria — Bucida  comintana)  gives  logs  up  to  30  feet 
by  16  inches  square — occasionally  even  larger  sizes.  This  will  also 
serve  as  a  substitute  for  Black  Walnut  in  furniture  ;  it  is  very  strong, 
hard,  and  durable. 

Ebony  {Diospyros  nigra)  is  also  found  in  very  limited  quantities. 

Guijo  {Dipterocarpus  guijo)  gives  logs  up  to  75  feet  long  by  24 
inches  square — is  very  strong,  tough  and  elastic.  In  Manila  this  wood 
is  invariably  used  for  carriage  wheels  and  shafts.  In  Hong-Kong  it  is 
used,  amongst  other  purposes,  for  wharf-decks  or  flooring. 

Ipil  {Eperna  decandria)  gives  logs  up  to  50  feet  long  by  26  inches 
square.  It  has  all  the  good  qualities  of  Molave,  except  resistance  to 
sea-worm  (in  which  respect  it  is  the  same  as  Teak),  and  may  be  as  much 
relied  on  for  duration  under  ground ;  for  sleepers  it  equals  Molave. 

Lanete  {Anaser  laneti)  gives  logs  up  to  25  feet  long  by  18  inches 
square.  It  is  useful  for  sculpture,  musical  instruments,  decoration, 
turning,  and  cabinet  purposes. 

Lauan  {Dipterocarpus  thuriferd)  is  obtained  in   sizes  the  same  as 


Molave-wood  experiments 


815 


Guijo.  It  is  a  light,  useful  wood,  and  easily  worked.  It  is  said  that 
the  outside  planks  of  the  old  Philippine-Mexican  galleons  were  of  this 
wood  because  it  did  not  split  with  shot. 

Molave  (Vitex  geniculata)  (Tagalog,  Molauin),  gives  logs  up  to  25 
feet  long  by  24  inches  square.  It  resists  sea-worm  (Teredo  navalis), 
white  ants  {Termes),  and  action  of  climate,  and  consequently  is 
specially  valuable  for  work  on  the  surface  of  or  under  ground,  and 
generally  for  all  purposes  where  an  extra  strong  and  durable  wood  is 
required.  Often  growing  crooked,  it  is  commonly  used  (where  produced 
and  in  adjacent  countries)  for  frames  of  vessels.  Owing  to  its  im- 
perviousness  to  ligniperdous  insects  and  climate,  it  cannot  possibly  be 
surpassed  for  such  purposes  as  railway-sleepers.  This  wood  is  practically 
everlasting,  and  is  deservedly  called  by  the  natives,  "  Queen  of  the 
Woods."1"1  It  pays  better  to  sell  Molave  in  baulks  or  logs,  rather  than 
sawn  to  specification,  because  this  tree  has  the  great  defect  of  being 
subject  to  heart-cup. 

Mr.  Thomas  Laslett,  in  his  work  on  timber,1  says,  in  reference  to 
Molave,  "  It  can  be  recommended  to  notice  as  being  fit  to  supplement 
any  of  the  hardwoods  in  present  use  for  constructive  purposes."  From 
the  same  work  I  have  extracted  the  following  record  of  experiments 
made  by  Mr.  Laslett  with  this  wood  : — 

TENSILE  EXPERIMENTS.— AVERAGE  OF  FIVE  SPECIMENS 


Dimensions 

of 
each  piece. 

Specific  gravity. 

Weight  the  piece 
broke  with. 

Direct  cohesion 
one  square  inch. 

2"  x  2"  x  30" 

1021  -6 

lbs. 
31,248 

7,812 

TRANSVERSE  EXPERIMENTS.— AVERAGE  OF  THREE  SPECIMENS 


Deflections. 

Total 

weight 

required 

to  break 

each  piece. 

Specific 
gravity. 

Weight 

reduced  to 

specific 

gravity 

1,000. 

Weight 

required 

to  break 

one 

square 

inch. 

With  the 

apparatus 

weighing 

390  lbs. 

After  the 

weight 

was 

removed. 

At  the 

crisis 

of 

breaking. 

125 

•166 

5-166 

lbs. 
1,243  3 

1013 

1231 

lbs. 
310-83 

N.B. — It  breaks  on  test  with  a  scarf-like  fracture. 


1  "Timber  and  Timber  Trees,"  by  Thomas  Laslett  (Timber  Inspector  to  the 
Admiralty).     London,  1875. 


316  Hardwoods ;   varieties  and  qualities 

Mangachapuy  (Dipterocarpus  mangachapuy —  Vatica  apteraniherd) 
gives  logs  up  to  55  feet  long  by  20  inches  square.  It  is  very  elastic 
and  withstands  the  climate,  when  seasoned,  as  well  as  Teak.  It  is  used 
in  Manila  for  masts  and  decks  of  vessels  and  for  all  work  exposed  to 
sun  and  rain.  It  is  much  esteemed  and  in  great  demand  by  those  | 
who  know  its  good  qualities. 

Macas'm  can  be  used  for  interior  house  work  and  floors.  It  is 
somewhat  inferior  to  Banaba,  but  supplies  its  place  when  Banaba  is 
scarce.     It  can  be  got  in  greater  length  and  square  than  Banaba. 

Malatapay  (a  variety  of  Diospyros  philoshantera),  veined  black  and 
red.     It  resembles  Camagon. 

Mancono  is  a  very  hard  wood  found  in  Mindanao  Island ;  it  is 
classed  as  a  species  of  lignum-vitse. 

Narra  (Pterocarpus  palidus  santalinus)  gives  logs  up  to  35  feet 
long  by  26  inches  square.  It  is  the  Mahogany  of  the  Philippines, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  always  employed  in  Manila  in  the  manufacture  of 
furniture,  for  notwithstanding  its  somewhat  open  grain,  it  polishes 
well,  and  is  prettily  marked.  There  is  a  variety  of  shades  in  different 
logs  varying  from  straw  colour  to  blood-red,  the  former  being  more 
common  ;  all  are,  however,  equally  esteemed.  It  is  a  first-rate  wood 
for  general  purposes.  In  the  London  market  it  is  classed  with  the 
Padouk  of  Burmah. 

Palo  Maria  de  Playa  (P.  Polyandria — Calophyllum  inophyllum) 
(Tagalog,  Dangcaldn),  is  greatly  appreciated  for  crooks  and  curves, 
but  as  a  rule  cannot  be  found  of  suitable  dimensions  for  large 
vessels.  It  is  better  than  Molave  for  this  purpose,  for,  due  to  the 
absence  of  acrid  juices,  iron  bolts  do  not  corrode  in  it.  It  is  exceed- 
ingly tough  and  not  so  heavy  as  Molave. 

Supa  (Sindora  wallichii,  Benth.)  gives  logs  up  to  40  feet  long 
by  28  inches  square.  It  produces  an  oil,  and  is  a  strong  wood  for 
general  purposes,  polishes  well  and  can  be  used  advantageously  for 
house  decorations  and  furniture. 

Tindalo  (Eperna.  rhomboidea)  is  about  the  same  as  Acle  in  its 
principal  features,  but  not  notable  for  resisting  fire.  It  is  useful  for 
general  purposes,  and  in  particular  for  decorations  and  furniture.  It  is 
somewhat  brittle,  and  takes  a  high  polish. 

Yacal  (Dipterocarpus  plagatus)  gives  logs  up  to  50  feet  long 
by  22  inches  square.  It  is  proof  against  white  ants,  has  great 
strength  and  tenacity,  and  is  much  valued  in  Manila  for  house- 
building, etc. 

Natives  employed  in  the  felling  of  timber  often  become  very  expert 
in  the  selection  and  appreciation  of  the  standing  trunks. 

The  approximate  order  of  resistance  of  the  best  woods,  estimated 
by  their  practical  employment  and  not  by  theoretical  comparative 
experiments,  would  be  as  follows,  viz.  : — 


Relative  strengths — Timber  trade — Fruits 


317 


HARDWOOD   STRAINS 


Tensile  Strain. 

Transverse  Strain. 

1 

Dungon. 

8 

Acle. 

1 

Molave. 

8 

Banaba. 

2 

Yacal. 

9 

Narra. 

2 

Camagon. 

9 

Yacal. 

3 

Ipil. 

10 

Tindalo. 

3 

Ipil. 

10 

Mangachapuy. 

4 

Mangacbapuy. 

11 

Molave. 

4 

Acle. 

11 

Laiian. 

5 

Guijo. 

12 

Laiian. 

5 

Diingon. 

12 

Guijo. 

6 

Banaba. 

13 

Cedar. 

6 

Tindalo. 

13 

Cedar. 

7 

Camagon. 

14 

Lanete. 

7 

Narra. 

14 

Lanete. 

The  hardwoods  of  the  Philippines,  suitable  for  building  and 
trade  requirements  as  described  above,  are  those  in  general  use  only. 
Altogether  about  fifty  kinds  exist,  but  whilst  some  are  scarce,  others  do 
not  yield  squared  logs  of  sufficient  sizes  to  be  of  marketable  value. 
Amongst  these  are  the  Quercus  concentrica  (Tagalog,  A  lay  an),  a  sort  of 
oak ;  the  Gimbernatia  calamansanay  (Tagalog,  Calamansanay) ;  the 
Cyrtocarpa  quinqnestyla  (Tagalog,  Amagufs),  and  others. 

To  carry  on  successfully  a  timber  trade  in  this  Colony,  with  ability 
to  fulfil  contracts,  it  is  necessary  to  employ  large  capital.  Firstly,  to 
ensure  supplies  by  the  cutters,  the  trader  must  advance  them  sums 
amounting  in  the  total  to  thousands  of  pesos,  a  large  percentage  of 
which  he  can  only  nominally  recover  by  placing  them  against  future 
profits ;  secondly,  he  must  own  several  sailing-ships,  built  on  a  model 
suited  to  this  class  of  business.  Several  Europeans  have  lost  the  little 
money  they  had  by  having  to  freight  unsuitable  craft  for  transport  to 
the  place  of  delivery,  and  by  only  advancing  to  the  native  fellers  just 
when  they  wanted  logs  brought  down  to  the  beach,  instead  of  keeping 
them  constantly  under  advance.  With  sufficient  capital,  however,  a 
handsome  profit  is  to  be  realized  in  this  line  of  business,  if  it  is  not  killed 
by  too  much  new  legislation. 

So  far  Philippine  woods  have  not  met  in  London  with  the  appre- 
ciation due  to  their  excellent  qualities,  possibly  because  they  are  not 
sufficiently  well  known.  In  China,  however,  they  are  in  great  demand, 
in  spite  of  the  competition  from  Borneo  (Kudat  and  Sandakan)  and 
Australian  shippers.  Since  the  American  occupation,  large  shipments 
of  Oregon  Pine  have  been  made  to  the  Colony  :  how  this  wood  will 
stand  the  climate  is  not  yet  ascertainable. 


Fruits. — There  are  few  really  choice,  luscious  fruits  in  the  Philippines 
which  can  compare  with  the  finest  European  species.  Nothing  in  this 
Colony  can  equal  our  grape,  peach,  cherry,  or  strawberry. 

The  Mango  (Manguifera  indica — Pentandrie,  Linn.)  ranks  first  in 
these  Islands.     It    is  oblong — oval-shaped — flattened  slightly  on    both 


318  Fruits — The  Mango — The  Banana 

sides,  about  five  inches  long,  and  of  a  yellow  colour  when  ripe.  It 
is  very  delicious,  succulent,  and  has  a  large  stone  in  the  centre  from 
which  fibres  run  at  angles.  To  cut  it,  the  knife  must  be  pressed  down 
from  the  thick  end,  otherwise  it  will  come  in  contact  with  the  fibres. 
Philippine  mangoes  are:  far  superior  to  any  others  grown  in  the  East. 
This  fruit  has  a  slight  flavour  of  turpentine,  and,  as  to  smell,  Manuel 
Blanco l  doubts  whether  it  more  resembles  bugs,  onions,  or  tar.  The 
trees  are  very  large  and  majestic — the  leaves  are  dark  green,  and  the 
whole  appearance  strikingly '  noble.  Great  care  is  needed  to  rear  the 
fruit.  The  natives  cut  notches  in  the  trunk,  and  from  the  time  the  tree 
begins  to  flower  until  the  fruit  is  half  matured,  they  light  fires  on  the 
ground  under  its  branches,  as  the  smoke  is  said  to  hasten  the  develop- 
ment.    The  tree  begins  to  bear  fruit  at  ten  years  old. 

The  first  mangoes  of  the  season  are  forced,  and  even  picked  before 
they  are  ripe,  so  that  they  may  more  quickly  turn  yellow.  They  are 
brought  to  the  Manila  market  in  February,  and  fetch  as  much  as 
20  cents  each.  The  natural  ripening  time  is  from  the  end  of  March. 
In  the  height  of  the  season  they  can  be  bought  for  two  dollars  per 
hundred.  Epicures  eat  as  many  as  ten  to  a  dozen  a  day,  as  this  fruit 
is  considered  harmless  to  healthy  persons.  Mango  jelly  is  also 
appreciated  by  Europeans  as  well  as  natives.  Luzon  and  Cebu  Islands 
appear  to  produce  more  mangoes  than  the  rest  of  the  Archipelago. 
From  my  eight  mango-trees  in  Mdrong  district  I  got  annually  two 
pickings,  and  one  year  three  pickings  from  two  trees. 

There  are  other  species  of  mango-tree  of  the  genus  Terebinthacece, 
viz. : — Manguifera  anisodora,  M.  altissima,  M.  rostrata  and  M.  sinnata. 

The  Banana  or  Plantain  {Musa  paradisiaca)  is  plentiful  all  over  the 
Islands  at  all  seasons.  It  grows  wild,  and  is  also  largely  cultivated.  It 
is  the  fruit  of  an  herbaceous  endogenous  plant  of  the  natural  order 
Musaceoe.  It  is  said  that  the  specific  name  paradisiaca  is  derived,  either 
from  a  supposition  that  the  plantain  was  the  forbidden  fruit  of  Eden,2 
or  from  an  Arabic  legend  that  Adam  and  Eve  made  their  first  aprons 
of  the  leaves  of  this  tree,  which  grow  to  a  length  of  five  to  six  feet, 
with  a  width  of  12  to  14  inches.  Some  10  to  12  distinct  varieties  of 
bananas  are  commonly  to  be  seen,  whilst  it  is  asserted  that  there  are 
over  50  sorts  differing  slightly  from  each  other.  The  Tagalog  generic 
name  for  this  tree  and  fruit  is  Saguing.  The  species  known  in  Tagalog 
dialect  as  Lacatan  and  Bongulan,  of  a  golden  or  orange  tinge  when 
the  skin  is  removed  and  possessing  a  slight  pineapple  flavour,  are  the 
choicest.     The  Tondoc  is  also  a  very  fine  class.     The  stem  of  the  banana- 

1  The  same  writer  also  makes  the  following  interesting  remark  : — "  Y  tal  vez  de 
"  aqui  viene  el  olor  (brea)  como  empireumatico  muy  notable  de  los  excrementos  en 
"este  tiempo!"  Vide  "Flora  de  Filipinas,"  by  Father  Manuel  Blanco,  Vol.  I., 
p.  228.     Published  in  Manila  in  4  vols.,  1879. 

2  Clavigero's  "  Storia  Antica  del  Messico." 


The  Papaw — Sundry  Fruits  319 

plantain  is  cut  down  after  fruiting,  and  the  tree  is  propagated  by  suckers.1 
Renewal  of  the  tree  from  the  seed  is  only  necessary  every  12  to  18  years. 
The  fruit  is  borne  in  long  clusters  on  strong  stalks  which  bend  over 
towards  the  earth.  As  the  suckers  do  not  all  rise  simultaneously,  the 
stages  of  growth  of  the  young  fruit-bearing  trees  vary,  so  that  there  is 
a  constant  supply  all  the  year  round.  Moreover,  it  is  customary  to 
cut  down,  and  hang  up  in  the  house,  the  stalk  sustaining  the  fruit 
before  it  is  ripe,  so  that  each  fruit  can  be  eaten  as  it  matures.  The 
glossy  leaves  of  the  banana-plantain  are  exceedingly  beautiful.  They 
are  used  for  polishing  hardwood  floors  ;  they  serve  as  a  substitute  for 
plates  at  the  tidnguis  and  for  wrapping-paper  at  the  small  native  and 
Chinese  grocers1  shops.  In  rural  places  if  a  carromata  driver  cannot  find 
a  leather  horse-collar,  he  improvises  one  of  banana-leaf. 

The  Papaw  tree  {Carica  papaya)  flourishes  wild — a  prolific  growth — 
attains  a  height  of  20  to  25  feet,  and  is  very  picturesque.  The  leaves 
emerge  in  a  cluster  from  the  top  of  the  stem,  and  are  about  20  to  30 
inches  long.  They  can  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  soap  for  washing 
linen.  The  foliage  has  the  peculiar  property  of  making  meat  or  poultry 
tender  if  hung  up  in  the  branches.  The  fruit  is  of  a  rich  olive  green, 
and  remains  so  almost  to  maturity,  when  it  quickly  turns  yellow.  Both 
in  shape  and  flavour  it  is  something  like  a  melon,  and,  although  more 
insipid,  it  is  refreshing  in  this  climate.  Containing  a  quantity  of 
pepsine,  it  is  often  recommended  by  doctors  as  a  dessert  for  persons 
with  weak  digestive  organs. 

Besides  these  fruits,  there  are  Pomelo  oranges,  about  four  times  the 
size  of  the  largest  European  orange  ;  ordinary-sized  Oranges  of  three 
sorts;  Citron;  Jack  fruit  (Anona  muricata,  Linn.,  or  more  probably 
Artocarpus  integrifolia)  (Tagalog,  Nangcd) ;  Custard  Apples  {Anona 
squamosa,  Linn.)  (Tagalog,  Atis) ;  Bread-fruit  {Artocarpus  camansi) 
(Tagalog,  Dalangian  or  Dalamian)  ;  Lomboy  {Calyptrantes  jambolana — 
Icosandrie,  Linn.),  which  looks  like  a  damson  ;  Santol  {Sandoricum 
tematum — Decandrie,  Linn.),  delicious  prepared  in  syrup;  Condol, 
{Monoecia  syngenesia — Cucurbita  pepo  aspera),  a  kind  of  white  pumpkin 
for  preserving ;  Limes  (Tagalog,  Limonsuangi) ;  small  green  Limes 
(Tagalog,  Calamdnsi)  for  preserving ;  another  kind  called  Lucban  ;  a 
diminutive  Mango  {Manguifera  altissima)  (Tagalog,  Paho),  which  is 
brined  and  then  put  in  vinegar ;  Pomegranates  {Punica  granatum)  ; 
a  very  inferior  species  of  wild  Strawberry;  Chico  {Achras  sapota — 
Hexandrie,  Linn.),  the  Chico  sapoti  of  Mexico,  extremely  sweet,  the 
size  and  colour  of  a  small  potato ;  Lanson  {Lansium  domesticum),  a 
curious  kind  of  fruit  of  an  agreeable  sweet  and  acid  flavour  combined. 
The  pericarp  is  impregnated  with  a  white  viscous  fluid,  which  adheres 

1  British  patents  for  paper-making-  from  banana  fibre  were  granted  to  Berry 
in  1838  ;  Lilly  in  1854  ;  Jullion  in  1855  ;  Burke  in  1855  ;  and  Hook  in  1857.  In 
these  Islands  a  cloth  is  woven  from  this  fibre. 


320  Guava — Pineapple —  Tamarind — Mabolo 

very  tenaciously  to  the  fingers.  When  the  inner  membrane  is  removed 
the  edible  portion  is  exhibited  in  three  divisions,  each  of  which  envelops 
a  very  bitter  stone.     It  is  abundant  in  La  Laguna. 

Guavas  (Psidium  pyriferum  guyava,  Linn.)  (Tagalog,  Bay  abas) 
of  very  fine  quality,  from  which  jelly  is  made,  are  found  wild  in 
great  abundance.  They  are  so  plentiful  on  waste  lands  that  I  have 
never  seen  them  cultivated.  The  peel  is  an  excellent  astringent. 
Lemons l  of  two  kinds  are  grown — sometimes  as  many  as  a  dozen  of  the 
small  species,  about  the  size  of  a  walnut,  may  be  seen  hanging  at  one 
time  on  a  tree  only  18  inches  high ;  a  well-known  small  species  is  called 
Dayap  in  Tagalog.  Mangosteens,  the  delicate  fruit  of  the  Straits 
Settlements,  are  found  in  the  islands  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu.  In 
Mindanao  Island,  on  the  neck  of  land  forming  the  western  extremity, 
the  Durien  thrives.  It  is  about  as  large  as  a  pineapple,  white  inside, 
and  when  ripe  it  opens  out  in  three  or  four  places.  It  is  very  delicious 
eating,  but  has  a  fetid  smell.  The  seeds,  as  large  as  beans,  are  good  to 
eat  when  roasted.     The  tree  bears  fruit  about  every  20  years. 

Pineapples  (Bromelia  ananas,  Linn.)  are  abundant  in  the  Southern 
Islands,  where  they  are  cultivated  exclusively  for  the  sake  of  the  leaves, 
the  delicate  fibres  of  which  are  used  to  manufacture  the  fine,,  costly 
texture  known  as  Pina  (q^v.).  This  fruit,  which  is  not  so  fine  as  the 
Singapore  and  Cuban  species,  is  in  little  demand  in  the  Philippines,  as 
it  is  justly  considered  dangerous  to  eat  much  of  it. 

Grape  acclimatization  has  been  attempted  in  the  Philippines,  but 
with  very  mediocre  results.  Cebu  seems  to  be  the  island  most  suitable 
for  vine  culture,  but  the  specimens  of  fruit  produced  can  bear  no 
comparison  with  the  European.  In  Naga  (Cebu  Is.)  I  have  eaten 
green  Figs  grown  in  the  orchard  of  a  friend's  house. 

Tamarinds  (Tamarindus  indica,  Linn.)  (Tagalog,  Sampaloc)  are 
never  planted  for  the  sake  of  the  fruit.  The  tree  grows  wild,  and 
the  fruit  resembles  a  bean.  Picked  whilst  green,  it  is  used  by  the 
natives  to  impart  a  flavour  to  certain  fish  sauces.  When  allowed 
to  ripen  fully,  the  fruit-pod  takes  a  light-brown  colour — is  brittle, 
and  cracks  all  over  under  a  slight  pressure  of  the  fingers.  The  whole  of 
the  ripe  fruit  can  then  be  drawn  out  by  pulling  the  bean-stalk.  The 
ripe  tamarind  appears  to  be  little  appreciated  by  any  one,  and  it  is 
extremely  seldom  seen,  even  in  the  form  of  a  preserve,  in  a  native 
dwelling.  Containing,  as  it  does,  a  large  quantity  of  tannin,  it  is 
sometimes  used  by  the  Manila  apothecaries,  and  I  once  heard  that  a 
small  parcel  was  being  collected  for  shipment  to  Italy. 

The  Mabolo  (Diospyros  discolor)  (Tagalog,  Mabolo,  also  Talang)  is 
a  fruit  of  great  external  beauty  and  exquisite  aroma.  It  is  about  the 
size  of  a  large  peach,  the  pubescent  skin  being  of  a  fine  red  colour,  but 

1  To  express  juice  from  the  small  species  of  lemon,  the  fruit  should  be  cut  from 
the  stalk  end  downwards.     If  cut  otherwise  the  juice  will  not  flow  freely. 


SANTOL   FRUIT. 
i  ^RICUM  INDICUM.— Cav.— Blancc. 


Sundry  Vegetable  Produce — Flowers 


321 


it  is  not  very  good  eating.  Chillies  {Capsicum  minimum,  Blanco), 
Ginger  {Zingiber  officinale,  Linn.),  Capsicums  {Capsicum  tetragonum, 
Mill),  Capers  {Capparris  mariana)  and  Vanilla  are  found  in  a  wild 
state.  Sago  is  produced  in  small  quantities  in  Mindoro  Island,  where 
the  sago-plant  nourishes.  The  pith  is  cut  out,  washed,  sun-dried,  and 
then  pounded.  The  demand  for  this  nutritious  article  is  very  limited. 
In  1904  I  found  the  Cassava  plant  growing  near  the  south  coast  of 
Mindanao  Island. 

There  are  many  other  kinds  of  orchard  and  wild  fruits  of  com- 
paratively inferior  quality,  chiefly  used  by  the  natives  to  make  preserves. 
There  is  also  a  large  variety  of  tuberose  and  other  vegetable  products, 
never  eaten  by  Europeans,  such  as  the  favourite  Sincamas  {Decandria — 
Pachyrhizus  angidatus),  resembling  a  small  turnip.  The  natives  have 
a  taste  for  many  fruits  plucked  half  ripe. 

The  Flowers  of  these  Islands  are  too  numerous  for  their  description 
to  come  within  the  scope  of  this  work.  To  the  reader  who  seeks  an 
exhaustive  treatise  on  the  Botany  of  the  Philippines,  I  would  recommend 
Manuel  Blanco's  "  Flora  de  Filipinas," l  from  which  I  have  taken  the 
following  brief  notes. 


PHILIPPINE   FLOWERS 

According  to  Manuel  Blanco 


Dicotyledones 
Monocotyledones. 
Acotyledones  . 


Orders. 

Genera. 

Species. 

Varieties. 

126 

26 
3 

842 

325 
56 

2,571 

1,425 

483 

349 

270 

11 

155 

1,223 

4,479 

630 

Sub- varieties. 


5 

25 


30 


Some  of  the  most  curious  and  beautiful  botanical  specimens,  not 
already  described  in  the  preceding  pages,  are  the  following,  viz. : — 

Arum{?)  divaricatum,  Linn.  (Tagalog,  Gabigabihdn). — A  delicate 
bulb.     Common  in  Pasig  and  Manila. 

Amaryllis  atamasco,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Bdcong). — A  bulb.  Grows 
to  3  feet.     Beautiful  large  red  flower.     Blooms  in  February. 

Agave  americana  (Tagalog,  Magui). — It  is  one  of  a  large  variety 
of  Aloes.     (Mexican  origin  ?) 

Asplendium  nidus. — The  beautiful  Nest-fern. 

Bignonia  quadripinnata,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Pinca-Pincahan). — A 
curious  flower. 


1  "  Flora   de  Filipinas,"  by   Father  Manuel  Blanco, 
the  Augustine  Order  in  4  vols.,  1879. 


Published  in  Manila  by 
21 


322        Botanical  Specimens;   curious  and  beautiful 

Clerodendron  longiflorum,  D.  C. — An  extremely  beautiful  and 
delicate  white  flower. 

Cactus  pitqjaya,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Flor  de  Caliz). — Gives  a  grand, 
showy  flower. 

Caryota  ure?is,  Linn  (Tagalog,  Taquipan). — A  beautiful  palm. 
Grows  to  22  feet.  The  fruit,  when  tender,  is  masticated  like  the 
Areca  catechu. 

Caryota  onusta,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Cauong). — A  fine  palm.  Gives 
a  sweet  juice  which  turns  into  good  vinegar.  The  trunk  gives  a  Sago, 
called  by  the  natives  Yoro.  The  ripe  seeds  are  a  deadly  poison.  An 
infusion  of  the  seeds  in  water  is  so  caustic  that  it  has  been  used  to  throw 
on  to  Moro  pirates  and  thieves ;  wherever  it  touches  the  body  it  burns 
so  terribly  that  none  can  suffer  it  or  cure  it.  Sometimes  it  is  thrown 
into  the  rivers  to  stupefy  the  fish,  which  then  float  and  can  be  caught 
with  the  hand.  When  unripe  the  seeds  are  made  into  a  preserve.  The 
seeds  have  also  medicinal  properties. 

Crypto gamia. — Nine  families  of  very  luxuriant  ferns. 

Cryptogamia. — Boletus  sanguineus  (Tagalog,  Culapo). — A  curious 
blood-red  Fungus. 

Dillenia  Reifferscheidia  (Tagalog,  Catmon). — A  very  singular,  showy 
flower. 

Exocarpus  ceramica,  D.  C. — A  curious  Cactus. 

Euphorbia  tirucalli,  Linn. — A  curious  Cactus. 

Erythrina  carnea,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Dapdap). — Grows  to  20  feet. 
Gives  a  lovely  red  flower. 

Hibiscus  syriactis,  Linn.     (Several  varieties  of  Hibiscus.) 

Hibiscus  abelmoschus,  Linn. 

Mimosa  pudica,  Linn. — Mimosa  asperata,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Mahihin). 
— The  "  Sensitive  Plant,"  so  called  because  at  the  least  contact  with 
anything  it  closes  up  all  the  little  petals  forming  the  leaf.  It  is  one 
of  the  most  curious  plants  in  the  Islands.  It  has  a  small  red  flower. 
Grows  only  a  few  inches  from  the  ground,  among  the  grass. 

Mimosa  tenuifolia,  Blanco. — The  "  Sensitive  Tree,"1,1  which  has  the 
same  property  of  closing  the  leaf  on  contact. 

Mimosa  scutifera,  Blanco. — A  tree  with  seed-pods  hanging  down 
like  curls. 

Momordica  sphcero'idea,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Buyoc-buyoc). — Climbs  high 
trees.     The  fruit  is  eaten  when  cooked.     Soap  is  obtained  from  the  roots. 

Nelumbium  speciosum,  Wild  (Tagalog,  Baino ;  Igorrote,  Sucao). — 
An  aquatic  plant  found  in  the  Lake  of  Bay  and  other  places.  Beautiful 
pink  or  red  flower.     The  natives  eat  the  roots  and  seeds. 

Passiflora  laurifolia,  Linn. — A  curious  Passion-flower,  quite  different 
to  the  European  species. 

Pancratium  zeylanicum  (Tagalog,  Catongal). — A  bulb  giving  a  very 
peculiar  flower. 


THE   CHAMPACA  TREE. 
MICHELIA    CHAMPACA  —Linn.— Blanco 


LANSON    FRUIT 
LANSIUM  DOAfEST/CUM.— Jack.— Klxnco. 


The  priricipal  Orders  of  Orchids 


323 


Pinus  toeda. — The  only  kind  of  Pine  known  here.  To  be  found  in 
the  mountains  of  Mancayan  (Lepanto)  and  Benguet. 

Spathodea  luzo?iica,  Blanco  (Tagalog,  Tue). — Grows  to  15  feet. 
Gives  a  gorgeous  white  flower.  Common  on  the  sea-shores.  The  wood 
is  used  for  making  guitars  and  clogs. 


PHILIPPINE   ORCHIDS 

The  principal  Orders 

Natural  crosses  or  hybrids — rare  and  valuable. 


Genera. 

Species. 

Genera. 

Species. 

Aerides 

Augustiarium 

Phalaenopsis 

**Intermedia  portei 

Lawrenciae 

(contin  ued) 

**        ,,       lencorrhoda 

Marginatum 

Luddemaniana 

Quinquevulnerum 

ochracia 

Roebelinii 

Schilleriana 

Sanderianum 

Rosea 

Bulbophyllum 

Dearei 

Sanderiana 

Cymbidium 

Pendulum 

„        punctata 

„     atro  purpureum 

Stuartiana 

Cypripedium 

Laevigatum 

„       bella 

Boxallii 

,,        nobilis 

Stonei 

„        punctatissima 

Argus 

Schilleriana  vestalis 

Dendrobium 

Anosmum 

Veitchiana 

Aurem  philippinense 

„           brachyodon 

Crumenatum 

Erythroxanthum 

Platyclinis        \ 

Cobbiana 

Dearei 

or              > 

Filiformis 

Macrophyllum 

Dendrochilum  J 

Glumacea 

Superbum 

Uncata 

„            giganteum 

Renanthera 

Storiei 

Platycanlon 

Saccolabeum 

Violaccum 

Taurinum 

Blumei 

Gramatophyllum 

Measuresianum 

, ,      majus 

Multiflorum 

Sarcocliilus 

Unguiculatus 

„         tigrinum 

Speciosum 

Vanda 

Sanderiana 

Phalamopsis 

Amabalis 

, ,         albata 

**Casta 

„         labello  viridi 

**Intermedia 

Batemauii 

**        „        brymeriana 

Lamellata  boxallii 

The  generic  name  for  Orchid  in  TagaUog  is  Dapo. 
Some  interesting  facts  relating  to  Philippine  Botany 

Sweet-smelling  Flozvers  are  very  rare.  Of  the  few,  the  most  popular 
in  Manila  is  the  Sampaguita  (probably  a  corruption  of  the  Spanish  name 
Santa  Paquita),  which  is  sold  made  up  in  necklet  form  on  cotton. 

Looking  on  to  the  Pasig  River  at  Manila  in  the  early  morning,  one 


324  Botanical  Notes 


often  sees  large  masses  of  floating  verdure  of  a  small-cabbage  appearance. 
This  aquatic   plant  is  the  Pistia  stratiotes,  Linn.,  (Tagalog,  Quiapo). 

The  firewood  in  common  use  as  fuel,  in  great  demand,  and  known 
as  Raja  de  Tangal,  is  the  Rhizophora  longissvma.  It  is  also  useful  for 
fencing,  roof-framing,  etc.  Another  well-known  firewood  is  the  Rhizo- 
phora gynnorhiza  (Tagalog,  Bacauari).  Langary  is  also  used  as  firewood 
of  an  inferior  quality.     They  are  swamp-trees. 

The  species  Pteclobyum  gives  the  "  Locust-bean,'1  as  sold  at  every  little 
sweetmeat  shop  in  London.  This  tree  (when  raised  on  or  transplanted 
to  highlands)  may  be  called  the  friend  of  the  coffee-plant,  for  it  opens 
its  leaves  in  the  sunshine  to  shade  it  and  closes  them  when  rain  is 
about  to  fall,  so  that  the  coffee-plant  may  be  refreshed  by  the 
water.  Also,  at  night,  it  closes  its  leaves  to  give  the  coffee-plant  the 
benefit  of  the  dew.  Another  peculiar  feature  is  that  the  branches 
lopped  off  for  household  fuel  can,  when  barked,  be  used  at  once, 
without  needing  to  be  dried  or  seasoned.  Its  natural  habitat  is 
the  mangrove  swamp,  and  the  trunk  and  root  give  market  fuel. 

Colot-colotdn,  or  Manquit,  is  the  Tagalog  name  given  to  the 
Chrysopogon  acicidatus,  Trin.  (Spanish,  Amor  seco) — the  little  particles 
like  pointed  grass-seeds  which  stick  to  one's  trousers  or  skirt  when 
crossing  an  uncultivated  field  and  can  only  be  removed  by  picking 
them  out  one  by  one. 

The  Tagalog  affix  aso,  to  the  name  of  a  botanical  specimen,  means 
pseudo,  i.e.  not  the  genuine  species ;  v.g.,  Smcamas  is  the  Decandria — 
Pachyrhizus  angidatus  (vide  p.  321),  whereas  Sincamas-aso  is  the  D. — 
Pachyrhizus  montanus. 

Many  places  take  their  names  from  trees  and  plants,  v.g.  : — 


Antipolo 

(Rizal) 

a  tree. 

Bauang 

(Batangas) 

garlic. 

Bulacan 

(Bulacan) 

a  tree. 

Capas 

(Pangasinan) 

the  cotton-tree  (Igorrote  dialect) 

Camagon  Is 

a  tree. 

Cabuyao 

(Laguna) 

}) 

Calumpit 

(Bulacan) 

)) 

Culasi 

(Antique) 

a 

Iba 

(Zambales) 

a  plant. 

Lucbang 

(Tayabas) 

a  small  lime. 

Lipa 

(Batangas) 

nettle. 

Quiapo 

(Manila  suburb) 

an  aquatic  plant. 

Sampaloc 

\      ,,          „       ) 

the  tamarind-tree. 

Salomague 

(Ilocos) 

„          „      (Igorrote  dialect). 

Tabaco 

(Albay) 

the  tobacco-plant. 

Taal 

(Batangas) 

a  tree  (same  as  Ipil). 

Talisay 

(        „        ) 

)> 

Medicinal  Herbs,  Roots,  Leaves,  and  Barks  abound  everywhere.  Nature 
provides  ample  remedies  for  dysenteric,  strumatic,  scorbutic,  and  many 
other  diseases.  An  extensive  work  on  the  subject  was  compiled  by 
Ignacio  de   Mercado,  the  son  of  a  Spanish  creole  father  and  Tagalog 


THE  YLANG-YLANG  TREE. 
UNONA    ODORA  TISSIMA—  Blanco.  CAiVANGA    ODORATA.—Mook..—Miq. 


Medicinal  Mer^^Moots,  etc. — Perfumes  325 


mother,  born  in  1648  at  Paranaque,  seven  miles  from  Manila.  He  was 
parish  priest  in  Lipa  in  1674,  and  subsequently  held  several  other 
incumbencies  up  to  his  death,  which  took  place  in  Bauang  (Batangas) 
on  March  29,  1698.  His  MS.  passed  from  the  pharmacy  of  one 
religious  corporation  to  another  to  be  copied,  and  for  over  a  century 
after  the  British  occupation  of  Manila  (1762-63)  it  was  supposed 
to  be  lost.  Finally,  in  1876,  it  was  discovered  by  Don  Domingo 
Vidal  y  Soler,  who  gave  it  to  the  Augustine  friars  for  publication,  but 
I  am  not  aware  that  it  was  ever  printed.  According  to  Manuel  Blanco, 
Ignacio  de  Mercado's  MS.  describes  483  medicinal  specimens,  and 
attached  to  the  description  are  171  coloured  sketches  of  medicinal 
plants,  leaves,  woods,  and  barks,  and  also  35  coloured  sketches  of  plants, 
etc.,  without  any  description  of  their  medicinal  properties.  The  only 
one  of  these  remedies  which  I  have  had  occasion  to  test  on  myself 
is  Tagidauay  Oil,  extracted  from  the  leaves  of  the  plant  called  in 
Tagalog  Tangantangan.     It  is  an  excellent  styptic. 

Ylang-Ylang(Anona  odoratissima,  Blanco;  Cananga  odorata,  Hook) 
and  Champaca  (Alichelia  champaca,  Linn.)  yield  odoriferous  essential 
oils,  and  these  fine  perfumes  are,  especially  the  former,  exported  to 
foreign  countries.  The  expoi't  of  Ylang-Ylang  in  the  years  1902  and 
1903  amounted  to  3,949  and  5,942  gallons  respectively. 


326 


CHAPTER    XIX 

MINERAL   PRODUCTS 

Coal — Gold — Iron — Copper — Sulphur,  etc. 

Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  manufacturing  industries  in  this  Colony,  the 
consumption  of  Coal  is  very  limited,  and  up  to  1889  it  hardly  exceeded 
25,000  tons  per  annum.  In  1892  nearly  double  that  quantity  found 
a  market.  In  1896  the  coal  imported  from  Newcastle  (New  South 
Wales)  alone  amounted  to  65,782  tons;  in  1897  to  89,798  tons.  A 
small  proportion  of  this  is  employed  in  the  forges,  foundries,  and 
a  few  steam-power  factories,  most  of  them  situated  around  Manila,  but 
by  far  the  greater  demand  is  for  coaling  steam-ships.  Since  the 
American  occupation  the  increase  of  steam-shipping  and  the  establish- 
ment of  ice-plants  all  over  the  Colony  have  raised  the  consumption  of 
coal.  Wood  fuel  is  still  so  abundant  in  rural  districts  that  coal  will 
probably  not  be  in  general  request  for  the  steam  sugar-mills  for  many 
years  to  come. 

Australia,  Great  Britain,  and  Japan  supply  coal  to  this  Colony ;  in 
1892  Borneo  traders  sent  several  cargoes  of  inferior  product  to  Manila  ; 
nevertheless,  local  capital  has  been  expended  from  time  to  time  in 
endeavours  to  work  up  the  home  deposits. 

Philippine  coal  is  more  correctly  speaking  highly  carbonized  lignite 
of  the  Tertiary  age,  and  analogous  to  Japanese  coal.  Batan  Island, 
off  the  south-east  coast  of  Luzon  Island,  is  said  to  have  the  finest  lignite 
beds  in  the  Archipelago. 

The  island  of  Cebu  contains  large  deposits  of  lignite.  The  mines 
of  Compostela  are  estimated  to  be  very  rich  in  quantity  and  of  medium 
quality.  The  late  owner,  Isaac  Conui,  for  want  of  capital,  was  unable 
to  develop  them  fully.  Transport  by  buffalo-carts  from  the  mines  to 
the  coast  was  very  deficient  and  costly,  and  Conui,  who  was  frequently 
my  guest  in  Manila  in  1883,  unsuccessfully  sought  to  raise  capital  for 
constructing  a  line  of  railway  from  the  collieries  to  Compostela  village 
(east  coast).  They  were  then  taken  up  by  a  Spaniard,  with  whom  the 
Spanish  Government  made  contracts  for  coaling  the  gunboats.  A  tram 
line  was  laid  down  to  the  pits,  but  there  was  a  great  lack  of  promptitude 


Coal-mining  ventures  327 

in  deliveries,  and  I  heard  of  ships  lying  off  the  coaling-wharf  for 
several  hours  waiting  to  start  coaling.  The  enterprise  has  by  no  means 
given  an  adequate  return  for  the  over  P.100,000  invested  in  it  up  to 
the  year  1897.  The  coal-mine  of  Danao,  on  the  same  coast,  has  not 
been  more  prosperous.  When  I  visited  it  in  1896  it  had  not  yielded 
a  cent  of  nett  profit.  In  1904  I  made  the  acquaintance,  in  Cebu  Island, 
of  a  holder  of  P.47,000  interest  in  this  enterprise.  He  told  me  that 
he  had  got  no  return  for  his  money  in  it.  He  had  spent  P.  1,000 
himself  to  have  the  mine  inspected  and  reported  on.  He  sent  the 
report  to  his  co-partners  in  Manila,  and  heard  no  more  about  it  until 
he  went  to  the  capital,  where  he  learnt  that  the  Managing  Director 
had  resigned,  and  no  one  knew  who  was  his  successor,  what  had  become 
of  his  report,  or  anything  definite  relating  to  the  concern. 

Anthracite  has  been  found  in  Cebu,1  and  satisfactory  trials  have 
been  made  with  it,  mixed  with  British  bituminous  coal.  Perhaps 
volcanic  action  may  account  for  the  volatile  bituminous  oils  and 
gases  having  been  driven  off  the  original  deposits.  The  first  coal- 
pits were  sunk  in  Cebu  in  the  Valle  de  Masanga,  but  the  poor  com- 
mercial results  led  to  their  abandonment  about  the  year  1860.  There 
are  also  extensive  unworked  coal  deposits  a  few  miles  from  the  west 
coast  village  of  Asturias,  which  I  visited  in  1896  with  a  planter  friend, 
Eugenio  Alonso,  who  was  endeavouring  to  form  a  coal-mining  syndicate. 
The  Revista  Minera  (a  Madrid  mining  journal)  referred  in  1886 
to  the  coal  of  the  Alpaco  Mountain,  in  the  district  of  Naga  (Cebu  Is.) 
as  being  pure,  dry,  of  easy  combustion,  carrying  a  strong  flame,  and 
almost  free  from  sulphur  pyrites.  Cebu  coal  is  said  to  be  of  better 
quality  and  cleaner  than  the  Labuan  and  Australian  products,  but  its 
heating  powers  being  less,  it  is  less  serviceable  for  long  sea  voyages. 

The  coal-mines  in  the  hills  around  the  Cumansi  Valley,  about  eight 
miles  from  the  Cebu  coast  (Danao)  have  been  worked  for  years  without 
financial  success.  The  quality  is  reported  excellent.  Indeed,  in  several 
of  the  larger  islands  of  the  Colony  there  are  outcrop  indications  of 
workable  coal,  unobtainable  for  want  of  transport  facilities. 

In  the  Province  of  Albay,  the  Sugod  Collieries  were  started  by  a 
company  formed  in  the  year  1874.  There  were  some  fifteen  partners, 
each  of  whom  subscribed  a  capital  of  P.  14,300.  One  of  these  partners, 
Ceferino  de  Aramburu,  told  me  that  for  a  while  the  result  was  so  good 
that  a  Manila  banking  firm  offered  to  take  over  the  concern  from  the 
shareholders  at  a  premium  of  20  per  cent,  upon  the  original  capital. 
About  4,000  tons  of  coal  were  extracted,  most  of  which  was  given  away 
as  samples,  in  the  hope  of  large  contracts  resulting  from  the  trials, 
although  it  is  said  that  the  consumption  was  too  rapid,  and  that  it  had 
to  be  mixed  with  Cardiff  coal.     Seven  pits  were  sunk,  and  the  concern 

1  For  more  ample  details  vide  "  Rapida  description  de  la  Isla  de  Cebu/'  by 
Enrique  Abella  y  Casariega.     Published  by  Royal  Order  in  Madrid,  1886. 


328 


Comparative  Analyses  of  Coal 


lingered  on  until  the  year  1881,  when  its  working  was  relinquished. 
The  failure  was  attributed  to  the  shallowness  of  the  pits,  which  were 
only  30  metres  deep,  whilst  it  was  supposed  that  if  the  excavation  had 
been  continued  before  these  pits  were  flooded,  shale  and  limestone  strata 
could  have  been  removed,  exposing  a  still  more  valuable  seam,  in 
which  case  it  might  have  been  worth  while  providing  pumping- 
machinery.  The  cost  of  extraction  and  delivery  on  the  coast  was 
estimated  at  75  cents  of  a  peso  per  ton,  whilst  Cardiff  coal  in 
Manila  was  worth,  at  the  time,  about  eight  pesos  per  ton,  and  the 
Australian  product  ranged  usually  at  one  to  one  and  a  half  pesos  below 
that  figure,  port  tax  unpaid. 

In  January,  1898,  "The  Philippine  Mining  and  Development 
Company,  Limited,"  was  formed  in  Hong-Kong  with  a  capital  of 
$1,600,000  (Mex.)  in  160,000  $10  shares  for  the  development  of 
Philippine  coal  deposits  and  other  industries,  under  the  management 
of  a  Scotch  merchant  of  long  standing  and  good  repute  in  Manila 
(since  deceased).  The  Spanish- American  conflict  which  arose  four 
months  later  impeded  active  operations  by  the  company. 

In  May,  1902,  a  company  styled  "  Minas  de  Carbon  de  Batan  "  was 
constituted  to  purchase  from  and  exploit  the  coal-mines  of  Messrs. 
Gil  Hermanos,  situated  in  the  Island  of  Batan,  Sorsogdn  Province. 
The  purchase  price  was  fixed  at  P.500,000,  and  the  company's  capital 
at  P.  1,000,000  divided  into  5,000  equal  shares.  Hopeful  reports 
were  made  on  the  property  by  an  American,  a  Spanish,  and  a 
Japanese  mining  engineer  respectively.  When  I  interviewed  the 
Managing  Director  of  the  company,  in  Manila,  two  years  after  its 
formation,  no  dividend  had  yet  been  paid  to  the  shareholders. 


COMPARATIVE   ANALYSES   OF   COAL 


Source. 

Fixed 
Carbon. 

Volatile         ' 
matter. 

Water. 

Ash. 

per  cent. 

per  cent. 

per  cent. 

per  cent. 

Cardiff 

83-00 

8  60 

4-50 

3-90 

Australia 

7145 

16-25 

2-90 

9-40 

Cebii 

57-94 

31-75 

9-23 

1-08 

Rock  Spring,  Wyo. 

56-50 

34  50 

6-25 

2-75 

Cebii 

51-96 

37-56 

7-80 

2  68 

do 

49-50 

35-03 

1118 

3-62 

I  do  not  know   that  any  capitalist  has  ever  received   an   adequate 
return  for  his  investment  in  Philippine  coal-mining. 

****** 

From  the  earliest  period  of  the  Spanish  occupation  of  these  Islands, 
attention  has  been  given  to  Gold-seeking. 


Gold-mining  ventures  329 

It  is  recorded  that  in  the  year  1572  Captain  Juan  Salcedo  (Legaspi's 
grandson)  went  to  inspect  the  mines  of  Paracale,  (Camarines) ;  and  in  the 
same  district  the  village  of  Mambulao  has  long  enjoyed  fame  for  the 
gold-washing  in  its  vicinity. 

In  the  time  of  Governor   Pedro  de  Arandia  (1754-59),  a  certain 
Francisco  Estorgo  obtained  licence  to  work  these  Paracale  mines,  and 
five  veins  are  said  to  have  been  struck.     The   first  was   in  the  Lipa 
Mountain,  where  the  mine  was  called  "  San  Nicolas  de  Tolentino  " ;  the 
second,  in   the  Dobdjan  Mountain,  was  called  "  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la 
Soledad  de  Puerta  Vaga  11 ;  the  third,  in  Lipara,  was  named  "  Mina  de 
las  Animas  11  ;  the  fourth,   in  the  territory  of  San   Antonio,  took  the 
name  of  "  San  Francisco,-"  and  the  fifth,  in  the  Minapa  Mountains,  was 
named  "  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los  Dolores,"  all  in  the  district  of  Paracale, 
near  the  village  of  Mambulao.    The  conditions  of  Estorgo's  licence  were, 
that  one-fifth  {real  quinto)  of  the  output  should  belong  to  the  King  ; 
that  Estorgo  was  authorized  to  construct,  arm,  and  garrison  a  fort  for  his 
own  defence  against  anticipated  attacks  from  Mahometans,  and  that  he 
should  have  the  title  of  Castellano,  or  guardian  of  the  fort.     It  was 
found  necessary  to   establish    the    smelting-works  in  Mambulao,  so  he 
obtained  a  licence   to  erect  another  fort  there  on  the  same  conditions, 
and  this  fort  was   named  "  San  Carlos.11     In   a  short  time  the  whole 
enterprise    came    to  grief.     Estorgo's  neighbours,   instigated  by  native 
legal   pettifoggers  in  Manila,  raised   endless  lawsuits  against  him  ;  his 
means  were  exhausted,  and  apparatus  being  wanted  to  work  the  mines, 
he  had  to  abandon  them. 

About  the  same  time,  the  gold-mines  of  Pangotcotan  and  Acupan 
(Benguet  district)  were  worked  to  advantage  by  Mexicans,  but  how 
much  metal  was  won  cannot  be  ascertained.  The  extensive  old  workings 
show  how  eagerly  the  precious  metal  was  sought  in  the  past.  The 
Spanish  Government  granted  only  concessions  for  gold-mining,  the 
title  remaining  in  the  Crown.  Morga  relates  (1609)  that  the  Crown 
royalty  of  one-tenth  {vide  p.  53)  of  the  gold  extracted  amounted  to 
P.10.000  annually.  According  to  Centeno,  the  total  production  of  gold 
in  all  the  Islands  in  1876  did  not  not  exceed  P. 3,600. 

During  the  Government  of  Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tua  (1618-24)  it 
came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Spaniards  that  half-caste  Igorrote-Chinese 
in  the  north  of  Luzon  peacefully  worked  gold-deposits  and  traded  in 
the  product.  Therefore  Francisco  Carreno  de  Valdes,  a  military  officer 
commanding  the  Provinces  of  Pangasinan  and  Ilocos,  obtained  per- 
mission from  the  Governor  to  make  a  raid  upon  these  Igorrote-Chinese 
and  appropriate  their  treasure-yielding  territory.  After  a  seven  days1 
march  the  Spanish  gold-seekers  and  troops  arrived  at  the  deposits, 
where  they  took  up  their  quarters  without  resistance.  The  natives  held 
aloof  whilst  mutual  offers  of  peace  were  made.  When  the  Spaniards 
thought    they    were    in    secure    possession    of    the   neighbourhood,    the 


330  Gold-mining  ventures 

natives  attacked  and  slaughtered  a  number  of  them.  The  commander  of 
the  district  and  the  leader  of  the  native  troops  were  among  the  slain. 
Then  they  removed  the  camp  to  a  safer  place  ;  but  provisions  ran  short 
and  the  wet  season  set  in,  so  the  survivors  marched  back  to  the  coast 
with  the  resolution  to  renew  their  attempt  to  possess  the  spoil  in  the 
following  year.  In  the  ensuing  dry  season  they  returned  and  erected  a 
fort,  whence  detachments  of  soldiers  scoured  the  neighbourhood  to 
disperse  the  Igorrote-Chinese,  but  the  prospectors  do  not  appear  to 
have  procured  much  gold. 

Many  years  ago  a  Spanish  company  was  formed  to  work  a  gold-mine 
near  the  mountain  of  Malaguit,  in  the  Province  of  Camarines  Norte,  but 
it  proved  unsuccessful. 

At  the  beginning  of  last  century  a  company  was  founded,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  late  Queen  Christina  of  Spain  (great-grandmother  of 
the  present  King  Alfonso  XIII.),  which  was  also  an  utter  failure.  I 
was  told  that  the  company  had  spacious  offices  established  in  Manila, 
whence  occasionally  the  employees  went  up  to  the  mines,  situated 
near  the  Caraballo  Mountain,  as  if  they  were  going  to  a  picnic.  When 
they  arrived  there,  all  denoted  activity — for  the  feast ;  but  the  mining 
work  they  did  was  quite  insignificant  compared  with  the  squandered 
funds,  hence  the  disaster  of  the  concern. 

The  coast  of  Surigao  (north-east  extremity  of  Mindanao  Is.)  has 
been  known  for  centuries  to  have  gold-deposits.  A  few  years  ago  it  was 
found  in  sufficiently  large  quantities  near  the  surface  to  attract  the 
attention  of  capitalists.  A  sample  of  the  washings  was  given  to  me, 
but  gold  extraction  was  never  taken  up  in  an  organized  way  in  that 
district.  A  friend  of  mine,  a  French  merchant  in  Manila,  told  me  in 
1886  that  for  a  long  time  he  received  monthly  remittances  of  4|  to  5| 
lbs.  of  alluvial  gold  from  the  Surigao  coast,  extracted  by  the  natives 
on  their  own  account.  In  the  same  district  a  Spaniard  attempted  to 
organize  labour  for  systematic  gold-washing,  but  the  friars  so  influenced 
the  natives  against  him  that  he  could  only  have  continued  his  project 
at  the  risk  of  his  life,  therefore  he  gave  it  up. 

In  an  independent  way,  the  natives  obtain  gold  from  earth-washings 
in  many  districts,  particularly  in  the  unsubdued  regions  of  Luzon 
Island,  where  it  is  quite  a  common  occupation.  The  product  is  bartered 
on  the  spot  to  the  Chinese  ambulant  traders  for  other  commodities. 
Several  times,  whilst  deer-stalking  near  the  river,  a  few  miles  past 
Montalban  (Rizal),  I  have  fallen  in  with  natives  washing  the  sand  from 
the  river  bed  in  search  of  gold,  and  they  have  shown  me  some  of  their 
findings,  which  they  preserve  in  quills. 

In  other  places  in  Luzon  Island  gold  is  procured  in  very  small 
quantities  by  washing  the  earth  from  the  bottoms  of  pits  dug  from  20 
to  25  feet  deep  and  3  feet  wide.  The  extraction  of  gold  from  auriferous 
rock  is  also  known  to  the  natives.     The  rock  is  broken  by  a  stone  on 


Gold-mining  ventures  331 


an  anvil  of  the  same  material.  Then  the  broken  pieces  are  crushed 
between  roughly-hewn  stone  rollers  put  in  motion  by  buffaloes,  the 
pulverized  ore  being  washed  to  separate  the  particles  of  the  precious 
metal.  I  should  hardly  think  the  yield  was  of  much  account,  as  the 
people  engaged  in  its  extraction  seemed  to  be  miserably  poor. 

Gold  probably  exists  in  all  the  largest  islands  of  the  Archipelago, 
but  in  a  dispersed  form  ;  for  the  fact  is,  that  after  centuries  of  search, 
large  pockets  or  veins  of  it  have  never  been  traced  to  defined  localities, 
and,  so  far  as  discoveries  up  to  the  present  demonstrate,  this  Colony 
cannot  be  considered  rich  in  auriferous  deposits.  Until  the  contrary  has 
been  proved,  I  venture  to  submit  the  theory  that  every  gold-bearing 
reef  in  these  Islands,  accessible  to  man,  has  been  disintegrated  by 
volcanic  action  ages  ago. 

In  1887  a  Belgian  correspondent  wrote  to  me  inquiring  about  a 
company  which,  he  stated,  had  been  formed  for  working  a  Philippine 
mine  of  Argentiferous  Lead.  On  investigation  I  learnt  that  the  mines 
referred  to  were  situated  at  Acsubing,  near  the  village  of  Consolacion, 
and  at  Panoypoy,  close  to  the  village  of  Talamban  in  Cebu  Island. 
They  became  the  property  of  a  Frenchman1  about  the  beginning  of 
1885,  and  so  far  no  shipment  had  been  made,  although  the  samples  sent 
to  Europe  were  said  to  have  yielded  an  almost  incredibly  enormous 
amount  of  gold  (!),  besides  being  rich  in  galena  (sulphide  of  lead)  and 
silver.  I  went  to  Cebu  Island  in  June,  1887,  and  called  on  the 
owner  in  Mandaue  with  the  object  of  visiting  these  extraordinary  mines  ; 
but  they  were  not  being  worked  for  want  of  funds,  and  he  left  for 
Europe  the  same  year,  the  enterprise  being  finally  abandoned. 

In  1893  "The  Philippines  Mineral  Syndicate"  was  formed  in  London 
to  work  scientifically  the  historical  Mambulao  Gold  Mines  already  referred 
to.  One  pound  shares  were  offered  in  these  Islands  and  subscribed  to 
by  all  classes,  from  the  British  Consul  at  that  time  down  to  native 
commercial  clerks.  Mr.  James  Hilton,  a  mining  engineer,  had  reported 
favourably  on  the  prospects.  After  the  usual  gold-mining  period  of 
disappointment  had  passed  away,  an  eccentric  old  gentleman  was  sent 
out  as  an  expert  to  revive  the  whole  concern  and  set  it  upon  a 
prosperous  basis.  I  had  many  conversations  with  him  in  Manila  before 
he  went  to  Mambulao,  where  he  soon  died.  Heavy  machinery  came 
out  from  Europe,  and  a  well-known  Manila  resident,  not  a  mining 
engineer,  but  an  all-round  smart  man,  was  sent  to  Mambulao,  and,  due 
to  his  ability,  active  operations  commenced.  This  most  recent  earnest 
venture  in  Philippine  gold-mining  has  not,  however,  so  far  proved  to 
be  a  Golconda  to  the  shareholders. 

That  there  is  gold  in  Mindoro  Island  is  evident  from  the  fact  that 
the  Minguianes,  a  wild  tribe,  wear  gold  jewellery  made  by  themselves, 

1  Monsieur  Jean  Labedan,  who  had  been  the  original  proprietor  of  the 
"  Restaurant  de  Paris  "  in  La  Escolta,  Manila. 


332  Iron-mining  ventures 

and  come  down  to  the  coast  villages  to  barter  with  this  metal,  for  they 
do  not  understand  trading  with  the  coin  medium. 

As  a  general  rule,  failure  in  most  Philippine  mining  speculations 
was  chiefly  due  to  the  unwillingness  of  the  native  to  co-operate  with 
European  capitalists  in  search  of  quick  fortunes  for  themselves.  The 
native  rustic  did  not  seek  and  would  not  submit  to  constant  organized 
and  methodical  labour  at  a  daily  wage,  to  be  paid  periodically  when 
he  had  finished  his  work.  The  only  class  whom  one  could  employ  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  mines  was  migratory  and  half-subjected, 
whilst  there  was  no  legislation  whatever  in  force  regulating  the  relations 
between  workers  and  capitalists.  Some  suggested  the  employment  of 
Chinese,  but  the  obstacles  to  this  proposal  have  been  pointed  out  in 
Chap.  viii.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  much  profitable  mining  will 
ever  be  done  in  this  Colony  without  Chinese  labour.  Again,  the 
wretched  state  of  the  public  highways  obliged  the  few  enterprising 
capitalists  to  spend  their  money  on  the  construction  of  roads  which 
had  already  been  paid  for  in  taxes. 

It  is  calculated  that  in  the  working  of  mines  in  the  Philippines,  as 
much  as  P.  1,300,000  was  spent  from  the  beginning  of  the  last  century 
up  to  1876,  without  the  least  satisfactory  result. 

A  Spanish  writer  *  asserts  that  on  the  coasts  of  Taal  and  Bauan,  in 
the  Province  of  Batangas,  there  were  many  traces  of  old  gold-mines,  and 
remarks :  "  We  are  already  scared  in  this  enlightened  century  at  the 
"  number  who  have  spent  their  silver  and  their  health  in  excavating 
"  mines  in  the  Philippines,  only  to  undeceive  themselves,  and  find  their 
"  miserable  greed  punished.'''' 

Still  Gold-seeking  continues,  and  the  hope  of  many  an  American 
to-day  is  centred  in  the  possibility  of  finding  the  smile  of  fortune  in  the 
Benguet  and  other  districts  now  being  scoured  by  prospectors. 
****** 

Iron-mines,  situated  a  few  miles  from  Manila,  were  worked  about  the 
middle  of  the  18th  century  by  Government,  but  the  result  being 
disastrous,  a  concession  of  working  rights  was  put  up  to  public  auction, 
and  adjudicated  to  a  certain  Francisco  Salgado,  who  engaged  to  pay 
annually  to  the  State  P.20,500  in  gold  and  125  tons  of  iron.  The 
concern  was  an  entire  failure,  chiefly  owing  to  the  usual  transport 
difficulty.  Salgado  afterwards  discovered  an  iron  mine  in  a  place  called 
Santa  Ines,  near  Bosoboso,  in  the  district  of  Mdrong,  and  obtained  a 
concession  to  work  it.  The  ore  is  said  to  have  yielded  75  per  cent,  of 
pure  metal.  The  greatest  obstacle  which  Salgado  had  to  contend  with 
was  the  indolence  of  the  natives,  but  eventually  this  was  overcome  by 
employing  Chinese  in  their  stead.  All  went  well  for  a  time,  until  the 
success    which    attended    the    undertaking  awoke  envy  in  the  capital. 

1  "  Hist,  de  la  Provincia  de  Batangas,"  por  T).  Pedro  Andres  de  Castro  y 
Amade's,  1790.     Inedited  MS.  in  the  archives  of  Bauan  Convent  (Batangas). 


They  bring  failure,  poverty,  and  suicide  333 

Salgado  found  it  desirable  to  erect  his  smelting-furnaces  on  the  banks 
of  the  Bosoboso  River  to  obtain  a  good  water  supply.  For  this  a  special 
permission  had  to  be  solicited  of  the  Gov.-General,  so  the  opportunity 
was  taken  to  induce  this  authority  to  put  a  stop  to  the  whole  concern 
on  the  ground  that  the  Chinese  workmen  were  not  Christians  !  Salgado 
was  ordered  to  send  these  Chinese  to  the  Alcayceria  in  Binondo  (Manila), 
and  ship  them  thence  to  China  at  his  own  expense.  Moreover,  on  the 
pretext  that  the  iron  supplied  to  the  Royal  Stores  had  been  worked 
by  infidels,  the  Government  refused  to  pay  for  the  deliveries,  and 
Salgado  became  a  ruined  victim  of  religious  fanaticism. 

The  old  parish  priest  of  Angat,  in  Bulacan  Province,  once  gave  me 
the  whole  history  of  the  rich  iron-mines  existing  a  few  miles  from  that 
town.  It  appears  that  at  about  the  beginning  of  last  century,  two 
Englishmen  made  vain  efforts  to  work  these  mines.  They  erected 
expensive  machinery  (which  has  since  disappeared  piece  by  piece),  and 
engaged  all  the  headmen  around,  at  fixed  salaries,  to  perform  the 
simple  duty  of  guaranteeing  a  certain  number  of  men  each  to  work 
there  daily.  The  headmen  were  very  smart  at  receiving  their  pay, 
some  of  them  having  the  audacity  to  ask  for  it  in  advance ;  yet  the 
number  of  miners  diminished,  little  by  little,  and  no  reasonable  terms 
could  induce  them  to  resume  work.  The  priest  related  that,  after 
the  Englishmen  had  spent  a  fortune  of  about  ^40,000,  and  seeing  no 
result,  in  despair  they  hired  a  canoe,  telling  the  native  in  charge  to 
paddle  out  to  sea,  where  they  blew  their  brains   out   with  pistols. 

Afterwards  a  Spaniard,  who  had  made  money  during  years  of 
office  as  Chief  Judge  and  Governor  of  the  Bulacan  Province,  thought 
he  could,  by  virtue  of  the  influence  of  his  late  position,  command  the 
services  of  all  the  labourers  he  might  require  to  work  the  mine.  It 
was  a  vain  hope  ;  he  lost  all  his  savings,  and  became  so  reduced  in 
circumstances  that  for  a  long  time  he  was  a  pauper,  accepting  charity 
in  the  parish  convents  of  the  province. 

The  Angat  iron-mines  undoubtedly  yield  a  very  rich  ore — it  is 
stated  up  to  85  per  cent,  of  metal.  Up  to  the  Revolution  they  were 
still  worked  on  a  small  scale.  In  1885,  at  the  foot  of  these  ferruginous 
hills,  I  saw  a  rough  kind  of  smelting-furnace  and  foundry  in  a  dilapidated 
shed,  where  the  points  of  ploughshares  were  being  made.  These  were 
delivered  at  a  fixed  minimum  price  to  a  Chinaman  who  went  to  Binondo 
(Manila)  to  sell  them  to  the  Chinese  ironmongers.  In  Malolos  (Bulacan) 
I  met  one  of  the  partners  in  this  little  business — a  Spanish  half-caste 
— who  told  me  that  it  paid  well  in  proportion  to  the  trifling  outlay  of 
capital.  If  the  natives  chose  to  bring  in  mineral  they  were  paid  for  it ; 
when  they  did  not  come,  the  works  and  expenses  were  temporarily  stopped. 

In  Baliuag,  a  few  miles  from  Angat,  where  I  have  stayed  a  score 
of  times,  I  observed,  at  the  threshold  of  several  houses,  slabs  of  iron 
about  8  feet  long  by    2  feet   wide    and    5    inches    thick.      I    inquired 


334  Copper — Marble — Stone — Gypsum — Sulphur 

about  the  origin  of  this  novelty,  and  several  respectable  natives, 
whom  I  had  known  for  years,  could  only  inform  me  that  their  elders 
had  told  them  about  the  foreigners  who  worked  the  Angat  mines, 
and  that  the  iron  in  question  came  from  there.  Appearing  to  belong 
to  no  one  in   particular,  the  slabs  had  been  appropriated. 

Copper  is  extracted  in  small  quantities  by  both  the  wild  tribes  of 
the  North  and  the  Mahometans  of  the  South,  who  manufacture  utensils 
of  this  metal  for  their  own  use.  In  the  North,  half-worked  copper  is 
obtained  from  the  Igorrotes,  but  the  attempt  of  a  company — the 
Compahia  Cantabro-Filipina,  established  in  the  middle  of  last  century — 
to  exploit  the  copper  deposits  in  Mancayan,  in  the  district  of  Lepanto, 
has  hardly  been  more  successful  than  all  other  mining  speculations 
undertaken  on  a  large  scale  in  this  Colony. 

Marble  exists  in  large  beds  in  the  Province  of  Bataan,  which 
is  the  west-coast  boundary  of  Manila  Bay,  and  also  in  the  Island 
of  Romblon,  but,  under  the  circumstances  explained,  no  one  cared 
to  risk  capital  in  opening  quarries.  In  1888  surface  (boulder)  marble 
was  being  cut  near  Montalbdn  (Rizal)  under  contract  with  the 
Dominican  friars  to  supply  them  with  it  for  their  church  in  Manila. 
It  was  of  a  motley  whitish  colour,  polished  well,  and  a  sample  of  it  sent 
by  me  to  a  marble-importer  in  London  was  reported  on  favourably. 

Granite  is  not  found  in  these  Islands,  and  there  is  a  general  want 
of  hard  stone  for  building  purposes.  Some  is  procurable  at  Angono, 
up  the  Lake  of  Bay,  and  it  is  from  here  that  the  stone  was  brought  by 
the  Spaniards  for  the  Manila  Port  Works.  Granite  is  brought  over 
from  Hong-Kong  when  needed  for  works  of  any  importance,  such  as  the 
new  Government  House  in  Manila  City,  in  course  of  construction  when 
the  Spaniards  evacuated  the  Islands.  For  ordinary  building  operations 
there  is  a  material — a  kind  of  marl-stone  called  Adobe — so  soft  when 
quarried  that  it  can  be  cut  out  in  small  blocks  with  a  hand-saw,  but 
it   hardens  considerably  on  exposure  to  the  air. 

Gypsum  deposits  occur  in  a  small  island  opposite  to  the  town  of 
Culasi  (Antique)  on  the  west  coast  of  Panay,  called  Marilisan.  The 
superincumbent  marl  has  been  removed  in  several  places  where  regular 
workings  were  carried  on  for  years  by  natives,  and  shiploads  of  it 
were  sent  to  Manila  until  the  Spanish  Government  prohibited  its  free 
extraction  and  export. 

Sulphur  exists  in  many  islands,  sometimes  pure,  in  unlimited 
quantities,  and  often  mixed  with  copper,  iron,  and  arsenic.  The  crater 
peak  of  the  Taal  Volcano  in  the  Bdmbon  Lake  burst  in  1749  (vide 
p.  18),  and  from  that  date,  until  the  eruption  of  1754,  sulphur  was 
extracted  by  the  natives.  These  deposits  were  again  worked  in  1780, 
and  during  a  few  years  following.     Bowring  states 1  that  a  well-known 

1  "  A  Visit  to  the  Philippine  Islands/'  by  Sir  John  Bowring,  Spanish  translation, 
p.  67.     Manila,  187G. 


Mineral  Oil  335 


naturalist  once  offered  a  good  sum  of  money  for  the  monopoly  of 
working  the  sulphur  mines  in  the  Taal  district. 

Mineral  Oil  was  discovered  some  12  years  ago  in  the  mountains 
of  Cebii  Island,  a  few  miles  from  the  west-coast  town  of  Toledo.  A 
drill-boring  was  made,  and  I  was  shown  a  sample  of  the  crude  Oil. 
An  Irishman  was  then  conducting  the  experimental  works.  Subsequently 
a  British  engineer  visited  the  place,  and  reported  favourably  on  the 
prospects.  In  1896  I  was  again  at  the  borings.  Some  small  machinery 
had  been  erected  for  working  the  drills.  A  Dutch  mining  engineer 
was  in  charge  of  the  work,  which  was  being  financed  by  a  small  British 
syndicate  ;  but  so  far  a  continuous  flow  had  not  been  obtained,  and  it 
was  still  doubtful  whether  a  well  had  been  struck  or  not.  The  Dutch- 
man was  succeeded  by  an  American,  who,  when  the  Spanish-American 
War  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out,  had  to  quit  the  place,  and 
the  enterprise  has  since  remained  in  suspense. 

There  is  a  tendency,  in  most  new  and  unexplored  countries,  to  see 
visionary  wealth  in  unpenetrated  regions — to  cast  the  eye  of  imagination 
into  the  forest  depths  and  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  and  become  fasci- 
nated with  the  belief  that  Nature  has  laid  vast  treasures  therein  ;  and 
the  veil  of  mystery  constitutes  a  tradition  until  it  is  rent  by  scientific 
investigation. 


336 


CHAPTER   XX 

DOMESTIC   LIVE-STOCK— PONIES,   BUFFALOES,   ETC. 

The  Philippine  Pony  is  not  an  indigenous  animal.  It  is  said  to  have 
originated  from  the  small  Andalusian  horse  and  the  Chinese  mare.  I 
have  ridden  more  than  500  Philippine  ponies,  and,  in  general,  I  have 
found  them  swift,  strong,  and  elegant  animals  when  well  cared  for. 
Geldings  are  rarely  met  with.  Before  the  American  occupation  ponies 
ranged  in  value  from  P.25  to  P.  150  for  a  sound  animal.  Unfortunately, 
prices  of  everything  have  risen  since  1898,  and,  moreover,  a  fatal  horse- 
disease,  called  "  surra,"  unknown  in  the  Islands  before  that  period,  has 
considerably  reduced  the  stock  of  ponies.  Due  to  these  causes,  ponies 
cost  to-day  about  three  times  the  former   prices. 

The  importation  of  Spanish  and  Australian  horses  resulted  in  failure, 
because  green  grass  (zacate) — the  fodder  of  Philippine  ponies — was  not 
the  diet  they  had  been  accustomed  to.  Amateur  enthusiasts  constantly 
urged  the  Spanish  authorities  to  take  measures  for  the  improvement 
of  the  breed,  and  in  1888  the  acting  Gov.-General  Molto  sent  a 
commission  to  British  India  to  purchase  breeding-horses  and  mares. 
A  number  of  fine  animals  was  brought  to  Manila,  but  the  succeeding 
Gov.-General,  Weyler,  disapproved  of  the  transaction,  and  the  stock 
was  sold  to  the  public.  Two  stallions  and  two  mares  fetched  together 
P.2,600,  the  prices  of  the  others  ranging  about  P.700  each. 

Pony-races  took  place  at  Santa  Mesa  (Manila)  every  spring.  They 
were  organized  by  "  the  Manila  Jockey  Club,"  usually  patronized  by  the 
Gov.-General  of  the  day,  and  the  great  meet  lasted  three  days,  when 
prizes  were  awarded  to  the  winners.  Ponies  which  had  won  races  in 
Manila  fetched  from  P.300  to  P.  1,000.  The  new  racecourse  is  at  Pasay. 
In  Cebii  also  there  were  pony  races  every  autumn  on  the  racecourse 
facing  the  Cotta  and  the  Government  House. 

Since  1898  the  American  authorities  have  imported  thousands  of 
horses  from  the  United  States  for  the  public  service,  and  American 
dealers  have  brought  quantities  of  them  from  Australia  and  the  United 
States  for  private  sale.  All  their  fodder,  however,  has  to  be  procured 
from  America  in  pressed  bales,  as  they  cannot  thrive  on  the  food 
of  the  country.     It  is  thought,  however,  that  a  plant,  called   Teosinte, 


Buffaloes   (Carabaos)  337 

which  is  now  being  cultivated,  will  be  suitable  for  horse-fodder  when 
the  animals  become  thoroughly  acclimatized. 

The  ordinary  native  has  no  notion  of  the  proper  treatment  of  ponies, 
his  idea  being,  generally,  that  this  highly  nervous  animal  can  be 
managed  by  brute  force  and  the  infliction  of  heavy  punishment.  Sights, 
as  painful  as  they  are  ridiculous,  are  often  the  result  of  this  error.  Un- 
fortunately, the  lower-class  native  feels  little  attachment  to  any  animal 
but  the  Buffalo,  or  Carabao,  as  it  is  called  here,  and  the  family  pig. 

Buffaloes  six  years  old  are  considered  in  the  prime  of  life  for 
beginning  work,  and  will  continue  at  hard  labour,  when  well  pastured 
and  bathed,  for  another  six  years.  At  12  years  of  age  a  carefully 
worked  buffalo  will  still  serve  for  light  labour  for  about  five  years.  It 
is  an  amphibious  animal,  and  if  left  to  itself  it  would  pass  quite  one- 
third  of  its  life  in  water  or  mud,  whilst  it  is  indispensable  to  allow  it  to 
bathe  every  day.  When  grazing  near  flooded  land  it  will  roam  into  the 
water  up  to  its  neck  and  immerse  its  head  for  two  minutes  at  a  time, 
searching  for  vegetable  food  below  the  surface.  Whilst  undisturbed 
in  the  field  it  is  usually  accompanied  by  five  or  six  white  herons,  which 
follow  in  its  trail  in  perfect  security  and  feed  on  the  worms  and  insects 
brought  to  the  surface  by  its  foot-prints.  It  seems  also  to  enjoy  the 
attentions  of  a  small  black  bird,  which  hops  about  on  its  back  and  head 
to  cleanse  its  skin  and  ears  of  vermin.  It  is  curious  to  watch  this  bird 
flying  towards  the  buffalo,  which  raises  its  head  to  receive  it. 

The  rustic  and  the  buffalo  are  familiar  companions,  and  seem  to 
understand  each  other  perfectly  well.  There  is  a  certain  affinity 
between  them  in  many  ways.  When  a  peasant  is  owner  of  the  animal 
he  works,  he  treats  it  almost  like  one  of  the  family.  It  is  very  powerful, 
docile,  slow  in  its  movements,  and  easy  to  train.  Many  times  I  have 
seen  a  buffalo  ridden  and  guided  by  a  piece  of  split  rattan  attached  to 
a  rattan-ring  in  its  nostril  by  a  child  three  years  of  age.  It  knows  the 
voices  of  the  family  to  which  it  belongs,  and  will  approach  or  stand 
still  when  called  by  any  one  of  them.  It  is  not  of  great  endurance, 
and  cannot  support  hard  work  in  the  sun  for  more  than  a  couple  of 
hours  without  rest  and  bathing  if  water  be  near.  Europeans  cannot 
manage  this  animal,  and  very  few  attempt  it ;  it  requires  the  patience, 
the  voice,  and  the  peculiar  movement  of  the  native. 

Altogether  the  buffalo  may  be  considered  the  most  useful  animal  in 
the  Philippines.  It  serves  for  carting,  ploughing,  carrying  loads  on  its 
back,  and  almost  all  labour  of  the  kind  where  great  strength  is  required 
for  a  short  time.  A  peasant  possessed  of  a  bowie-knife,  a  buffalo,  and 
good  health,  need  not  seek  far  to  make  an  independent  living.  I  owe  a 
certain  gratitude  to  buffaloes,  for  more  than  once  they  have  pulled  my 
carriage  out  of  the  mud  in  the  provinces,  where  horses  could  get  along 
no  farther.  Finally,  buffalo-meat  is  an  acceptable  article  of  food  when 
nothing  better  can  be  got ;  by  natives  it  is  much  relished.     Its  flesh,  like 


338  Donkeys — Mules — Sheep 

that  of  deer  and  oxen,  is  sometimes  cut  into  thin  slices  and  sun-dried, 
to  make  what  is  called  in  the  Philippines  Tapa,  in  Cuba  Tasqjo,  and  in 
Spain  Cechia. 

In  the  Visayas  Islands  oxen  are  used  as  draught-animals  as 
frequently  as  buffaloes, — sometimes  even  for  carriages. 

Wild  buffaloes  are  met  with,  and,  when  young,  they  are  easily 
tamed.  Buffalo-hunting,  as  a  sport,  is  a  very  dangerous  diversion,  and 
rarely  indulged  in,  as  death  or  victory  must  come  to  the  infuriated  beast 
or  the  chaser.  A  good  hunting-ground  is  Nueva  Ecija,  near  the 
Caraballo  de  Baler  Mountain. 

The  domesticated  buffalo  is  subject  to  a  bronchial  disease  called 
garrotillo ;  it  rarely  recovers  from  a  serious  sprain,  and  more  rarely 
still  from  a  broken  leg.  In  1887-88,  an  epidemic  disease,  previously 
unknown,  appeared  among  the  cattle,  and  several  thousands  of  them 
died.  From  the  autopsy  of  some  diseased  buffaloes,  it  was  seen  that  the 
inside  had  become  converted  into  blood.  Agriculturists  suffered  great 
losses.  In  the  poor  neighbourhood  of  Antipolo  alone,  1,410  head  of 
cattle  died  within  four  months,  according  to  a  report  which  the  Governor 
of  Mdrong  showed  to  me.  An  old  acquaintance  of  mine  in  Bulacan 
Province  lost  85  per  cent,  of  his  live-stock  in  the  season,  whilst  the 
remainder  were  more  or  less  affected. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  Revolution  (1896-98)  and  the  War  of 
Independence  (1899-1901)  the  stock  of  buffaloes  was  considerably 
reduced,  many  thousands  of  these  useful  animals  having  been  stolen 
from  their  owners  by  the  belligerents,  only  to  slay  them  or  work  them 
to  death.  When  peace  dawned  again  on  the  Colony,  rinderpest  com- 
menced to  make  ravages  in  the  buffalo  herds,  which  are  now  reduced  to 
a  mere  fraction  of  what  they  were  in  1896.  The  consequences  of  these 
losses  in  live-stock  are  referred  to  in  Chap.  xxxi.  Before  the  wars,  a 
buffalo  could  be  got  for  P.  10  in  places,  such  as  hemp  districts,  where 
ploughing  is  seldom  necessary,  whilst  in  the  sugar-yielding  Island  of 
Negros  P.  30  was  about  the  lowest  price  for  an  average  trained  animal. 
The  present  value  is  from  P.125  to  P.250. 

In  all  my  travels  in  this  Colony  I  have  seen  only  five  Donkeys, 
which  were  imported  simply  as  curiosities. 

Mules  have  been  imported  into  the  Islands  by  the  American 
authorities  for  the  public  service.  If  sold  they  would  fetch  about  P.300 
each.  They  are  the  most  satisfactory  draught-animals  ever  introduced 
and,  but  for  the  fear  of  the  new  disease  "  surra,"  might  take  the  place 
of  buffaloes  in  agriculture. 

Sheep  do  not  thrive  in  this  climate.  They  are  brought  from 
Shanghai,  and,  as  a  rule,  they  languish  and  die  in  a  few  months.  Oxen, 
goats,  dogs,  cats,  pigs,  monkeys,  fowls,  ducks,  turkeys,  and  geese  are 
among  the  ordinary  domestic  live-stock.  Both  the  dogs  and  the  cats 
are  of  very  poor  species,  and  the  European  breeds  are  eagerly  sought 


Fish — Insects — Reptiles — Snakes  339 

for.  The  better  class  of  natives  have  learned  to  appreciate  the  higher 
instincts  of  the  European  dog.  Many  Chinese  dogs  with  long,  straight 
hair,  pointed  nose,  small  eyes,  and  black  tongues  are  brought  over 
from  Hong-Kong.  All  thoroughbred  Philippine  cats  have  a  twist  in 
their  tails,  and  are  not  nearly  so  fine  as  the  European  race. 

Natives  do  not  particularly  relish  mutton  or  goafs  flesh,  which  they 
say  is  heating  to  the  blood.  I  have  found  stewed  monkey  very  good 
food,  but  the  natives  only  eat  it  on  very  rare  occasions,  solely  as  a  cure 
for  cutaneous  diseases.  No  flesh,  fish  or  poultry  has  the  same  flavour 
here  as  in  Europe ;  sometimes,  indeed,  the  meat  of  native  oxen  sold  in 
Manila  has  a  repulsive  taste  when  the  animal  has  been  quickly  fattened 
for  the  market  on  a  particular  herb,  which  it  eats  readily.  Neither 
can  it  be  procured  so  tender  as  in  a  cold  climate.  If  kept  in  an  ice- 
chest  it  loses  flavour  ;  if  hung  up  in  cool  air  it  becomes  flabby  and 
decomposes.  However,  the  cold-storage  established  by  the  American 
authorities  and  private  firms,  since  1898,  has  greatly  contributed  to 
improve  the  supply  of  tender  meat,  and  meat  shipments  are  regularly 
received  from  Australia  and  America. 

The  seas  are  teeming  with  fish,  and  there  are  swarms  of  sharks, 
whose  victims  are  numerous,  whilst  crocodiles  are  found  in  most  of  the 
deep  rivers  and  large  swamps  in  uncultivated  tracts.  The  Taclobo  sea- 
shell  is  sometimes  found  weighing  up  to  about  180  lbs.  Fresh-water 
fish  is  almost  flavourless  and  little  appreciated. 

In  all  the  rice-paddy  fields,  small  fish  called  Dalag  (Ophiocephalus 
vagus),  are  caught  by  the  natives,  for  food,  with  cane  nets,  or  rod  and 
line,  when  the  fields  are  flooded.  Where  this  piscatorial  phenomenon 
exists  in  the  dry  season  no  one  has  been  able  satisfactorily  to  explain. 

The  only  beast  of  prey  known  in  the  Philippines  is  the  wild  cat,  and 
the  only  wild  animal  to  be  feared  is  the  buffalo. 

Both  the  jungles  and  the  villages  abound  with  insects  and  reptilia, 
such  as  lizards,  snakes,  iguanas,  frogs,  and  other  batrachian  species,  land- 
crabs,  centipedes,1  tarantulas,  scorpions,  huge  spiders,  hornets,  common 
beetles,  queen-beetles  (elator  nocttlucus)  and  others  of  the  vaginopennous 
order,  red  ants  {formica  smaragdina),  etc.  Ants  are  the  most  common 
nuisance,  and  food  cannot  be  left  on  the  table  a  couple  of  hours  without 
a  hundred  or  so  of  them  coming  to  feed.  For  this  reason  sideboards 
and  food-cupboards  are  made  with  legs  to  stand  in  basins  of  water. 
There  are  many  species  of  ants,  from  the  size  of  a  pin's  head  to  half 
an  inch  long.  On  the  forest-trees  a  bag  of  a  thin  whitish  membrane, 
full  of  young  ants,  is  sometimes  seen  hanging,  and  the  traveller,  for  his 
own  comfort,  should  be  careful  not  to  disturb  it. 

Boa-constrictors  are  also  found,  but  they  are  rare,  and  I  have 
never  seen  one  in  freedom.     They  are  the  most  harmless  of  all  snakes 

1  An  effective  cure  for  a  centipede  bite  is  a  plaster  of  garlic  mashed  until  the 
juice  flows.     The  plaster  must  be  renewed  every  hour. 


340  Butterflies — TVhite  Ants — Bats — Dee?' 

in  the  Philippines.  Sometimes  the  Visayos  keep  them  in  their  houses, 
in  cages,  as  pets.  Small  Pythons  are  common.  The  snakes  most  to 
be  dreaded  are  called  by  the  natives  Alupong  and  Daghong-palay 
(Tagalog  dialect).  Their  bite  is  fatal  if  not  cauterized  at  once.  The 
latter  is  met  with  in  the  deep  mud  of  rice-fields  and  amongst  the  tall 
rice-blades,  hence  its  name.  Stagnant  waters  are  nearly  everywhere 
infested  with  Leeches.  In  the  trees  in  dense  forests  there  is  also  a 
diminutive  species  of  leech  which  jumps  into  one's  eyes. < 

In  the  houses  and  huts  in  Manila,  and  in  most  low-lying  places, 
mosquitoes  are  troublesome,  but  thanks  to  an  inoffensive  kind  of  lizard 
with  a  disproportionately  big  ugly  head  called  the  chaco?i,  and  the  small 
house-newt,  one  is  tolerably  free  from  crawling  insects.  Newts  are 
quite  harmless  to  persons,  and  are  rather  encouraged  than  otherwise. 
If  one  attempts  to  catch  a  newt  by  its  tail  it  shakes  it  off  and  runs 
away,  leaving  it  behind.  Rats  and  mice  are  numerous.  There  are 
myriads  of  cockroaches ;  but  happily  fleas,  house-flies,  and  bugs  are 
scarce.  In  the  wet-season  evenings  the  croaking  of  frogs  in  the  pools 
and  swamps  causes  an  incessant  din. 

In  the  dry-season  evenings  certain  trees  are  illuminated  by  swarms 
of  fire-flies,  which  assemble  and  flicker  around  the  foliage  as  do  moths 
around  the  flame  of  a  candle.  The  effect  of  their  darting  in  and  out 
like  so  many  bright  sparks  between  the  branches  is  very  pretty. 

There  are  many  very  beautiful  Moths  and  Butterflies.  In  1897 
I  brought  home  about  300  specimens  of  Philippine  butterflies  for  the 
Hon.  Walter  Rothschild. 

The  White  Ant  (termes),  known  here  as  Anay,  is  by  far  the  most 
formidable  insect  in  its  destructive  powers.  It  is  also  common  in  China. 
Here  it  eats  through  most  woods,  but  there  are  some  rare  exceptions, 
such  as  Molave,  Ipil,  Yacal,  etc.  If  white  ants  earnestly  take  possession 
of  the  woodwork  of  a  building  not  constructed  of  the  finest  timber, 
it  is  a  hopeless  case.  I  have  seen  deal-wood  packing-cases,  which 
have  come  from  Europe,  so  eaten  away  that  they  could  not  be  lifted 
without  falling  to  pieces.  Merchants'1  warehouses  have  had  to  be  pulled 
down  and  rebuilt  owing  to  the  depredations  of  this  insect,  as,  even 
if  the  building  itself  were  not  in  danger,  no  one  would  care  to  risk 
the  storage  of  goods  inside.  The  destruction  caused  by  anay  is 
possibly  exaggerated,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  many  traders  have 
lost  considerable  sums  through  having  had  to  realize,  at  any  price, 
wares  into  which  this  insect  had  penetrated. 

Bats  are  to  be  seen  in  this  Colony,  measuring  up  to  5  feet  from 
tip  to  tip  of  their  wings.  They  are  caught  for  the  value  of  their 
beautiful  soft  skins,  which  generally  find  a  sale  to  Europeans  returning 
home.  Bat-shooting  is  a  good  pastime,  and  a  novelty  to  Europeans. 
Small  Bats  frequently  fly  into  the  houses  in  the  evening. 

Deer  and  Wild  Boars  are  plentiful,  and  afford  good  sport  to  the 


Fowls — Birds — The  Locust  plague  341 

huntsman.  In  Morong  district — in  Negros  Island — and  in  Rizal 
Province,  on  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  estate  which  I  purchased — 
I  have  had  some  good  runs.  Monkeys,  too,  abound  in  many  of  the 
forests.  In  all  the  islands  there  is  enjoyment  awaiting  the  sportsman. 
Pheasants,  snipe,  a  dozen  varieties  of  wild  pigeons,  woodcock,  jungle- 
fowl  (gallus  bankiva),  wild  ducks,  water-fowl,  etc.  are  common,  whilst 
there  are  also  turtle-doves,  calaos  (buceros  hydrocorax),  hawks,  cranes, 
herons,  crows,  parrots,  cockatoos,  kingfishers,  parroquets,  and  many  others 
peculiar  to  the  Archipelago  which  I  will  leave  to  ornithologists  to 
describe.1  One  curious  species  of  pigeon  (calanas  nicobarina)  is  called 
in  Spanish  Paloma  de  punalada  because  of  the  crimson  feathers  on  its 
breast,  which  look  exactly  as  if  they  were  blood-stained  from  a  dagger- 
stab.2  In  1898  I  saw  some  specimens  of  this  pigeon  in  the  Hamburg 
Zoological  Gardens.  There  are  several  birds  of  gorgeous  plumage,  such 
as  the  oropendolo  (Spanish  name). 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  these  Islands  have  no  singing  birds. 

The  Locust  Plague  is  one  of  the  great  risks  the  planter  has  to  run. 
In  1851  the  Government  imported  some  Martins  from  China  with  the 
hope  of  exterminating  the  locusts.  When  the  birds  arrived  in  the 
port  of  Manila  they  were  right  royally  received  by  a  body  of  troops.  A 
band  of  music  accompanied  them  with  great  ceremony  to  Santa  Mesa, 
where  they  were  set  at  liberty,  and  the  public  were  forbidden  to  destroy 
them  under  severe  penalties.  At  that  date  there  were  countless  millions 
of  locusts  among  the  crops.  These  winged  insects  (Tagalog,  balang) 
come  in  swarms  of  millions  at  a  time,  and  how  to  exterminate  them  is 
a  problem.  I  have  seen  a  mass  of  locusts  so  dense  that  a  row  of  large 
trees  the  other  side  of  them  could  not  be  distinguished.  Sailing  along 
the  Antique  coast  one  evening,  I  observed,  on  the  fertile  shore,  a  large 
brown -coloured  plateau.  For  the  moment  I  thought  it  was  a  tract  of 
land  which  had  been  cleared  by  fire,  but  on  nearing  it  I  noticed  that 
myriads  of  locusts  had  settled  on  several  fields.  We  put  in  quite  close 
to  them  and  I  fired  off  a  revolver,  the  noise  of  which  caused  them  to 
move  off"  slowly  in  a  cloud.  When  locusts  settle  on  cultivated  lands, 
miles  of  crops  are  often  ruined  in  a  night  by  the  foliage  being 
consumed,  and  at  daybreak  only  fields  of  stalks  are  to  be  seen.  In  the 
daytime,  when  the  locusts  are  about  to  attack  a  planted  field,  the 
natives  rush  out  with  their  tin  cans,  which  serve  as  drums,  bamboo 
clappers,  red  flags,  etc.,  to  scare  them  off,  whilst  others  light  fires 
in  open  spaces  with  damp  fuel  to  raise  smoke.  Another  effective 
method    adopted    to    drive    them    away    is  to    fire    off  small   mortars, 

1  A  good  dish  can  be  made  of  the  rice-birds,  known  locally  as  Maya  (Munia 
oryzivora,  Bonap.  ;  Estrelda  amandava,  Gray)  and  the  Bato-Bato  and  Punay  pigeons 
{Ptilinopus  roseicollis,  Gray). 

2  According  to  Edouard  Verreux,  cited  by  Paul  de  la  Gironniere  in  his 
"Aventures  d'un  gentilhomme  Breton  aux  lies  Philippines,"  p.  394  (Paris  1857), 
there  were  at  that  date  172  classified  birds  in  this  Archipelago. 


342  Locusts — Edible  insects 

such  as  the  natives  use  at  provincial  feasts,  as  these  insects  are  sensitive 
to  the  least  noise. 

The  body  of  a  locust  is  similar  in  appearance  to  a  large  grasshopper. 
The  females  are  of  a  dark  brown  colour,  and  the  males  of  a  light 
reddish- brown.  The  female  extends  the  extremity  of  her  body  in  the 
form  of  an  augur,  with  which  she  pierces  the  earth  to  the  depth  of  an 
inch,  there  to  deposit  her  eggs.  In  two  or  three  weeks  the  eggs  hatch. 
Every  few  days  the  females  lay  eggs,  if  allowed  to  settle.  The  newly- 
born  insects,  having  no  wings  until  they  are  about  ten  days  old,  cannot 
be  driven  off,  and  in  the  meantime  they  make  great  havoc  among  the 
crops,  where  it  is  difficult  to  extinguish  them.  The  method  employed 
to  get  rid  of  them  is  to  place  a  barrier,  such  as  sheets  of  corrugated 
iron  roofing,  at  one  side  of  a  field,  dig  a  pit  in  front  of  the  barrier, 
and  send  a  number  of  men  to  beat  round  the  three  sides  of  the  field 
until  the  young  locusts  jump  in  heaps  into  the  pit.  I  have  heard 
planters  say  that  they  have  succeeded,  in  this  way,  in  destroying  as 
much  as  20  tons  of  locusts  in  one  season.  I  do  not  know  the  maximum 
distance  that  locusts  can  fly  in  one  continuous  journey,  but  they  have 
been  known  to  travel  as  much  as  60  miles  across  the  sea.  Millions  of 
unwinged  locusts  (called  lucton)  have  been  seen  floating  down  river 
streams,  whilst,  however,  the  winged  insect  cannot  resist  the  heavy 
rains  which  accompany  a  hurricane. 

It  is  said  that  the  food  passes  through  the  body  of  a  locust  as  fast 
as  it  eats,  and  that  its  natural  death  is  due  either  to  want  of  nourish- 
ment, or  to  a  small  worm  which  forms  in  the  body  and  consumes  it. 
It  is  also  supposed  that  the  female  dies  after  laying  a  certain  number 
of  eggs.  Excepting  the  damage  to  vegetation,  locusts  are  perfectly 
harmless  insects,  and  native  children  catch  them  to  play  with ;  also, 
when  fried,  they  serve  as  food  for  the  poorest  classes — in  fact,  I  was 
assured,  on  good  authority,  that  in  a  certain  village  in  Tayabas  Pro- 
vince, where  the  peasants  considered  locusts  a  dainty  dish,  payment 
was  offered  to  the  parish  priest  for  him  to  say  Mass  and  pray  for  the 
continuance  of  the  luxury.  In  former  times,  before  there  were  so  many 
agriculturists  interested  in  their  destruction,  these  insects  have  been 
known  to  devastate  the  Colony  during  six  consecutive  years. 

In  the  mud  of  stagnant  waters,  a  kind  of  beetle,  called  in  Visaya 
dialect  Tanga,  is  found,  and  much  relished  as  an  article  of  food.  In 
the  dry  season,  as  much  as  fifty  cents  a  dozen  is  paid  for  them  in  Molo 
(Yloilo)  by  well-to-do  natives.  Many  other  insects,  highly  repugnant 
to  the  European,  are  a  bonne  bouche  for  the  natives. 


343 


CHAPTER   XXI 

MANILA   UNDER   SPANISH   RULE 

Manila,  the  capital  of  the  Philippines,  is  situated  on  the  Island  of 
T.nynn  at  the  mouth  and  on  the  left  (south)  bank  of  the  Pasig  River, 
at  N.  lat.  14°  36'  by  E.  long.  120°  52'.  It  is  a  fortified  city,  being 
encircled  by  bastioned  and  hattlemented  walls,  which  were  built  in  the 
time  of  Governor  Gomez  Perez  Dasmarinas,  about  the  year_159CL  It 
is  said  that  the  labour  employed  was  Chinese.  These  walls  measure 
about  two  miles  and  a  quarter  long,  and  bore  mounted  old-fashioned 
cannon.  The  fortifications  are  of  stone,  and  their  solid  construction 
may  rank  as  a  chef  cCoeuvre  of  the  16th  century.  The  earthquake  of 
1880  caused  an  arch  of  one  of  the  entrances  to  fall  in,  and  elsewhere 
cracks  are  perceptible.  These  defects  were  never  made  good.  The  city 
is  surrounded  by  water — to  the  north  the  Pasig  River,  to  the  west  the 
sea,  and  the  moats  all  around.  These  moats  are  paved  at  the  bottom, 
and  sluices— perhaps  not  in  good  working  order  at  the  present  day — 
are  provided  for  filling  them  with  water  from  the  river. 

The  demolition  of  the  walls  and  moats  was  frequently  debated  by 
commissions  specially  appointed  from  Spain — the  last  in  October,  1887. 
It  is  said  that  a  commission  once  recommended  the  cleansing  of  the 
moats,  which  were  half  full  of  mud,  stagnant  water,  and  vegetable 
putrid  matter,  but  the  authorities  hesitated  to  disturb  the  deposit, 
for  fear  of  fetid  odours  producing  fever  or  other  endemic  disease. 

These  city  defences,  although  quite  useless  in  modern  warfare  with 
a  foreign  Power,  as  was  proved  in  1898,  might  any  day  have  been 
serviceable  as  a  refuge  for  Europeans  in  the  event  of  a  serious  revolt 
of  the  natives  or  Chinese.  The  garrison  consisted  of  one  European 
and  several  native  regiments. 

There  are  eight  drawbridge  entrances  to  the  Citadel l  wherein  were 

1  The  city  walls  were  undoubtedly  a  great  safeguard  for  the  Spaniards  against 
the  frequent  threats  of  the  Mindanao  and  Sulu  pirates  who  ventured  into  the  Bay 
of  Manila  up  to  within  58  years  ago.  Also,  for  more  than  a  century,  they  were  any 
day  subject  to  hostilities  from  the  Portuguese,  whilst  the  aggressive  foreign  policy 
of  the  mother  country  during  the  17th  century  exposed  them  to  reprisals  by  the 
Dutch  fleets,  which  in  1643  threatened  the  city  of  Manila.  Formerly  the  draw- 
bridges were  raised,  and  the  city  was  closed  and  under  sentinels  from  11  o'clock  p.m. 


344  Manila  in  Spanish  times 

some  Government  Offices,  branch  Post  and  Telegraph  Offices,  the 
Custom-house  (temporarily  removed  to  Binondo  since  May  4,  1887, 
during  the  construction  of  the  new  harbour),  Colleges,  Convents, 
Monasteries,  a  Prison,  numerous  Barracks,  a  Mint,  a  Military  Hospital, 
an  Academy  of  Arts,  a  University,  a  statue  of  Charles  IV.  situated  in  a 
pretty  square,  a  fine  Town  Hall,  a  Meteorological  Observatory,  of  which 
the  director  was  a  Jesuit  priest,  an  Artillery_Depot,  a  Cathedral  and  11 
churches.1  The  little  trade  done  in  the  city  was  exclusively  retail.  In 
the  month  of  April  or  May,  1603,  a  great  fire  destroyed  one-third  of 
the  city,  the  property  consumed  being  valued  at  P.  1,000,000. 

Manila  City  was  a  lifeless  capital,  with  narrow  streets  all  running  at 
right  angles  with  each  other,  of  sombre,  monastic  aspect.  It  had  no 
popular  cafe's,  no  opera-house  or  theatre ;  indeed  absolutely  no  place  of 
recreation.  Only  the  numerous  religious  processions  relieved  the  uni- 
formity of  city  life.  The  whole  (walled)  city  and  its  environments  seem 
to  have  been  built  solely  with  a  view  to  self-defence.  Since  1887  it 
had  been  somewhat  embellished  by  gardens  in  the  public  squares. 

Besides  the  churches  of  the  walled  city,  those  of  the  suburbs  are  of 
great  historical  interest.  In  the  Plaza  de  Santa  Cruz  is  established  the 
Monte  de  Piedad,  or  Public  Pawnshop — a  fine  building — erected  under 
the  auspices  of  Archbishop  Pedro  Payo. 

The  great  trading-centre  is  the  Island  of  Binondo,  on  the  right 
(north)  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  where  the  foreign  houses  are 
established.  On  the  city  side  of  the  river,  where  there  was  little  com- 
merce and  no  export  or  import  trade  whatever,  a  harbour  was  in  course 
of  construction,  without  the  least  hope  of  its  ever  being  completed  by 
the  Spaniards.  All  the  sea-wall  visible  of  these  works  was  carried  away 
by  a  typhoon  on  September  29,  1890.  To  defray  the  cost  of  making 
this  harbour,  a  special  duty  (not  included  in  the  Budget)  of  one  per 
cent,  on  exports,  two  per  cent,  on  imports,  10  cents  per  ton  on  vessels 
(besides  the  usual  tonnage  dues  of  eight  cents  per  register  ton),  and  a 
fishing-craft  tax  were  collected  since  June,  1880.  For  eighteen  years' 
dues-collection  of  several  millions  of  pesos  only  a  scrap  of  sea-wall 
was  to  be  seen  beyond  the  river  in  1898,  of  no  use  to  trade  or  to  any 
one.  In  1882  fourteen  huge  iron  barges  for  the  transport  of  stone 
from  Angono  for  the  harbour  were  constructed  by  an  English  engineer, 
Mr.  W.  S.  Richardson,  under  contract  with  the  Port  Works,  for  P.82,000. 

The    Port   of   Manila  was   officially  held    to    extend    for   27   miles 

until  4  o'clock  a.m.  It  continued  so  until  1852,  when,  in  consequence  of  the  earth- 
quake of  that  year,  it  was  decreed  that  the  city  should  thenceforth  remain  open 
night  and  day.  The  walled  city  was  officially  styled  the  Plaza  de  Manila,  its 
last  Spanish  military  governor  being  General  Rizzo,  who  left  for  Europe  in 
December,  1898.  The  most  modern  drawbridge  entrance  was  the  Puerta  de  Isabel  II. 
(1861),  facing  the  Pasig  River. 

1  The  Cathedral  has  been  destroyed  four  times  by  fire  and  earthquake,  and  rebuilt 
by  successive  archbishops. 


The  Bay — Corregidor  Island — Mariveles  345 

westward  from  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig  River.  This  tortuous  river, 
about  14  miles  long,  flows  from  the  Laguna  de  Bay. 

The  anchorage  of  the  port  was  in  the  bay,  two  to  two  and  a  half 
miles  south-west  from  the  red  light  at  the  river-entrance,  in  about 
six  fathoms.     There  was  no  special  locality  reserved  for  warships. 

Ships  at  the  anchorage  communicated  with  the  shore  by  their  own 
boats  or  steam-launch,  and  the  loading  and  discharging  of  vessels  was 
chiefly  effected  in  the  bay,  one  to  three  miles  off  the  river  mouth,  by 
means  of  lighters  called  cascoes. 

Manila  Bay  has  a  circumference  of  120  nautical  miles,  and  is  far  too 
large  to  afford  adequate  protection  to  ships.  The  country  around  it  is 
flat  in  character  and  has  really  nothing  attractive. 

On  October  20,  1882,  a  typhoon  drove  11  ships  and  one  steamer 
ashore  from  their  anchorage,  besides  dismasting  another  and  causing 
three  more  to  collide.  When  a  typhoon  is  approaching  vessels  have  to 
run  to  Cavite  for  shelter. 

The  entrance  to  the  bay  is  divided  into  two  passages  by  the  small 
Island  of  Corregidor,  on  which  was  a  lighthouse  showing  a  revolving 
bright  light,  visible  20  miles  off.  Here  was  also  a  signal-station,  com- 
municating by  a  semaphore  with  a  telegraph  station  on  the  opposite 
Luzon  coast,  and  thence  by  wire  with  Manila.  North  of  Corregidor 
Island  is  situated  the  once  important  harbour  of  Mariveles.1 

1  Mariveles. — Much  historical  interest  is  attached  to  this  place.  It  was 
the  chief  port  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  Marive'ks  under  the  old  territorial  division 
which  comprised  the  island  now  called  Corregidor.  Mariveles  is  now  included 
in  the  Province  of  Bataan. 

The  first  Spanish  missionary  who  attempted  to  domesticate  the  natives  of  the 
Mariveles  coast  was  stoned  hy  them,  and  died  in  Manila  in  consequence.  An 
insubordinate  Archbishop  was  once  banished  to  Mariveles.  Through  the  narrow 
channel  between  this  port  and  Corregidor  Island,  known  as  Boca  chica,  came 
swarms  of  Asiatic  trading-junks  every  spring  for  over  two  centuries.  Forming  tire1 
extreme  point  of  Manila  Bay,  here  was  naturally  the  watchguard  for  the  safety  of 
the  capital.  It  was  the  point  whence  could  be  descried  the  movements  of  foreign 
enemies — Dutch,  British,  Mahometan,  Chinese,  etc.  ;  it  was  the  last  refuge  forf 
ships  about  to  venture  from  the  Islands  to  foreign  parts.  Yet,  with  all  these 
antecedents,  it  is,  to-day,  one  of  the  poorest  and  most  primitive  villages  of  the 
Colony.  From  its  aspect  one  could  almost  imagine  it  to  be  at  the  furthermost 
extremity  of  the  Archipelago.  Its  ancient  name  was  Camaya,  and  how  it  came 
to  be  called  Mariveles  is  accounted  for  in  the  following  interesting  legend  : — About 
the  beginning  of  the  17th  century  one  of  the  Mexican  galleons  brought  to  Manila 
a  family  named  Velez,  whose  daughter  was  called  Maria.  When  she  was  17  years 
of  age  this  girl  took  the  veil  in  Santa  Clara  Convent  (vide  p.  81),  and  there 
responded  to  the  attentions  of  a  Franciscan  monk,  who  fell  so  desperately  in  love 
with  her  that  they  determined  to  elope  to  Camaya  and  wait  there  for  the  galleon 
which  was  to  leave  for  Mexico  in  the  following  July.  The  girl,  disguised  in  a 
monk's  habit,  fled  from  her  convent,  and  the  lovers  arrived  safely  in  Camaya  in 
a  hired  canoe,  tired  out  after  the  sea-passage  under  a  scorching  sun.  The  next 
day  they  went  out  to  meet  the  galleon,  which,  however,  had  delayed  her  sailing. 
In  the  meantime  the  elopement  had  caused  great  scandal  in  Manila.  A  proclama- 
tion was  published  by  the  town-crier  calling  upon  the  inhabitants  to  give  up  the 
culprits,  under  severe  penalties  for  disobedience.  Nothing  resulted,  until  the 
matter  oozed  out  through  a  native  who  was  aware  of  their  departure.     Then  an 


346  Manila  in  Spanish  times 

The  entrance  to  the  Pasig  River  is  between  two  moles,  which  run 
out  westward  respectively  from  the  citadel  on  the  south  bank  and  from 
the  business  suburb  of  Binondo  on  the  north  bank.  At  the  outer 
extremity  of  the  northern  mole  was  a  lighthouse,  showing  a  fixed  red 
light,  visible  eight  miles. 

Vessels  drawing  up  to  13  feet  could  enter  the  river.  In  the  middle 
of  1887  a  few  electric  lights  were  established  along  the  quays  from  the 
river  mouth  to  the  first  bridge,  and  one  light  also  on  that  bridge,  so 
that  steamers  could  enter  the  river  after  sunset  if  desired.  The 
wharfage  is  wholly  occupied  by  steamers  and  sailing-craft  trading 
within  the  Archipelago.  The  tides  are  very  irregular.  The  rise  and 
fall  at  springs  my  be  taken  to  be  five  feet. 

Up  to  1887  ships  needing  repairs  had  to  go  to  Hong-Kong,  but  in 
that  year  a  patent  slip  was  established  at  Canacao  Bay,  near  Cavite, 
seven  miles  southward  from  the  Manila  Bay  anchorage.  The  working 
capacity  of  the  hydraulic  hauling  power  of  the  slip  was  2,000  tons. 

At  Cavite,  close  by  Canacao,  there  was  a  Government  Arsenal  and 
a  small  slip,  having  a  hauling  power  of  about  500  tons. 

Up  to  the  year  1893  the  streets  of  Manila  City  and  suburbs  were 
badly  lighted — petroleum  lamps,  and  sometimes  cocoanut  oil,  being 
used.  (The  paving  was  perhaps  more  defective  than  the  lighting.)  In 
1892  an  Electric  Light  Company  was  formed,  with  a  share  capital  of 
P.500,000  (P.350,000  paid  up)  for  illuminating  the  city  and  suburbs 
and  private  lighting.  Under  the  contract  with  the  Municipality  the 
company  received  a  grant  of  P.60,000,  and  the  concern  was  in  full 
working  order  the  following  year.  The  poorest  working  class  of  Manila 
— fishermen,  canoemen,  day  labourers,  etc. — live  principally  in  the 
ward  of  Tondo,  where  dwellings  with  thatched  roofs  were  allowed  to 
be  constructed.  In  the  wet  season  the  part  of  this  ward  nearest  to 
the  city  was  simply  a  mass  of  pollution.  The  only  drainage  was  a  ditch 
cut  around  the  mud-plots  on  which  the  huts  were  erected.  Many  of 
these  huts  had  pools  of  stagnant  water  under  them  for  months,  hence 

alderman  of  the  city  set  out  in  a  prahu  in  pursuit  of  the  amorous  fugitives,  accom- 
panied by  a  notary  and  a  dozen  arquebusiers.  After  searching  in  vain  all  over 
the  island  now  called  Corregidor,  they  went  to  Camaya,  and  there  found  the 
young  lady,  Maria,  on  the  beach  in  a  most  pitiable  condition,  with  her  dress  torn 
to  shreds,  and  by  her  side  the  holy  friar,  wearied  and  bleeding  from  the  wounds 
he  had  received  whilst  fighting  with  the  savage  natives  who  disputed  his  possession 
of  the  fair  maiden.  The  search-party  found  there  a  canoe,  in  which  the  friar  was 
conveyed  to  Manila  in  custody,  whilst  the  girl  was  taken  charge  of  by  the  alderman 
in  the  prahu.  From  Manila  the  sinful  priest  was  sent  to  teach  religion  and 
morality  to  the  Visaya  tribes  ;  the  romantic  nun  was  sent  back  to  the  City  of 
Mexico  to  suffer  perpetual  reclusion  in  a  convent. 

From  these  events,  it  is  said,  arose  the  names  of  Corregidor  (Alderman)  Island, 
which  lies  between  the  rocks  known  as  Fraile  (Friar)  and  Monja  (Nun),  whilst  the 
lovers'  refuge  thenceforth  took  the  name  of  Mariveles  (Maria  Yelez). 

Ships  arriving  from  foreign  or  Philippine  infected  ports  were  quarantined  off 
Mariveles,  under  Spanish  regulations.  During  the  great  cholera  epidemic  of  1882 
a  Lazaretto  was  established  here. 


Tondo — Binondo — Oriental  artificers  347 

it  was  there  that  the  mortality  from  fever  was  at  its  maximum  ratio 
in  the  dry  season  when  evaporation  commenced.  Half  the  shore  side 
of  Tondo  has  been  many  times  devastated  by  conflagrations  and  by 
hurricanes,  locally  termed  baguws. 
\  Binondo  presents  an  aspect  of  great  activity  during  the  day.  The 
import  and  export  trade  is  still  largely  in  the  hands  of  British  merchants, 
and  the  retail  traffic  is,  to  a  great  extent,  monopolized  by  the  Chinese. 
Their  tiny  shops,  grouped  together  in  rows,  form  bazaars.  At  each 
counter  sits  a  Chinaman,  casting  up  accounts,  with  the  ancient  abacus 1 
still  serving  him  for  practical  reckoning.  Another  is  ready  at  the 
counter  to  strike  the  bargain,  whilst  a  third  crafty  Celestial  lounges 
about  the  entrance  to  tout  for  custom,  with  a  margin  on  his  prices  for 
haggling  which  is  high  or  low  according  to  whether  the  intending 
purchaser  be  American,  European,  half-caste,  or  native. 

*--,  There  is  hardly  a  street  without  Chinese  dealers,  but  their  principal 
centre  is  the  Rosario,  whilst  the  finest  American  and  European  shops 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Escolta.2 

In  1881  a  great  fire  occurred  in  the  Escolta,  and  since  then  the 
class  of  property  in  that  important  thoroughfare  has  been  much 
improved.  In  October,  1885,  a  second  serious  fire  took  place  in  this 
street,  and  on  the  site  of  the  ruins  there  now  stands  a  fine  block  of 
buildings  formerly  occupied  by  the  Central  Post  Office  and  Telegraph 
Station,  and  a  row  of  good  shops  in  European  style. 

During  the  working  hours  were  to  be  seen  hundreds  of  smart  Chinese 
coolies,  half-naked,  running  in  all  directions  with  loads,  or  driving  carts, 
whilst  the  natives  dreamily  sauntered  along  the  streets,  following  their 
numerous  occupations  with  enviable  tranquillity.  In  the  doorways  here 
and  there  were  native  women  squatting  on  the  flag-stones,  picking  lice 
from  each  other's  heads,  and  serving  a  purchaser  between-times  with 
cigars,  betel-nut,  and  food,  when  occasion  offered. 

|  Certain  small  handicrafts  are  almost  entirely  taken  up  by  the 
Chinese,  such  as  boot-making,  furniture-making,  small  smithVwork 
and  casting,  tin-working,  tanning,  dyeing,  etc.,  whilst  the  natives  are 
occupied  as  silversmiths,  engravers,  saddlers,  water-colour  painters, 
furniture-polishers,  bookbinders,  etc.  A  few  years  ago  the  apothecaries 
were  almost  exclusively  Germans ;  now  the  profession  is  shared  with 
natives,  half-castes,  and  one  British  firm. 

The  thoroughfares  were  crowded  with  carriages  during  the  whole 
day  drawn  by  pretty  native  ponies.  The  public  conveyance  regulations 
in  Spanish  times  were  excellent.  The  rates  for  hiring  were  very 
moderate,    and    were    calculated   by    the   time   engaged.      Incivility   of 

1  The  abacus  consists  of  a  frame  with  a  number  of  parallel  wires  on  which 
counting-beads  are  strung.     It  is  in  common  use  in  China. 

2  Escolta  (meaning  Escort),  the  principal  thoroughfare  in  the  business  quarter 
(Binondo),  is  said  to  have  been  so  named  during  the  British  occupation  (1762-63), 
when  the  British  Commander-in-Chief  passed  through  it  daily  with  his  escort. 


348  Manila  ;  Easter  week ;  vehicle  traffic 

drivers  was  a  thing  almost  unknown.  Their  patience  was  astonishing. 
They  would,  if  required,  wait  for  the  fare  for  hours  together  in  a 
drenching  rain  without  a  murmur.  Having  engaged  a  vehicle  (in 
Manila  or  elsewhere)  it  is  usual  to  guide  the  driver  by  calling  out 
to  him  each  turn  he  has  to  take.  Thus,  if  he  be  required  to  go  to 
the  right — mano  (hand)  is  the  word  used ;  if  to  the  left— silla  (saddle) 
is  shouted.  This  custom  originated  in  the  days  before  natives  were 
intrusted  to  drive,  when  a  postilion  rode  the  left  (saddle)  pony,  and 
guided  his  right  (hand)  animal  with  a  short  rein. 

Through  the  city  and  suburbs  ran  lines  of  tramway  with  cars  drawn 
by  ponies,  and  (from  October  20,  1888  until  1905)  a  steam  tramway 
operated  as  far  as  Malabon. 

Fortunately,  Easter  week  brought  two  days  of  rest  every  year  for 
the  ponies,  namely,  Holy  Thursday  and  Good  Friday.  As  in  Spain 
also,  with  certain  exceptions,  such  as  doctors,  urgent  Government 
service,  etc.,  vehicles  were  not  permitted  in  the  streets  and  highways 
on  those  days.  Soldiers  passing  through  the  streets  on  service  carried 
their  guns  with  the  muzzles  pointing  to  the  ground.  The  church  bells 
were  tolled  with  muffled  hammers ;  hence,  the  vibration  of  the  metal 
being  checked,  the  peal  sounded  like  the  beating  of  so  many  tin  cans. 
The  shops  were  closed,  and,  so  far  as  was  practicable,  every  outward 
appearance  of  care  for  worldly  concerns  was  extinguished,  whilst  it 
was  customary  for  the  large  majority  of  the  population — natives  as 
well  as  Europeans — who  went  through  the  streets  to  be  attired  in 
black.  On  Good  Friday  afternoon  there  was  an  imposing  religious 
procession  through  the  city  and  suburbs.  On  the  following  Saturday 
morning  (Sabado  de  Gloria)  there  was  a  lively  scene  after  the  celebration 
of  Mass.  In  a  hundred  portals  and  alleys,  public  and  private  vehicles 
were  awaiting  the  peal  of  the  unmuffled  church  bells.  The  instant  this 
was  heard  there  was  a  rush  in  all  directions — the  clanking  of  a  thousand 
ponies'1  feet ;  the  rumbling  sound  of  hundreds  of  carriages.  The  mingled 
shouts  of  the  natives  and  the  Chinese  coolies  showed  with  what  bated 
anxiety  and  forced  subjection  material  interest  and  the  affairs  of  this 
life  had  been  held  in  check  and  made  subservient  to  higher  thoughts. 

An  official  computation  in  the  year  1885  stated  the  average  number 
of  vehicles  which  passed  through  the  main  street  of  the  city  (Calle 
Real)  per  day  to  be  950  ;  through  the  Escolta,  the  principal  street  of 
Binondo,  5,000  ;  and  across  the  bridge,  connecting  Binondo  with  Manila 
City  (where  the  river  is  350  feet  wide),  6,000. 

Sir  John  Bowring,  in  the  account  of  his  short  visit  to  Manila  in 
1858,  says  he  was  informed  on  good  authority  that  the  average 
number  of  vehicles  passing  daily  at  that  date  through  the  Escolta 
amounted  to  915;  across  the  bridge,  between  Binondo  and  Manila, 
1,256;  so  that  apparently  in  27  years  the  number  of  vehicles  in  use 
had  increased  by  about  five  to  one. 


Theatres— The  Carrillo— Moro  Moro  349 

The  Pasig  River  is  navigable  by  steam-launches  and  specially  - 
constructed  steamers  of  light  draught,  which  go  up  the  whole  distance 
into  the  Laguna  de  Bay.  The  river ,  is  crossed  at  Manila  and  suburbs 
by  three  bridges,  the  chief  of  which  is  the  Puente  de  Espana.1 

In  the  suburbs  there  were  four  Theatres,  in  none  of  which  a 
dramatic  company  of  any  note  would  consent  to  perform.  In  one  (the 
Teatro  Filipino)  the  performance  could  be  partly  seen  from  the  street ; 
another  (the  Teatro  de  Tondo)  was  situated  in  a  dirty  thorough- 
fare in  a  low  quarter  ;  the  third  (the  Teatro  del  Principe)  usually 
gave  an  entertainment  in  dialect  for  the  amusement  of  the  natives  ; 
and  the  fourth  j^the  Teatro  Zorrilla),  located  in  Tondo,  was  built  to 
serve  as  theatre  or  circus  without  any  regard  to  its  acoustic  properties ; 
hence  only  one-third  of  the  audience  could  hear  the  dialogue.  There 
was  a  permanent  Spanish  Comedy  Company  (on  tour  at  times  in  Yloilo 
and  Cebii),  and  occasionally  a  troupe  of  foreign  strolling  players,  a  circus, 
a  concert,  or  an  Italian  Opera  Company  came  to  Manila  to  entertain 
the  public  for  a  few  weeks. 

In  1880  there  used  to  be  a  kind  of  tent-theatre,  called  the  Carrillo 
where  performances  were  given  without  any  pretence  to  histrionic  art 
or  stage  regulations.  The  scenes  were  highly  ridiculous,  and  the  gravest 
spectator  could  not  suppress  laughter  at  the  exaggerated  attitudes 
and  comic  display  of  the  native  performers.  The  public  had  full 
licence  to  call  to  the  actors  and  criticize  them  in  loud  voices  seance 
tenante — often  to  join  in  the  choruses  and  make  themselves  quite  at 
home  during  the  whole  spectacle.  About  a  year  afterwards  the 
Carrillo  was  suppressed.  The  first  Spaniards  who  systematically  taught 
the  Filipinos  European  histrionics  were  Ramon  Cubero  and  his  wife, 
Elisea  Raguer  (both  very  popular  in  their  day),  whose  daughter  married 
the  Philippine  actor  and  dramatic  author  Jose  Carvajal.  The  old- 
fashioned  native  play  was  the  "  Moro  Moro?  which  continued  in  full 
vogue,  in  the  provinces,  up  to  the  end  of  Spanish  dominion.2 

1  On  the  site  of  this  last  bridge  the  Puente  de  Boreas  (Pontoon  Bridge)  existed 
from  1G32  to  1863,  when  it  was  destroyed  by  the  great  earthquake  of  that  year. 
The  new  stone  bridge  was  opened  in  1875,  and  called  the  Puente  de  Espana. 

3  The  burthen  of  a  native  play  in  the  provinces  was  almost  invariably  founded 
on  the  contests  between  the  Mahometans  of  the  South  and  the  Christian  natives 
under  Spanish  dominion. 

The  Spaniards,  in  attaching  the  denomination  of  Moros  to  the  Mahometans  of 
Sulu,  associated  them  in  name  with  the  Mahometan  Moors  who  held  sway  over  a 
large  part  of  Hispania  for  over  seven  centuries  (711-1-192).  A  "Moro  Moro 
performance  is  usually  a  drama — occasionally  a  melodrama — in  which  the  native 
actors,  clad  in  all  the  glittering  finery  of  Mahometan  nobility  and  Christian  chivalry, 
assemble  in  battle  array  before  the  Mahometan  princesses,  to  settle  their  disputes 
under  the  combined  inspirations  of  love  and  religious  persuasion.  The  princesses, 
one  after  the  other,  pining  under  the  dictates  of  the  heart  in  defiance  of  their 
creed,  leave  their  fate  to  be  sealed  by  the  outcome  of  deadly  combat  between  the 
contending  factions.  Armed  to  the  teeth,  the  cavaliers  of  the  respective  parties 
march  to  and  fro,  haranguing  each  other  in  monotonous  tones.  After  a  long- 
winded,  wearisome  challenge,  they  ^brandish  their  weapons  and  meet  in  a  series 


350  Manila;  the  bull-ring;  the  annual  feasts 

In  the  suburb  of  Paco  there  was  a  bull-ring,  which  did  not  generally 
attract  the  elite,  as  a  bull-fight  there  was  simply  a  burlesque  upon  this 
national  sport  as  seen  in  Spain.  I  have  witnessed  a  Manila  espada  hang 
on  to  the  tail  of  his  victim,  and  a  banderillero  meet  the  rush  of  the  bull 
with  a  vault  over  his  head,  amidst  hoots  from  the  shady  class  of 
audience  who  formed  the  habitues  of  the  Manila  ring. 

The  Civil  Governor  of  the  Province  had  full  arbitrary  power  to 
enforce  the  regulations  relating  to  public  performances,  but  it  was 
seldom  he  imposed  a  fine.  The  programme  had  to  be  sanctioned  by 
authority  before  it  was  published,  and  it  could  neither  be  added  to  nor 
any  part  of  it  omitted,  without  special  licence.  The  performance  was 
given  under  the  censorship  of  the  Corregidor  or  his  delegate,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  guard  the  interests  of  the  public,  and  to  see  that  the 
spectacle  did  not  outrage  morality. 

The  ostensible  purpose  of  every  annual  feast  all  over  the  Colony 
was  to  render  homage  to  the  local  patron  Saint  and  give  thanks  for 
mercies  received  in  the  past  year.  Every  town,  village,  and  suburb  was 
supposed  to  be  specially  cared  for  by  its  patron  Saint,  and  when 
circumstances  permitted  it  there  was  a  religious  procession,  which  was 
intended  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  the  faithful  the  virtue  of  the 
intercessors  by  ocular  demonstration.  Vast  sums  of  money  were 
expended  from  time  to  time  in  adornment  of  the  images,  the  adoration 
of  which  seemed  to  be  tinctured  with  pantheistic  feeling,  as  if  these 
symbols  were  part  of  the  Divine  essence. 

Among  the  suburban  feasts  of  Manila,  that  of  Binondo  was 
particularly  striking.  It  took  place  in  the  month  of  October.  An 
imposing  illuminated  procession,  headed  by  the  clergy,  guarded  by 
troops,  and  followed  up  by  hundreds  of  native  men,  women  and  children 
carrying  candles,  promenaded  the  principal  streets  of  the  vicinity.  But 
the  religious  feeling  of  the  truly  devoted  was  shocked  by  one  ridiculous 
feature — the  mob  of  native  men,  dressed  in  gowns  and  head- wreaths,  in 
representation  of  the  Jews  who  persecuted  our  Saviour,  rushing  about 
the  streets  in  tawdry  attire  before  and  after  the  ceremony  in  such 
apparent  ignorance  of  the  real  intention  that  it  annulled  the  sublimity 
of  the  whole  function. 

of  single  combats  which  merge  in  a  general  melee  as  the  princes  are  vanquished 
and  the  hand  of  the  disputed  enchantress  is  won. 

The  dialogue  is  in  the  idiom  of  the  district  where  the  performance  is  given, 
and  the  whole  play  (lasting  from  four  to  six  nights)  is  brief  compared  with  Chinese 
melodrama,  which  often  extends  to  a  month  of  nights. 

Judged  from  the  standard  of  European  histrionism,  the  plot  is  weak  from  the 
sameness  and  repetition  of  the  theme.  The  declamation  is  unnatural,  and  void  of 
vigour  and  emphasis.  The  same  tone  is  maintained  from  beginning  to  end, 
whether  it  be  in  expression  of  expostulatory  defiance,  love,  joy,  or  despair.  But 
the  masses  were  intensely  amused  ;  thus  the  full  object  was  achieved.  They  seemed 
never  to  tire  of  gazing  at  the  situations  created  and  applauding  vociferously  the 
feigned  defeat  of  their  traditional  arch-foes. 


All  Saints   day — Cock-fighting  351 

All  Saints'  Day — November  1 — brought  a  large  income  to  the 
priests  in  the  most  frequented  parish  churches.  This  is  one  of  the  days 
on  which  souls  can  be  got  out  of  Purgatory.  The  faithful  flocked  in 
mobs  to  the  popular  shrines,  where  an  effort  was  made  to  place  a 
lighted  wax  candle  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  on  bended  knee  to 
invoke  the  Saints'  aid  on  behalf  of  their  departed  relatives  and  friends. 
But  the  crowd  was  so  great  that  the  pious  were  not  permitted  this 
consolation  for  more  than  two  or  three  minutes.  Sacristans  made  them 
move  on,  to  leave  room  for  new-comers,  and  their  candles  were  then 
extinguished  and  collected  in  heaps,  Chinese  infidel  coolies  being  some- 
times employed  to  carry  away  the  spoil  to  the  parish  priest's  store. 
The  wax  was  afterwards  sold  to  dealers.  One  church  is  said  to  have 
collected  on  November  1,  1887,  as  much  as  40  cwts.,  valued  at  P.37 
per  cwt.  This  day  was  a  public  holiday,  and  in  the  afternoon  and 
evening  it  was  the  custom  to  visit  the  last  resting-places,  to  leave  a 
token  of  remembrance  on  the  tombs  of  the  lamented. 

The  Asylum  for  Lepers,  at  Dalumbayan,  in  the  ward  of  Santa 
Cruz,  was  also  visited  the  same  day,  and  whilst  many  naturally  went 
there  to  see  their  afflicted  relations  and  friends,  others,  of  morbid  tastes, 
satisfied  their  curiosity.  This  Asylum,  subsidized  by  Government  to 
the  extent  of  P.500  per  annum,  was,  in  the  time  of  the  Spaniards,  under 
the  care  of  Franciscan  friars. 

In  January  or  February  the  Chinese  celebrate  their  New  Year, 
and  suspend  work  during  a  week  or  ten  days.  The  authorities  did  not 
permit  them  to  revel  in  fun  to  the  extent  they  would  have  done  in  their 
own  country ;  nevertheless,  Chinese  music,  gongs,  and  crackers  were 
indulged  in,  in  the  quarters  most  thickly  populated  by  this  race. 

The  natives  generally  have  an  unbounded  passion  for  cock-fighting, 
and  in  the  year  1779  it  occurred  to  the  Government  that  a  profitable 
revenue  might  be  derived  from  a  tax  on  this  sport.  Thenceforth  it 
was  only  permitted  under  a  long  code  of  regulations  on  Sundays  and 
feast  days,  and  in  places  officially  designated  for  the  "  meet "  of  the 
combatants.  In  Manila  alone  the  permission  to  meet  was  extended 
to  Thursdays.  The  cock-pit  is  called  the  Gallera,  and  the  tax  was 
farmed  out  to  the  highest  bidding  contractor,  who  undertook  to  pay 
a  fixed  annual  sum  to  the  Government,  making  the  best  he  could  for 
himself  out  of  the  gross  proceeds  from  entrance-fees  and  sub-letting 
rents  in  excess  of  that  amount.  In  like  manner  the  Government 
farmed  out  the  taxes  on  horses,  vehicles,  sale  of  opium,  slaughter  of 
animals  for  consumption,  bridge-tolls,  etc.,  and,  until  1888,  the  market 
dues.  Gambling  licences  also  brought  a  good  revenue,  but  it  would 
have  been  as  impossible  to  suppress  cock-fighting  in  the  Islands  as 
gambling  in  England.1 

The  Spanish  laws  relating  to  the  cock-pit  were  very  strict,  and  were 

1  The  favourite  game  of  the  Tagalogs  is  Panguingui — of  the  Chinese  Chapdiki. 


J 


352  Manila;  Hotels;  the  Press 

specially  decreed  on  March  21, 1861.  It  was  enacted  that  the  maximum 
amount  to  be  staked  by  one  person  on  one  contest  should  be  50  pesos. 
That  each  cock  should  wear  only  one  metal  spur.  That  the  fight 
should  be  held  to  be  terminated  on  the  death  of  one  or  both  cocks,  or 
when  one  of  them  retreated.  However,  the  decree  contained  in  all  a 
hundred  clauses  too  tedious  to  enumerate.  Cock-fighting  is  discussed 
among  the  natives  with  the  same  enthusiasm  as  horse-racing  is  in 
England.  The  majority  of  sportsmen  rear  cocks  for  several  years, 
bestowing  upon  them  as  much  tender  care  as  a  mother  would  on  her 
infant.  When  the  hope  of  the  connoisseur  has  arrived  at  the  age  of 
discretion  and  valour,  it  is  put  forward  in  open  combat,  perhaps  to  perish 
in  the  first  encounter.     And  the  patient  native  goes  on  training  others. 

Within  twenty  minutes1  drive  from  Manila,  at  Nagtajan,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  there  was  a  good  European  club 
(since  removed  to  Ermita),  of  which  the  members  were  chiefly  English- 
speaking  merchants  and  employees.  The  entrance-fee  was  P.30  ;  the 
monthly  subscription  was  P.5,  and  P.l  per  month  extra  for  the  use 
of  a  fairly  good  library. 

The  principal  hotel — the  "  Hotel  de  Oriente " — was  opened  in 
Binondo  in  January,  1889,  in  a  large  two-storeyed  building,  with  83  rooms 
for  the  public  service,  and  stabling  for  25  horses.  It  was  the  first 
building  specially  erected  in  the  Colony  for  an  hotel.  The  accommo- 
dation and  board  were  good.  It  ranked  with  the  best  hotels  in 
the  East.  [In  1903  the  building  was  purchased  by  the  (American) 
Insular  Government  for  public  offices.]  In  Manila  City  and  Binondo 
there  were  several  other  Spanish  hotels  where  the  board  was  tolerable, 
but  the  lodging  and  service  abominable.  There  was  a  telephone  system 
established  throughout  the  city  and  its  environs. 
y  The  press  was  represented  by  five  dailies — El  Diario  de  Manila,  La 
Oceania  Espanola,  three  evening  papers,  El  Comeivio,  La  Voz  de  Espana, 
and  (from  March  3,  1889)  La  Correspondencia  de  Manila — also  a 
bi-weekly,  La  Opinion.  Some  good  articles  appeared  at  times  in  the 
three  dailies  first  mentioned,  but  as  newspapers  strictly  so-called,  the 
information  in  all  was  remarkably  scant,  due  to  the  strict  censorship 
exercised  jointly  by  a  priest  and  a  layman.  There  was  also  a  purely 
official  organ — the  Gaceta  de  Manila. 

The  first  news-sheet  published  in  Manila  appears  to  have  been  the 
Eilantropo,  in  the  year  1822,  which  existed  only  a  few  years.  Others 
followed  and  failed  in  a  short  time.  The  first  Manila  daily  paper  was 
the  Estrella,  which  started  in  1846  and  lasted  three  years.  Since  then 
several  dailies  have  seen  the  light  for  a  brief  period.  The  Diario  de 
Manila,  started  in  1848,  was  the  oldest  newspaper  of  those  existing  at 
the  end  of  the  Spanish  regime. 

In  Spain  journalism  began  in  the  17th  century  by  the  publication, 
at  irregular  intervals,  of  sheets  called  "  Relaciones.'1'1     The  first  Spanish 


Spanish  Newspapers — Dwelling-houses  353 

newspaper,  correctly  so  called,  was  established  in  the  18th  century. 
Seventy-eight  years  ago  there  was  only  one  regular  periodical  journal 
in  Madrid.  After  the  Peninsula  War,  a  step  was  made  towards  political 
journalism.  This  led  to  such  an  abuse  of  the  pen  that  in  1824  all, 
except  the  Gaceta  de  Madrid,  the  Gaceta  de  Bayona,  the  Diario,  and 
a  few  non-political  papers  were  suppressed.  Madrid  has  now  scores  of 
newspapers,  of  which  half  a  dozen  are  very  readable.  The  Correspondence 
de  Espana,  founded  by  the  late  Marquis  de  Santa  Ana  as  a  Montpensier 
organ,  used  to  afford  me  great  amusement  in  Madrid.  It  contained 
columns  of  most  extraordinary  events  in  short  paragraphs  (gacetillas), 
and  became  highly  popular,  hundreds  of  persons  eagerly  waiting  to 
secure  a  copy.  In  a  subsequent  issue,  a  few  days  later,  many  of  the 
paragraphs  in  the  same  columns  were  merely  corrections  of  the  state- 
ments previously  published,  but  so  ingeniously  interposed  that  the 
hoax  took  the  public  for  a  long  time.  Newspapers  from  Spain  were 
not  publicly  exposed  for  sale  in  Manila;  those  which  were  seen  came 
from  friends  or  by  private  subscription,  whilst  many  were  proscribed  as 
inculcating  ideas  dangerously  liberal. 

There  was  a  botanical  garden,  rather  neglected,  although  it  cost  the 
Colony  about  P.8,600  per  annum.  The  stock  of  specimens  was  scanty, 
and  the  grounds  were  deserted  by  the  general  public.  It  was  at  least 
useful  in  one  sense — that  bouquets  were  supplied  at  once  to  purchasers 
at  cheap  rates,  from  25  cents  and  upwards. 

In  the  environs  of  Manila  there  are  several  pleasant  drives  and 
promenades,  the  most  popular  one  being  the  Luneta,  where  a  military 
band  frequently  played  after  sunset.  The  Gov. -General's  palace1  and 
the  residences  of  the  foreign  European  population  and  well-to-do  natives 
and  Spaniards  were  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city  outside  the  commercial 
quarter.  Some  of  these  private  villas  were  extremely  attractive,  and 
commodiously  designed  for  the  climate,  but  little  attention  was  paid 
until  quite  the  latter  days  to  architectural  beauty. 

Very  few  of  the  best  private  residences  have  more  than  one  storey 
above  the  ground-floor.  The  ground-floor  is  either  uninhabited  or  used 
for  lodging  the  native  servants,  or  as  a  coach-house,  on  account  of  the 
damp.  From  the  vestibule  main  entrance  (zaguan)  one  passes  to 
the  upper  floor,  which  constitutes  the  house  proper,  where  the  family 
resides.  It  is  usually  divided  into  a  spacious  hall  (caida),  leading 
from  the  staircase  to  the  dining  and  reception-rooms ;  on  one  or  two 
sides  of  these  apartments  are  the  dormitories  and  other  private  rooms. 
The  kitchen  is  often  a  separate  building,  connected  with  the  house  by 
a  roofed  passage ;  and  by  the  side  of  the  kitchen,  on  the  same  level,  is 

1  The  Government  House,  located  in  the  city,  which  was  thrown  down  in  the 
earthquake  of  1863,  has  not  been  rebuilt.  Its  reconstruction  was  only  commenced 
by  the  Spaniards  in  1895.  The  Gov.-General  therefore  resided  after  1863  at  his 
suburban  palace  at  Malacafian,  on  the  river-side. 

23 


354  Manila  society — Water-supply — Climate 

a  yard  called  the  azotea — here  the  bath-room  is  erected.  The  most 
modern  houses  have  corrugated-iron  roofs.  The  ground-floor  exterior 
walls  are  of  stone  or  brick,  and  the  whole  of  the  upper  storey  is  of  wood, 
with  sliding  windows  all  around.  Instead  of  glass,  opaque  oyster-shells 
(Tagalog,  cdp'is)  are  employed  to  admit  the  light  whilst  obstructing 
the  sun's  rays.  Formerly  the  walls  up  to  the  roof  were  of  stone,  but 
since  the  last  great  earthquake  of  1880  the  use  of  wood  from  the  first 
storey  upwards  has  been  rigorously  enforced  in  the  capital  and  suburbs 
for  public  safety.  Iron  roofs  are  very  hot,  and  there  are  still  some 
few  comfortable,  spacious,  and  cool  suburban  residences  with  tile  roof 
or  with  the  primitive  cogon-grass  or  nipa  palm-leaf  thatching,  very 
conducive  to  comfort  although  more  liable  to  catch  fire. 

In  Spanish  times  there  were  no  white  burglars,  and  the  main 
entrance  of  a  dwelling-house  was  invariably  left  open  until  the  family 
retired  for  the  night.  Mosquitoes  abound  in  Manila,  coming  from  the 
numerous  malarious  creeks  which  traverse  the  wards,  and  few  persons 
can  sleep  without  a  curtain.  To  be  at  one's  ease,  a  daily  bath  is 
indispensable.  The  heat  from  12  to  4  p.m.  is  oppressive  from  March  to 
May,  and  most  persons  who  have  no  afternoon  occupation,  sleep  the 
siesta  from  1  to  3  o'clock.  The  conventional  lunch-hour  all  over  the 
Colony  is  noon  precisely,  and  dinner  at  about  8  o'clock.  The  visiting 
hours  are  from  5  to  7  in  the  evening,  and  reunions  and  musical  soirees 
from  9.  Society  was  far  less  divided  here  than  in  the  British- Asiatic 
Colonies.  There  was  not  the  same  rigid  line  drawn  as  in  British  India 
between  the  official,  non-official,  and  native.  Spaniards  of  the  best 
families  in  the  capital  endeavoured,  with  varying  success,  to  europeanize 
the  people  of  the  country,  and  many  of  them  exchanged  visits  with  half- 
breeds,  and  at  times  with  wealthy  pure  natives.  Spanish  hospitality  in 
the  Philippines  was  far  more  marked  than  in  Europe,  and  educated 
foreigners  were  generally  received  with  great  courtesy. 

Since  the  year  1884  the  city  and  suburbs  are  well  supplied  with 
good  drinking-water,  which  is  one  of  the  most  praiseworthy  modern 
improvements  undertaken  by  the  Spanish  Government.  To  provide  for 
this  beneficial  work,  a  Spanish  philanthropist,  named  Carriedo — a  late 
commander  of  an  Acapulco  galleon — left  a  sum  of  money  in  the  18th 
century,  in  order  that  the  capital  and  accumulated  interest  might  one 
day  defray  the  expense.  The  water-supply  (brought  from  Santolan, 
near  Mariquina),  being  more  than  sufficient  for  general  requirements, 
the  city  and  suburbs  were,  little  by  little,  adorned  with  several  public 
fountains.  Although  Manila  lies  low  the  climate  is  healthy,  and  during 
several  years  of  personal  observation  I  found  the  average  maximum 
and  minimum  temperature  at  noon  in  the  shade  to  be  98°  and  75°  Fahr. 
respectively.  The  climate  of  Manila  may  be  generally  summed  up  as 
follows,  viz. : — December,  January,  and  February,  a  delightful  spring ; 
March,  April,  and  May,  an  oppressive  heat ;  June,  July,  August,  and 


Population;  Manila  in  1896;  total  in  1845         355 

September,  heavy  rains  and  more  tolerable  heat ;  October  and  November, 
doubtful — sometimes  very  wet,  sometimes  fairly  dry.  Briefly,  as  to 
climate,  it  is  a  pleasant  place  to  reside  in. 

In  1593  Manila  already  had  a  coat-of-arms,  with  the  title  of  "  Muy 
Insigne  y  siernpre  leal  Ciudad"  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century 
King  Philip  III.  conferred  upon  it  the  title  of  "  La  muy  noble  Ciudad'1'' ; 
hence  it  was  lately  styled  "  La  muy  noble  y  siernpre  leal  Ciudad "  (the 
very  noble  and  always  loyal  city). 

According  to  Gironniere,1  the  civilized  population  of  this  Colony  in 
1845  was  as  follows,  namely : — 


Europeans  (including  500  Friars)   .... 

4,050 

Spanish-native  half-breeds      ..... 

8,584 

Spanish-native-Chinese  half-breeds. 

180,000 

Chinese ......... 

9,901 

Pure  natives  ........ 

3,304,742 

Total  civilized  population 

3,507,277 

In  the  last  Spanish  census,  taken  in  1876,  the  total  number  of 
inhabitants,  including  Europeans  and  Chinese,  was  shown  to  be  a  little 
under  6,200,000,  but  a  fixed  figure  cannot  be  relied  upon  because  it  was 
impossible  to  estimate  exactly  the  number  of  unsubdued  savages  and 
mountaineers,  who  paid  no  taxes.  The  increase  of  native  population 
was  rated  at  about  two  per  cent,  per  annum,  except  in  the  Negrito  or 
Aeta  tribes,  which  are  known  to  be  decreasing. 

In  Manila  City  and  wards  it  is  calculated  there  were  in  1896  about 
340,000  inhabitants,  of  which  the  ratio  of  classes  was  approximately  the 
following,  namely  : — 

Per  cent. 

Pure  natives  ..........  68 '00 

Chinese  half-breeds         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  16*65 

Chinese 12*25 

Spaniards  and  Creoles     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  1  *65 

Spanish  half-breeds         ........  1*30 

Foreigners  (other  than  Chinese)     .         .         .         .         .          .  0*15 

100*00 


The  walled  city  alone  contained  a  population  of  about  16,000  souls.. 

Typhoons  affect  Manila  more  or  less  severely  about  once  a  year, 
nearly  always  between  April  and  middle  of  December,  and  sometimes 
cause  immense  destruction  to  property.  Roofs  of  houses  are  carried 
away  ;  the  wooden  upper-storey  frontages  are  blown  out ;  ships  are  torn 
from  their  moorings  ;  small  craft  laden  with  merchandise  are  wrecked, 
and  the  inhabitants  flee  from  the  streets  to  make  fast  their  premises,  and 
await  in  intense  anxiety  the  conclusion  of  the  tempest.     A  hurricane  of 

1  "  Aventures  d'un  gentilhomme  Breton  aux  lies  Philippines,"  par  Paul  de  la 
Gironniere.     Paris,  1875. 


356  Manila  ;  typhoons  and  earthquakes 

this  description  desolated  Manila  in  October,  1882,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  the  wind  was  accompanied  by  torrents  of  rain,  which  did  great 
damage  to  the  interiors  of  the  residences,  warehouses,  and  offices.  A 
small  house,  entirely  made  of  wood,  was  blown  completely  over,  and 
the  natives  who  had  taken  refuge  on  the  ground-floor  were  left, 
without  a  moment's  notice,  with  the  sky  for  a  roof.  Two  Chinamen, 
who  thought  to  take  advantage  of  the  occasion  and  economically  possess 
themselves  of  galvanized-iron  roofing,  had  their  heads  nearly  severed  by 
sheets  of  this  material  flying  through  the  air,  and  their  dead  bodies 
were  picked  up  in  the  Rosario  the  next  morning.  I  was  busy  with  the 
servants  all  that  day  in  my  house,  in  the  unsuccessful  attempt  to  fasten 
the  windows  and  doors.  Part  of  the  kitchen  was  carried  away ;  water 
came  in  everywhere ;  and  I  had  to  wait  patiently,  with  an  umbrella  over 
me,  until  the  storm  ceased.  The  last  similarly  destructive  hurricane, 
affecting  Manila,  occurred  on  September  26,  1905. 

Manila  is  also  in  constant  danger  of  destruction  from  earthquakes. 
The  most  serious  one  within  the  last  century  occurred  in  June,  1863. 
The  shock  lasted  half  a  minute,  and  the  falling  debris  of  the  upheaved 
buildings  caused  400  deaths,  whilst  2,000  persons  were  wounded.  The 
total  loss  of  property  on  that  occasion  was  estimated  at  P.8,000,000. 
Official  returns  show  that  46  public  edifices  were  thrown  down ;  28 
were  nearly  destroyed  ;  570  private  buildings  were  wrecked,  and  528 
were  almost  demolished.  Simultaneously,  an  earthquake  occurred  in 
Cavite — the  port  and  arsenal  south-west  of  Manila — destroying  several 
public  buildings.  In  1898  many  of  the  ruins  caused  by  this  earthquake 
were  still  left  undisturbed  within  the  City  of  Manila.  In  1863  the 
best  buildings  had  heavy  tiled  roofs,  and  many  continued  so,  in  spite 
of  the  severe  lesson,  until  after  the  shock  of  1880,  when  galvanized 
corrugated  iron  came  into  general  use  for  roofing,  and,  in  fact,  no 
one  in  Manila  oi  Binondo  now  builds  a  house  without  it. 

In  1880  no  lives  were  lost,  but  the  damage  to  house  property  was 
considerable.  The  only  person  who  suffered  physically  from  this 
calamity  was  an  Englishman,  Mr.  Parker,  whose  arm  was  so  severely 
injured  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  amputate  it. 

Prior  to  1863  the  most  serious  earthquakes  recorded  happened  in 
November,  1610 ;  November,  1645 ;  August,  1658  ;  in  1675  ;  in  1699  ; 
in  1796,  and  in  1852.  Consequent  on  the  shock  of  1645,  all  the  public- 
buildings  were  destroyed  excepting  one  monastery  and  two  churches, 
some  600  persons  were  killed,  and  the  Gov.-General  was  extricated  from 
the  ruins  of  his  palace. 

1  According  to  the  Jesuit  Father  Faura,  Director  of  the  Manila 
Observatory,  the  following  slight  quakes  occurred  in  1881,  viz. : — 3  in 
July,  7  in  August,  10  in  September,  and  3  in  October.     Earth-tremors 

1   Vide  "  Terremotos  de  Nueva  Vizcaya  en  1881,"  by  Enrique  Abella  y  Casarie^a 
Published  in  Madrid. 


Dress  of  both  sexes  357 

almost  imperceptible  are  so  frequent  in  these  Islands  that  one  hardly 
heeds  them  after  a  few  months1  residence. 

In  a  cosmopolitan  city  like  Manila — the  temporary  home  of  so 
many  different  races — it  was  interesting  to  observe  the  varied  wearing- 
apparel  in  vogue.  The  majority  of  the  Spaniards  wore  the  European 
costume ;  the  British  generally  dressed  in  white  drill,  with  the  coat 
buttoned  up  to  the  neck,  and  finished  off  with  a  narrow  collar  of  the 
same  material.  The  Chinese  always  preserved  their  own  peculiar  national 
dress — the  most  rational  of  all — with  the  pig-tail  coiled  into  a  chignon. 
The  pure  natives  and  many  half-breeds  wore  the  shirt  outside  the 
trousers.  It  was  usually  white,  with  a  long  stiff  front,  and  cut  European 
fashion  ;  but  often  it  was  made  of  an  extremely  fine  yellow-tinted  expen- 
sive material,  called  pina  (vide  p.  283).  Some  few  of  the  native  jeimesse 
dorcc  of  Manila  donned  the  European  dress,  much  to  their  apparent 
discomfort.  The  official  attire  of  the  headman  of  a  Manila  ward  and 
his  subordinates  was  a  shirt  with  the  tail  outside  the  trousers,  like  other 
natives  or  half-breeds,  but  over  which  was  worn  the  official  distinction 
of  a  short  Eton  jacket,  reaching  to  the  hips.  All  this  is  now  changing, 
with  a  tendency  to  imitate  the  Americans. 

A  native  woman  wore,  as  she  does  now,  a  flowing  skirt  of  gay  colours 
— bright  red,  green,  and  white  being  the  common  choice.  The  length 
of  train,  and  whether  the  garment  be  of  cotton,  silk,  or  satin,  depends 
on  her  means.  Corsets  are  not  yet  the  fashion,  but  a  chemisette,  which 
just  covers  her  breast,  and  a  starched  neckcloth  (pafhtelo)  of  pi/la  or 
husi  stuff  are  in  common  use.  The  pcmuelo  is  square,  and,  being  folded 
triangularly,  it  hangs  in  a  point  down  the  back  and  stands  very  high  up 
at  the  neck,  in  the  17th  century  style,  whilst  the  other  two  points  are 
brooched  where  they  meet  at  the  top  of  the  chemisette  dccolletee.  To 
this  chemisette  are  added  immensely  wide  short  sleeves.  Her  hair  is 
brushed  back  from  the  forehead,  without  a  parting,  and  coiled  into  a 
tight,  flat  chignon.  In  her  hand  she  carries  a  fan,  without  which  she 
would  feel  lost.  Native  women  have  an  extravagant  desire  to  possess 
jewellery — even  if  they  never  wear  it.  The  head  is  covered  with  a  white 
mantle  of  very  thin  material,  sometimes  figured,  but  more  often  this 
and  the  neckcloth  are  embroidered — a  work  in  which  they  excel. 
Finally,  her  naked  feet  are  partly  enveloped  in  ehinelas — a  kind  of 
slipper,  flat,  like  a  shoe-sole  with  no  heel,  but  just  enough  upper  in 
front  to  put  four  toes  inside.  Altogether,  the  appearance  of  a  Philippine 
woman  of  well-to-do  family  dressed  on  a  gala  day  is  curious,  sometimes 
pretty,  but,  in  any  case,  admirably  suited  to  the  climate. 

Since  1898  American  example,  the  great  demand  for  pina  muslin, 
at  any  price,  by  American  ladies,  and  the  scarcity  of  this  texture,  due 
to  the  plants  having  been  abandoned  during  the  wars,  have  necessarily 
brought  about  certain  modifications  in  female  attire. 

There  is    something  very  picturesque    in  the  simple  costume  of   a 


358  Manila  ;  dress  ;  juncral  pomp 

peasant  woman  going  to  market.  She  has  no  flowing  gown,  but  a 
short  skirt,  enveloped  in  a  tapis,  generally  of  cotton.  It  is  simply  a 
rectangular  piece  of  stuff;  as  a  rule,  all  blue,  red,  or  black.  It  is 
tucked  in  at  the  waist,  drawn  very  tightly  around  the  loins,  and  hangs 
over  the  skirt  a  little  below  the  knees,  the  open  edges  being  at  the  back. 

At  times  the  better  class  wear  the  more  becoming  short  skirt  and 
tapis  of  silk  or  satin,  with  gold-lace  embroidered  chinelas.  This  dress 
is  elegant,  and  adds  a  charm  to  the  wearer. 

The  tapi  is  smaller.  It  is  not  used  in  the  street ;  it  is  a  sort  of 
neglige  apparel  worn  in  the  house  only,  or  for  going  to  the  bath.  The 
poorest  classes  go  to  the  river-side  to  bathe  in  it.  It  is  drawn  all 
around  from  the  waist  downwards. 

The  patadiong  is  more  commonly  worn  by  the  Visaya  than  the 
northern  woman.  It  is  somewhat  like  the  tapis,  but  is  drawn  round 
the  waist  from  the  back,  the  open  edges  meeting,  more  or  less,  at 
the  front.  In  Luzon  Island  the  old  women  generally  prefer  this  to 
the   tapis. 

On  feast  days  and  special  occasions,  or  for  dances,  the  young  women 
who  can  afford  it  sport  the  gaudy  flowing  gown  of  bright  particoloured 
striped  silk  or  satin,  known  as  the  say  a  suetta,  with  the  train  cut  in 
a  peculiar  fashion  unknown  in  Europe. 

The  figure  of  a  peasant  woman  is  erect  and  stately,  due  to  her  habit 
from  infancy  of  carrying  jars  of  water,  baskets  of  orchard  produce,  etc., 
on  her  head  with  a  pad  of  coiled  cloth.  The  characteristic  bearing  of 
both  sexes,  when  walking,  consists  in  swinging  the  arms  (but  more 
often  the  right  arm  only)  to  and  fro  far  more  rapidly  than  the  stride, 
so  that  it  gives  them  the  appearance  of  paddling. 

A  "  first  class "  Manila  funeral,  before  the  American  advent,  was  a 
whimsical  display  of  pompous  ignorance  worth  seeing  once.  There 
was  a  hideous  bier  with  rude  relics  of  barbarism  in  the  shape  of 
paltry  adornments.  A  native  driver,  with  a  tall  "  chimney  pot "  hat, 
full  of  salaried  mournfulness,  drove  the  white  team.  The  bier  was 
headed  by  a  band  of  music  playing  a  lively  march,  and  followed  by 
a  line  of  carriages  containing  the  relations  and  friends  of  the  deceased. 
The  burial  was  almost  invariably  within  twenty-four  hours  of  the 
decease — sometimes  within  six  hours. 

There  is  nothing  in  Manila  which  instantly  impresses  one  as  strikingly 
national,  whether  it  be  in  artistic  handicraft,  music,  painting,  sculpture, 
or  even  diversions.  The  peculiar  traditional  customs  of  an  Eastern 
people — their  native  dress,  their  characteristic  habits,  constitute — by  their 
originality  and  variation,  the  only  charm  to  the  ordinary  European 
traveller.  The  Manila  middle-class  native,  in  particular,  possesses  none  of 
this.  He  is  but  a  vivid  contrast  to  his  vivacious  Spanish  model,  a  striking 
departure  from  his  own  picturesque  aboriginal  state,  and  an  unsuccessful 
imitator  of  the  grace  and  easy  manners  of  his  Western  tutor.     In  short, 


Excursions  from  Manila — Los  Baiios  .359 

he  is  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other  in  its  true  representation  compared 
with  the  genial,  genuine,  and  natural  type  to  be  found  in  the  provinces. 


Many  years'  residence  in  Manila,  or  in  any  one  particular  locality 
of  the  Archipelago,  will  not  enable  either  the  alien  or  the  native  to 
form  a  just  opinion  of  the  physical,  social,  or  economic  conditions  of 
the  Colony  ;  they  can  only  be  understood  after  extensive  travelling 
through  and  around  the  Islands.  Nor  will  three  or  four  tours  suffice 
for  the  intelligent  inquirer,  because  first  impressions  often  lead  to  false 
conclusions :  information  obtained  through  one  source  must  needs  be 
verified  by  another  ;  the  danger  of  mistaking  isolated  cases  for  general 
rules  has  to  be  avoided,  and,  lastly,  the  native  does  not  reveal  to  the 
first-time  traveller  the  intricacies  of  Philippine  life.  Furthermore,  the 
traveller  in  any  official  capacity  is  necessarily  the  least  informed  person 
concerning  the  real  thought  and  aspirations  of  the  Filipino  or  true 
Philippine  life ;  his  position  debars  him  from  the  opportunity  of 
investigating  these  things. 

It  would  be  beyond  the  scope  of  this  work  to  take  the  reader 
mentally  through  the  thousand  or  more  miles  of  lovely  scenery,  and 
into  the  homes  of  the  unsophisticated  classes  who  still  preserve,  un- 
alloyed, many  of  their  natural  characteristics  and  customs.  But  within 
half  a  day's  journey  from  the  capital  there  are  many  places  of  historical 
interest,  among  which,  on  account  of  its  revived  popularity  since  the 
American  advent,  may  be  mentioned  Los  Baiios,  on  the  south  shore  of 
the  Laguna  de  Bay. 

Los  Banos  (the  baths)  owes  its  origin  to  the  hot  springs  flowing 
from  the  volcanic  Maquiling  Mountain,  which  have  been  known  to  the 
natives  from  time  immemorial  when  the  place  was  called  Maynit, 
which  signifies  "  hot.-'1 

At  the  close  of  the  16th  century  these  mineral  waters  attracted 
the  attention  of  Martyr  Saint  Pedro  Bautista  {vide  p.  64),  who  sent 
a  brother  of  his  Order  to  establish  a  hospital  for  the  natives.  The 
brother  went  there,  but  shortly  returned  to  Manila  and  died.  So  the 
matter  remained  in  abeyance  for  years.  Subsequently  a  certain  Fray 
Diego  de  Santa  Maria,  an  expert  in  medicine  and  the  healing  art,  was 
sent  there  to  test  the  waters.  He  found  they  contained  properties 
highly  beneficial  in  curing  rheumatism  and  certain  other  maladies, 
so  thenceforth  many  natives  and  Spaniards  went  there  to  seek  bodily 
relief.  But  there  was  no  convenient  abode  for  the  visitors  ;  no  arrange- 
ments for  taking  the  baths,  and  the  Government  did  nothing.  A 
Franciscan  friar  was  appointed  chaplain  to  the  sick  visitors,  but  his 
very  incommodious  residence  was  inadequate  for  the  lodging  of  patients, 
and,  for  want  of  funds,  the  priest  abandoned  the  project  of  establishing 
a  hospital,  and  returned  to  Manila.     In  1604  the  Gov.-General,  Pedro 


360  The  story  of  Los  Bafios  and  Jalqjala 

Bravo  de  Acufia,  gave  his  attention  to  this  place,  and  consented  to  the 
establishment  of  a  hospital,  church,  and  convent.  The  hospital  was 
constructed  of  bamboo  and  other  light  material,  and  dedicated  to  Our 
Lady  of  Holy  Waters. 

Fray  Diego  de  Santa  Maria  was  appointed  to  the  vicarage  and 
the  charge  of  the  hospital.  The  whole  was  supported  by  gifts  from 
the  many  sick  persons  who  went  there,  but  the  greatest  difficulty  was 
to  procure  food.  Several  natives  made  donations  of  lands,  with  the 
produce  of  which  the  hospital  was  to  be  maintained.  These  gifts, 
however,  proved  insufficient.  The  priests  then  solicited  permission 
from  the  villagers  of  Pila  (on  the  lake  shore  near  Santa  Cruz)  to 
pasture  cattle  on  the  tongue  of  land  on  the  opposite  coast  called 
Jalajala,  which  belonged  to  them.  With  their  consent  a  cattle-ranche 
was  established  there  ;  subsequently,  a  building  was  erected,  and  the 
place  was  in  time  known  as  the  Estancia  de  Jalajala.  Then  the 
permission  was  asked  for  and  obtained  from  the  Pila  natives  to  plant 
cocoanut  palms,  fruit-trees,  and  vegetables.  Later  on  the  Austin  and 
Franciscan  friars  quarrelled  about  the  right  of  dominion  over  the  place 
and  district  called  Maynit,  but  eventually  the  former  gave  way  and 
ceded  their  alleged  rights  in  perpetuity  to  the  Franciscans. 

In  1640  Los  Banos  (formerly  a  dependency  of  Bay,  under  the 
Austin  friars)  was  constituted  a  "  town."  The  Franciscans  continued 
to  beg  one  concession  after  another,  until  at  length,  in  1671,  stone 
buildings  were  commenced — a  church,  convent,  hospital,  bathing-pond, 
vapour-house,  etc.,  being  constructed.  Natives  and  Europeans  nocked 
in  numbers  to  these  baths,  and  it  is  said  that  people  even  came  from 
India  to  be  cured.  The  property  lent  and  belonging  to  the  establish- 
ment, the  accumulated  funds,  and  the  live-stock  had  all  increased  so 
much  in  value  that  the  Government  appointed  an  administrator. 
Thenceforth  the  place  declined ;  its  popularity  vanished  ;  the  adminis- 
trator managed  matters  so  particularly  for  his  own  benefit  that  food 
again  became  scarce,  and  the  priest  was  paid  only  10  pesos  per  month 
as  salary.  In  Jalajala  a  large  house  was  built ;  the  land  was  put  under 
regular  cultivation ;  tenants  were  admitted ;  but  when  the  property 
was  declared  a  royal  demesne  the  Pila  inhabitants  protested,  and 
nominally  regained  possession  of  the  lent  property.  But  the  adminis- 
trator re-opened  and  contested  the  question  in  the  law-courts,  and, 
pending  these  proceedings,  Jalajala  was  rented  from  the  Government. 
During  this  long  process  of  legal  entanglements  the  property  had 
several  times  been  transferred  to  one  and  another  until  the  last  holder 
regarded  it  as  his  private  estate. 

At  the  beginning  of  last  century  Jalajala  came  into  the  possession 
of  M.  Paul  de  la  Gironniere,  from  whom  it  passed  to  another  French- 
man, at  whose  death  a  third  Frenchman,  M.  Jules  Dai  Hard,  became 
owner.     On  his  decease  it  became  the  property  of  an  English  Bank, 


The  legend  of  Ghiadalupe  Church  361 

from  whom  it  was  purchased  by  the  Franciscan  friars,  in  1897,  for  the 
sum  of  P.50,000,  and  re-sold  by  them  to  a  Belgian  firm  in  1900. 

The  bathing  establishment  was  gradually  falling  into  decay,  until  its 
complete  ruin  was  brought  about  by  a  fire,  which  left  only  the  remnant 
of  walls.  The  priest  continued  there  as  nominal  chaplain  with  his 
salary  of  10  pesos  per  month  and  an  allowance  of  rice.  The  establish- 
ment was  not  restored  until  the  Government  of  Domingo  Moriones 
(1877-80).  A  vapour  bath-house  and  residence  were  built,  but  the 
hospital  was  left  unfinished,  and  it  was  rotting  away  from  neglect  when 
the  Spaniards  evacuated  the  Islands. 

The  portion  of  the  Hospital  of  Los  Banos  which  remained  intact, 
and  the  house  attached  thereto,  which  the  natives  called  "  the  palace,'''' 
served  to  accommodate  invalids  who  went  to  take  the  cure.  These 
baths  should  only  be  taken  in  the  dry  season — December  to  May. 

Besides  the  convent  and  church  the  town  simply  consisted  of  a 
row  of  dingy  bungalows  on  either  side  of  the  highroad,  with  a  group 
of  the  same  on  the  mountain  side.  Since  the  American  advent  the 
place  has  been  much  improved  and  extended. 

On  his  way  from  Manila  to  Los  Banos  the  traveller  will  pass  (on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Pasig  River)  the  ruins  of  Guadalupe  Church,  which 
mark  the  site  of  a  great  massacre  of  Chinese  during  their  revolt  in 
1603  (vide  p.  114).  The  following  legend  of  this  once  beautiful  and 
popular  church  was  given  to  me  by  the  Recoleto  friars  at  the  convent 
of  the  Church  of  La  Soledad,  in  Cavite  : — During  the  construction  of 
the  world-famed  Escorial,  by  order  of  Philip  II.,  the  architect's  nephew, 
who  was  employed  by  his  uncle  on  the  work,  killed  a  man.  The  King 
pardoned  him  on  condition  that  he  be  banished  to  the  Philippines. 
He  therefore  came  to  Manila,  took  holv  orders,  and  designed  and 
superintended  the  building  of  Guadalupe  Church,  from  the  scaffolding 
of  which  he  fell,  and  having  been  caught  by  the  neck  in  a  rope 
suspended  from  the  timbers  he  was  hanged. 

During  the  wars  of  the  Rebellion  and  Independence  this  ancient 
building  was  destroyed,  only  the  shot-riddled  and  battered  outer  walls 
remaining  in  1905. 


362 


CHAPTER   XXII 
THE   TAGALOG   REBELLION   OF   1896-98 

First  Period 

After  the  Napoleonic  wars  in  Spain,  the  "  Junta  Suprema  Central  del 
Reino "  convened  the  famous  "  Cortes  de  Cadiz "  by  decree  dated 
September  12,  1809.  This  junta  was  succeeded  by  another — "  El 
Supremo  Consejo  de  la  Regencia  " — when  the  Cortes  passed  the  first 
Suffrage  Bill  known  in  Spain  on  January  29,  1810.  These  Cortes 
assembled  deputies  from  all  the  Colonies — Cuba,  Venezuela,  Chile, 
Guatemala,  Santa  Fe,  Puerto  Rico,  the  Philippines,  etc.  ;  in  fact,  all 
those  dependencies  which  constituted  the  four  Viceroyalties  and  the 
eight  Captain-Generalships  of  the  day.  The  Philippine  deputy, 
Ventura  de  los  Reyes,  signed  the  Act  of  Constitution  of  1812.  In  1820 
the  Cortes  again  admitted  this  Colony's  representatives,  amongst  whom 
were  Vicente  Posadas,  Eulalio  Ramirez,  Anselmo  Jorge  Fajardos, 
Roberto  Pimental,  Esteban  Marques,  Jose  Florentino,  Manuel  Saez  de 
Vismanos,  Jose  Azcarraga,  and  nine  others.  They  also  took  part  in  the 
parliamentary  debates  of  1822  and  1823.  The  Constitution  was  shortly 
afterwards  suspended,  but  on  the  demise  of  Ferdinand  VII.  the 
Philippine  deputies,  Brigadier  Garcia  Gamba  and  the  half-breed  Juan 
Francisco  Lecaros,  sat  in  Parliament.  Again,  and  for  the  last  time, 
Philippine  members  figured  in  the  Cortes  of  the  Isabella  II.  Regency  ; 
then,  on  the  opening  of  Parliament  in  1837,  their  exclusion,  as  well  as 
the  government  of  the  Ultramarine  Provinces  by  special  laws,  was  voted. 

The  friars,  hitherto  regarded  by  the  majority  of  Filipinos  as  their 
protectors  and  friendly  intermediaries  between  the  people  and  the  civil 
rulers,  had  set  their  faces  against  the  above  radical  innovations, 
foreseeing  in  them  a  death-blow  to  their  own  preponderance.  Indeed, 
the  "  friar  question11  only  came  into  existence  after  the  year  1812. 

In  1868  Queen  Isabella  II.  was  deposed,  and  the  succeeding 
Provisional  Government  (1868-70),  founded  on  Republican  principles, 
caused  an  Assembly  of  Reformists  to  be  established  in  Manila.  The 
members  of  this  Junta  General  de  Rtformas  were  five  Filipinos,  namely, 
Ramon  Calderon,  Bonifacio  Saez  de  Vismanos,  Lorenzo  Calvo,  Gabriel 


The  Assembly  of  Reformists  363 

Gonzalez  Esquibel,  and  Joaquin  Pardo  de  Tavera;  eleven  civilian 
Spaniards,  namely,  Joaquin  J.  Inchausti,  Tomas  Balbas  y  Castro,  Felino 
Gil,  Antonio  Ayala,  with  seven  others  and  five  Spanish  friars,  namely, 
Father  Fonseca,  Father  Domingo  Trecera,  Rector  of  the  University, 
(Dominicans),  one  Austin,  one  Recoleto  and  one  Franciscan  friar.  This 
junta  had  the  power  to  vote  reforms  for  the  Colony,  subject  to 
the  ratification  of  the  Home  Government.  But  monastic  influence 
prevailed ;  the  reforms  voted  were  never  carried  into  effect,  and  long 
before  the  Bourbon  restoration  took  place  (1874)  the  Philippine 
Assembly  had  ceased  to  exist.  But  it  was  impossible  for  the  mother 
country,  which  had  spontaneously  given  the  Filipinos  a  taste  of  political 
equality,  again  to  yoke  them  to  the  old  tutelage  without  demur. 
Alternate  political  progress  and  retrogression  in  the  Peninsula  cast  their 
reflex  on  this  Colony,  but  the  first  sparks  of  liberty  had  been  gratuitously 
struck  which  neither  reaction  in  the  Peninsula  nor  persecution  in  the 
Colony  itself  could  totally  extinguish.  No  Filipino,  at  that  period, 
dreamed  of  absolute  independence,  but  the  few  who  had  been  taught 
by  their  masters  to  hope  for  equal  laws,  agitated  for  their  promulgation 
and  became  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Monastic  Orders.  Only  as 
their  eyes  were  spontaneously  opened  to  liberty  by  the  Spaniards 
themselves  did  they  feel  the  want  of  it. 

The  Cavite  Rising  of  1872  {vide  p.  106),  which  the  Philippine  Govern- 
ment unwisely  treated  as  an  important  political  movement  and  mercilessly 
avenged  itself  by  executions  and  banishment  of  many  of  the  best  Manila 
families,  was  neither  forgotten  nor  forgiven.  To  me,  as  a  foreigner, 
scores  of  representative  provincial  natives  did  not  hesitate  to  open  their 
hearts  in  private  on  the  subject.  The  Government  lost  considerably  by 
its  uncalled-for  severity  on  this  occasion.  The  natives  regarded  it  as  a 
sign  of  apprehension,  and  a  proof  of  the  intention  to  rule  with  an  iron 
rod.  The  Government  played  into  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  clergy,  and 
all  the  friars  gained  by  strengthening  their  monopoly  of  the  incumbencies 
they  lost  in  moral  prestige.  Thinking  men  really  pitied  the  Government, 
which  became  more  and  more  the  instrument  of  the  ecclesiastics. 
Since  then,  serious  ideas  of  a  revolution  to  be  accomplished  one  day 
took  root  in  the  minds  of  influential  Filipinos  throughout  the  provinces 
adjacent  to  Manila.  La  Solidaridad,  a  Philippine  organ,  founded  in 
Madrid  by  Marcelo  Hilario  del  Pilar,  Mariano  Ponce,  Eduardo  Leyte 
and  Antonio  Luna  for  the  furtherance  of  Philippine  interests  was 
proscribed,  but  copies  entered  the  Islands  clandestinely.  In  the  villages, 
secret  societies  were  formed  which  the  priests  chose  to  call  "  Freemasonry  "; 
and  on  the  ground  that  all  vows  which  could  not  be  explained  at  the 
confessional  were  anti-christian,  the  Archbishop  gave  strict  injunctions 
to  the  friars  to  ferret  out  the  so-called  Freemasons.  Denunciations  by 
hundreds  quickly  followed,  for  the  priests  willingly  availed  themselves  of 
this  licence  to  get  rid  of  anti-clericals  and  others  who  had  displeased 


364  Official  acts  conducive  to  rebellion 

them.  In  the  town  of  Malolos  (which  in  1898  became  the  seat  of  the 
Revolutionary  Congress)  Father  Moises  Santos  caused  all  the  members 
of  the  Town  Council  to  be  banished,  and  when  I  last  dined  with  him  in 
his  convent,  he  told  me  he  had  cleared  out  a  few  more  and  had  his  eye 
on  others.  From  other  villages,  notably  in  the  provinces  around  the 
capital,  the  priests  had  their  victims  escorted  up  to  Manila  and  consigned 
to  the  Gov.-General,  who  issued  the  deportation  orders  without  trial  or 
sentence,  the  recommendation  of  the  all-powerful  padre  being  sufficient 
warrant.  Thus  hundreds  of  families  were  deprived  of  fathers  and 
brothers  without  warning  or  apparent  justification  ; — but  it  takes  a  great 
deal  to  rouse  the  patient  native  to  action.  Then  in  1895  came  the 
Marahui  campaign  in  Mindanao  (vide  p.  144).  In  order  to  people 
the  territory  around  Lake  Lanao,  conquered  from  the  Moros,  it  was 
proposed  to  invite  families  to  migrate  there  from  the  other  islands,  and 
notifications  to  this  effect  were  issued  to  all  the  provincial  governors. 
At  first  it  was  put  to  the  people  in  the  smooth  form  of  a  proposal. 
None  volunteered  to  go,  because  they  could  not  see  why  they  should 
give  up  what  they  had  to  go  and  waste  their  lives  on  a  tract  of  virgin 
soil  with  the  very  likely  chance  of  a  daily  attack  from  the  Aloros. 
Peremptory  orders  followed,  requiring  the  governors  to  send  up 
"  emigrants  "  for  the  Yligan  district.  This  caused  a  great  commotion 
in  the  provinces,  and  large  numbers  of  natives  abandoned  their  homes 
to  evade  anticipated  violence.  I  have  no  proof  as  to  who  originated  this 
scheme,  but  there  is  the  significant  fact  that  the  orders  were  issued 
only  to  the  authorities  of  those  provinces  supposed  to  be  affected  by 
the  secret  societies.  Under  the  then  existing  system,  the  governors 
could  not  act  in  a  case  like  this  without  the  co-operation  of  the  parish 
priests ;  hence  during  the  years  1895  and  1896  a  systematic  course  of 
official  sacerdotal  tyranny  was  initiated  which,  being  too  much  even  for 
the  patient  Filipino,  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  members  of  the 
Katipunan  secret  society  hastening  their  plans  for  open  rebellion,  the 
plot  of  which  was  prematurely  discovered  on  Thursday,  August  20, 1896. 
The  rebellion  in  Cuba  was  calling  for  all  the  resources  in  men  and 
material  that  Spain  could  send  there.  The  total  number  of  European 
troops  dispersed  over  these  Islands  did  not  exceed  1,500  well  armed  and  well 
officered,  of  which  about  700  were  in  Manila.  The  native  auxiliaries 
amounted  to  about  6,000.  The  impression  was  gaining  ground  that 
the  Spaniards  would  be  beaten  out  of  Cuba  ;  but  whilst  this  idea  gave  the 
Tagalogs  moral  courage  to  attempt  the  same  in  these  Islands,  so  far  as 
one  could  then  foresee,  Spain's  reverse  in  the  Antilles  and  the  consequent 
evacuation  would  have  permitted  her  to  pour  troops  into  Manila,  causing 
the  natives1  last  chance  to  vanish  indefinitely. 

Several  months  before  the  outbreak,  the  Katipunan  sent  a  deputation 
to  Japan  to  present  a  petition  to  the  Mikado,  praying  him  to  annex  the 
Philippines.     This  petition,  said  to  have  been  signed  by  5,000  Filipinos, 


The  Katipunan  League  365 

was  received  by  the  Japanese  Government,  who  forwarded  it  to  the 
Spanish  Government ;  hence  the  names  of  5,000  disaffected  persons  were 
known  to  the  Philippine  authorities,  who  did  not  find  it  politic  to  raise 
the  storm  by  immediate  arrests. 

The  so-called  "  Freemasonry "  which  had  so  long  puzzled  and 
irritated  the  friars,  turned  out,  therefore,  to  be  the  Katipunan,  which 
simply  means  the  "  League."  1  The  leaguers,  on  being  sworn  in,  accepted 
the  "  blood  compact "  (vide  p.  28),  taking  from  an  incision  on  the  leg 
or  arm  the  blood  with  which  to  inscribe  the  roll  of  fraternity.  The 
cicatrice  served  also  as  a  mark  of  mutual  recognition,  so  that  the  object 
and  plans  of  the  leaguers  should  never  be  discussed  with  others.  The 
drama  was  to  have  opened  with  a  general  slaughter  of  Spaniards  on  the 
night  of  August  20,  but,  just  in  the  nick  of  time,  a  woman  sought 
confession  of  Father  Mariano  Gil  (formerly  parish  priest  of  Bigaa, 
Bulacan),  then  the  parish  priest  of  Tondo,  a  suburb  of  Manila,  and 
opened  the  way  for  a  leaguer,  whose  heart  had  failed  him,  to  disclose 
the  plot  on  condition  of  receiving  full  pardon.  With  this  promise  he 
made  a  clean  breast  of  everything,  and  without  an  hour's  delay  the 
civil  guard  was  on  the  track  of  the  alleged  prime  movers.  Three 
hundred  supposed  disaffected  persons  were  seized  in  Manila  and  the 
Provinces  of  Pampanga  and  Bulacan  within  a  few  hours,  and,  large 
numbers  being  brought  in  daily,  the  prisons  were  soon  crowded  to 
excess.  The  implacable  Archbishop  Bernardino  Nozaleda  advocated 
extermination  by  fire  and  sword  and  wholesale  executions.  Gov.-General 
Ramon  Blanco  hesitated  to  take  the  offensive,  pending  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  which  were  called  for.  He  informed  the  Home  Govern- 
ment that  the  rising  was  of  no  great  importance,  but  that  he  required 
1,000  more  troops  to  be  sent  at  once.  The  reply  from  Madrid  was  that 
they  were  sending  2,000  men,  2,000,000  cartridges,  6,000  Remington 
rifles,  and  the  gunboats  Isla  de  Cuba  and  Is/a  de  Luzon.  Each  steamer 
brought  a  contingent  of  troops,  so  that  General  Blanco  had  a  total  of 
about  10,000  Spanish  regulars  by  the  end  of  November.     Spain's  best 

1  The  Katipunan  League  and  Freemasonry  were  not  identical  institutions.  There 
were  many  Freemasons  who  were  leaguers,  but  not  because  they  were  Freemasons,  as 
also  there  were  thousands  of  leaguers  who  knew  nothing  of  Freemasonry.  There  is 
little  doubt  that  Freemasonry  suggested  the  bare  idea  of  that  other  secret  society 
called  Katipunan,  whose  signs  and  symbols  were  of  masonic  design,  but  whose  aims 
were  totally  different.  It  is  probable,  too,  that  the  liberty  which  Freemasons 
enjoyed  to  meet  in  secret  session  was  taken  advantage  of  by  the  leaguers.  There 
were  risings  in  the  Islands  long  before  the  introduction  of  Freemasonry.  This 
secret  society  was  introduced  into  the  Colony  a  little  before  the  year  1850.  In  1893 
the  first  lodges  of  the  Spanish  Grand  Orient  were  opened,  and  there  were  never 
more  than  16  lodges  of  this  Order  up  to  the  evacuation  by  the  Spaniards.  Each 
lodge  had  about  30  members,  or,  say,  a  total  of  500.  The  Spanish  deputy,  Dr. 
Miguel  Morayta,  in  his  speech  in  the  Spanish  Congress  in  April,  1904,  stated  that 
General  Ramon  Blanco's  reply  to  Father  Mariano  Gil  (the  discoverer  of  the 
Katipunan)  was  that  the  identity  of  Freemasonry  with  Katipunan  :i  existed  only  in 
the  brains  of  the  friars  and  fanatical  Spaniards." 


366  Arrest  of  prominent  Filipinos 

men  had  been  drafted  off  to  Cnba,  and  these  were  chiefly  raw  levies  who 
had  all  to  learn  in  the  art  of  warfare. 

Meanwhile,  the  rebellion  had  assumed  alarming  proportions.  Among 
the  first  to  be  seized  were  many  of  the  richest  and  most  prominent  men 
in  the  Colony — the  cream  of  Manila  society.  There  was  intense 
excitement  in  the  capital  as  their  names  gradually  leaked  out,  for  many 
of  them  were  well  known  to  us  personally  or  by  repute.  No  one  who 
possessed  wealth  was  safe.  An  opulent  Chinese  half-caste,  Don  Pedro 
P.  Rojas,  who  was  popularly  spoken  of  as  the  prime  supporter  of  the 
rebellion,  was  a  guest  at  Government  House  two  days  before  the  hour 
fixed  for  the  general  slaughter.  It  cost  him  a  fortune  to  be  allowed 
to  leave  the  Islands.  He  took  his  passage  for  Europe  in  the  Isla  de 
Panay,  together  with  Dr.  Rizal,  but  very  prudently  left  that  steamer  at 
Singapore  and  went  on  in  the  French  mail  to  Marseilles  and  thence  to 
Paris,  where  he  was  still  residing  in  1905.  No  documentary  evidence 
could  be  produced  against  him,  and  on  June  1,  1897,  the  well-known 
politician,  Romero  Robledo,  undertook  his  defence  in  the  Cortes,  in 
Madrid,  in  a  brilliant  speech  which  had  no  effect  on  his  parliamentary 
colleagues.  For  the  Spaniards,  indeed,  the  personal  character  of  Pedro 
P.  Rojas  was  a  matter  of  no  moment.  The  Manila  court-martial,  out 
of  whose  jurisdiction  Rojas  had  escaped,  held  his  estates,  covering  over 
70,000  acres,  under  embargo,  caused  his  numerous  steam  cane-mills  to 
be  smashed,  and  his  beautiful  estate-house  to  be  burnt,  whilst  his  14,000 
head  of  cattle  disappeared.  Subsequently  the  military  court  exonerated 
Pedro  P.  Rojas  in  a  decree  which  stated  "  that  all  those  persons  who 
"  made  accusations  against  him  have  unreservedly  retracted  them,  and 
"  that  they  were  only  extracted  from  such  persons  by  the  tortures 
"  employed  by  the  Spanish  officials ;  that  the  supposed  introduction  of 
"  arms  into  the  Colony  through  an  estate  owned  by  Pedro  P.  Rojas  is 
"  purely  fantastical,  and  that  the  only  arms  possessed  by  the  rebels  were 
"  those  taken  by  them  in  combat  from  the  Spanish  soldiers."  :  But  his 
second  cousin,  Francisco  L.  Rojas,  a  shipowner,  contrabandist,  and 
merchant,  was  not  so  fortunate.  He  was  also  one  of  the  first  seized, 
and  his  trial  was  pending  until  General  Blanco  left  the  Islands.  During 
this  period  Rojas1  wife  besought  the  General  to  release  him,  but  he 
could  not  do  so  without  incurring  public  censure,  in  view  of  the  real  or 
fictitious  condemnatory  evidence  brought   against   him    by  the  court- 

1  By  intermarriage  and  blood  relationship  Don  Pedro  P.  Rojas  is  allied  with 
several  of  the  best  Manila  families.  His  grandfather,  Don  Domingo  Rojas,  a 
prominent  citizen  in  his  time,  having  become  a  victim  of  intrigue,  was  confined  in 
the  Fortress  of  Santiago,  under  sentence  of  death.  The  day  prior  to  that  fixed  for 
his  execution,  he  was  visited  by  a  friend,  and  the  next  morning  when  the  execu- 
tioner entered  his  cell,  Don  Domingo  was  found  in  a  dying  condition,  apparently 
from  the  effect  of  poison.  Don  Domingo  had  a  son  Jose'  and  a  daughter  Marguerita. 
On  their  father's  death,  they  and  Jose's  son,  the  present  Don  Pedro  P.  Rojas,  went 
to  Spain,  where  Doha  Marguerita  espoused  a  Spaniard,  Don  Antonio  de  Ayala,  and 
Don  Jose  obtained  from  the  Spanish  Government  a  declaration  stating  that  whereas 


The  first  overt  act  of  rebellion  367 

martial.  The  chief  accusation  was  that  of  importing  arms  for  the 
rebellion.  It  even  became  a  current  topic,  for  a  few  weeks,  that  some 
German  merchants  had  made  a  contract  with  Rojas  to  sell  him  the 
arms,  but  the  Spanish  authorities  had  sufficient  good  sense,  on  this 
occasion,  not  to  be  guided  by  public  outcry.  When  General  Polavieja 
arrived,  Francisco  L.  Rojas-'  fate  became  a  certainty,  and  he  was 
executed  as  a  traitor.  The  departure  of  Pedro  P.  Rojas  and  the  serenity 
of  General  Blanco  aroused  great  indignation  among  the  civilian 
Spaniards  who  clamoured  for  active  measures.  A  week  passed  before 
it  was  apparent  to  the  public  that  he  had  taken  any  military  action. 
Meanwhile,  he  was  urged  in  vain  by  his  advisers  to  proclaim  martial 
law.  x!he  press  censor  would  not  allow  the  newspapers  to  allude  to  the 
conspirators  as  "  rebels,11  but  as  "  brigands  "  (tulisanes).  The  authorities 
were  anxious  to  stifle  the  notion  of  rebellion,  and  to  treat  the  whole 
movement  as  a  marauding  affair. )  On  August  23  the  leading  newspaper 
published  a  patriotic  appeal  to  the  Spaniards  to  go  en  masse  the  next 
day  to  the  Gov.-General  to  concert  measures  for  public  safety.  They 
closed  their  shops  and  offices,  and  assembled  before  Government  House ; 
but  the  General  refused  to  receive  them,  and  ordered  the  newspaper  to 
pay  a  fine  of  P.500,  which  sum  was  at  once  raised  in  the  streets  and  cafes. 
On  August  26,  1,000  rebels  made  a  raid  on  Coloocan,  four  miles 
outside  the  capital.  They  killed  a  few  Chinese,  and  seized  others  to 
place  them  in  the  van  of  their  fighting  men.  The  armed  crowd  was 
kept  at  bay  by  a  posse  of  civil  guards,  until  they  learnt  that  a  cavalry 
reinforcement  was  on  the  way  from  Manila.  Then  the  rebels,  under 
cover  of  darkness,  fled  towards  the  river,  and  were  lost  sight  of.  The 
next  morning  I  watched  the  troopers  cross  over  the  Puente  de  Espa/iia. 
There  was  mud  up  to  the  ponies1  bellies,  for  they  had  scoured  the 
district  all  around.  The  hubbub  was  tremendous  among  the  habitual 
saunterers  on  the  Escolta — the  Rialto  of  Manila.  For  the  next  few 
days  every  Spaniard  one  met  had  some  startling  news  to  tell,  until,  by 
the  end  of  the  week,  a  reaction  set  in,  and  amidst  jokes  and  copitas  of 
spirits,  the  idea  that  the  Coloocan  affair  was  the  prelude  to  a  rebellion 
was  utterly  ridiculed.  The  Gov.-General  still  refused  to  proclaim 
martial  law,  considering  such  a  grave  measure  unnecessary,  when 
suddenly  the  whole  city  was  filled  with  amazement  by  the  news  of  a 
far  more  serious  attack  near  Manila. 

Don  Domingo  had  been  unjustly  condemned  to  capital  punishment,  the  Gov.- 
General  was  ordered  to  refund,  out  of  his  own  pocket,  to  the  Rojas  family  the  costs 
of  the  trial.  The  Rojas  and  Ayala  families  then  returned  to  the  Philippines,  where 
Don  Antonio  de  Ayala  made  a  considerable  fortune  in  business  and  had  two 
daughters,  one  of  whom,  Dona  Carmen,  married  Don  Pedro- P.  Rojas,  and  the  other 
wedded  Don  Jacobo  Zobel,  an  apothecary  of  large  means  and  of  German  descent. 
Don  Pedro  P.  Rojas,  who  was  born  in  1848,  has  two  sons  and  two  daughters.  The 
three  families  belonged  to  the  elite  of  Manila  society,  whilst  the  Rojas  and  the 
Ayalas  acquired  a  just  reputation  both  for  their  enterprising  spirit,  which  largely 
benefited  the  Colony,  and  for  their  charitable  philanthropy  towards  all  classes. 


368  Battle  of  San  Juan  del  Monte 

About  4  a.m.  on  Sunday,  August  30,  the  rebels  concentrated  at 
the  village  of  San  Juan  del  Monte,  distant  half  an  hour  on  horseback 
from  the  city  gates.  They  endeavoured  to  seize  the  powder  magazine. 
One  Spanish  artilleryman  was  killed  and  several  of  the  defenders  were 
badly  wounded  whilst  engaged  in  dropping  ammunition  from  window 
openings  into  a  stream  which  runs  close  by.  Cavalry  and  infantry 
reinforcements  were  at  once  sent  out,  and  the  first  battle  was  fought  at 
the  entrance  to  the  village  of  San  Juan  del  Monte.  The  rebels  made 
a  hard  stand  this  time  under  the  leadership  of  Sancho  Valenzuela  (a 
hemp-rope  maker  in  a  fairly  good  way  of  business),  but  he  showed  no 
military  skill  and  chiefly  directed  his  men  by  frantic  shouts  from  the 
window  of  a  wooden  house.  Naturally,  as  soon  as  they  had  to  retreat, 
Valenzuela  and  his  three  companions  were  taken  prisoners.  The  rebels 
left  about  80  dead  on  the  field  and  fled  towards  the  Pasig  River,  which 
they  tried  to  cross.  Their  passage  was  at  first  cut  off  by  gunboats, 
which  fired  volleys  into  the  retreating  mob  and  drove  them  higher  up 
the  bank,  where  there  was  some  hand-to-hand  fighting.  Over  a 
hundred  managed  to  get  into  canoes  with  the  hope  of  reaching  the 
Lake  of  Bay  ;  but,  as  they  passed  up  the  river,  the  civil  guard,  lying 
in  ambush  on  the  opposite  shore,  fired  upon  them,  and  in  the  con- 
sequent confusion  every  canoe  was  upset.  The  loss  to  the  rebels  in 
the  river  and  on  the  bank  was  reckoned  at  about  50.  The  whole  of  that 
day  the  road  to  San  Juan  del  Monte  was  occupied  by  troops,  and  no 
civilian  was  allowed  to  pass.  At  3  p.m.  the  same  day  martial  law  was 
proclaimed  in  Manila  and  seven  other  Luzon  provinces. 

•  The  next  morning  at  sunrise  I  rode  out  to  the  battlefield  with  the 
correspondent  of  the  Ejtrcito  Espanol  (Madrid).  The  rebel  slain  had 
not  yet  been  removed.  We  came  across  them  everywhere — in  the  fields 
and  in  the  gutters  of  the  highroad.  Old  men  and  youths  had  joined  in 
the  scrimmage  and,  with  one  exception,  every  corpse  we  saw  was  attired 
in  the  usual  working  dress.  This  one  exception  we  found  literally 
upside  down  with  his  head  stuck  in  the  mud  of  a  paddy-field.  Our 
attention  was  drawn  to  him  (and  possibly  the  Spaniards1  bullets,  too)  by 
his  bright  red  baggy  zouave  trousers.  We  rode  into  the  village,  which 
was  absolutely  deserted  by  its  native  inhabitants,  and  stopped  at  the 
estate-house  of  the  friars  where  the  Spanish  officers  lodged.  The  padre 
looked  extremely  anxious,  and  the  officers  advised  us  not  to  go  the  road 
we  intended,  as  rebel  parties  were  known  to  be  lurking  there.  The 
military  advice  being  practically  a  command,  we  took  the  highroad  to 
Sampaloc  on  our  way  back  to  the  cityj 

In  the  meantime  the  city  drawbridges,  which  had  probably  not  been 
raised  since  1852  {vide  p.  343,  footnote),  were  put  into  working  order — 
the  bushes  which  had  been  left  to  flourish  around  the  approaches  were 
cut  down,  and  the  Spanish  civilians  were  called  upon  to  form  volunteer 
cavalry   and  infantry   corps.     So  far  the  rebel  leaders    had    issued    no 


Execution   of  Sancho    Valenzuela   and  others       369 

proclamation.^  It  was  not  generally  known  what  their  aims  were — 
whether  they  sought  independence,  reforms,  extermination  of  Spaniards 
or  Europeans  generally.  |  The  attitude  of  the  thoroughbred  native  non- 
combatants  was  glum  silence  born  of  fear.  The  half-castes,  who  had 
long  vaunted  their  superior  birth  to  the  native,  found  themselves 
between  two  stools.  If  the  natives  were  going  to  succeed  in  the  battle, 
they  (the  half-castes)  would  want  to  be  the  peaceful  wire-pullers 
after  the  storm.  On  the  other  hand,  they  had  so  long  striven  to  be 
regarded  as  on  a  social  equality  with  the  Spaniards  that  they  could  not 
now  abstain  from  espousing  their  cause  against  the  rebels  without 
exciting  suspicion.  Therefore,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  the  half-castes 
resident  in  the  capital  came  forward  to  enlist  as  volunteers.  But  no 
one  imagined,  at  that  time,  how  widespread  was  the  Katipunan  league. 
To  the  profound  surprise  of  the  Spaniards  it  was  discovered,  later  on, 
that  many  of  the  half-caste  volunteers  were  rebels  in  disguise,  bearing 
the  "  blood  compact "  mark,  and  presumably  only  waiting  to  see  which 
way  the  chances  of  war  would  turn  to  join  the  winning  sidej 

Under  sentence  of  the  court-martial  established  on  August  30,  the 
four  rebel  leaders  in  the  battle  of  San  Juan  del  Monte  were  executed  on 
September  4,  on  the  Campo  de  Bagumbayan,  facing  the  fashionable 
Luneta  Esplanade,  by  the  seashore.  Three  sides  of  a  square  were 
formed  by  1,500  Spanish  and  half-caste  volunteers  and  500  regular 
troops.  Escorted  by  two  Austin  and  two  Franciscan  friars,  the  con- 
demned men  walked  to  the  execution-ground  from  the  chapel  within 
the  walled  city,  where  they  had  been  confined  since  the  sentence  was 
passed.  They  were  perfectly  self-composed.  They  arrived  on  the 
ground  pinioned  ;  their  sentence  was  read  to  them  and  Valenzuela  was 
unpinioned  for  a  minute  to  sign  some  document  at  a  table.  When 
he  was  again  tied  up,  all  four  were  made  to  kneel  on  the  ground  in  a 
row  facing  the  open  sea-beach  side  of  the  square.  Then  amidst  profound 
silence,  an  officer,  at  the  head  of  16  Spanish  soldiers,  walked  round  the 
three  sides  of  the  square,  halting  at  each  corner  to  pronounce  publicly 
the  formula — "  In  the  name  of  the  King  !  Whosoever  shall  raise  his 
voice  to  crave  clemency  for  the  condemned  shall  suffer  death.-1''  The  16 
soldiers  filed  off  in  fours  and  stood  about  five  yards  behind  each  culprit. 
As  the  officer  lowered  his  sword  the  volley  was  fired,  and  all  but 
Valenzuela  sank  down  and  rolled  over  dead.  It  was  the  most  impressive 
sight  I  had  witnessed  for  years.  The  bullets,  which  had  passed  clean 
through  Valenzuela's  body,  threw  up  the  gravel  in  front  of  him.  He 
remained  kneeling  erect  half  a  minute,  and  then  gradually  sank  on  his  side. 
He  was  still  alive,  and  four  more  shots,  fired  close  to  his  head,  scattered 
his  brains  over  the  grass.  Conveyances  were  in  readiness  to  carry  off  the 
corpses,  nnd  the  spectators  quitted  the  mournful  scene  in  silence.  This 
was  the  first  execution,  which  was  followed  by  four  others  in  Manila  and 
one  in  Cavite  in  General  Blanco's  time,  and  scores  more  subsequently. 

24 


370  Andres   Bonifacio   heads   the   movement 

(Up  the  river  the  rebels  were  increasing  dailyTI  and  at  Pasig  a 
thousand  of  them  threatened  the  civil  guard,  compelling  that  small 
force  and  the  parish  priest  to  take  refuge  in  the  belfry  tower.  On 
the  river-island  of  Pandacan,  just  opposite  to  the  European  Club  at 
Nagtajan,  a  crowd  of  armed  natives,  about  400  strong,  attacked  the 
village,  sacked  the  church,  and  drove  the  parish  priest  up  the  belfry 
tower.  In  this  plight  the  padre  was  seen  to  wave  a  handkerchief,  and 
so  drew  the  attention  of  the  guards  stationed  higher  up  the  river. 
Aid  was  sent  to  him  at  once ;  the  insurgents  were  repulsed  with  great 
loss,  but  one  European  sergeant  was  killed,  and  several  native  soldiers 
wounded.  The  rebellion  had  spread  to  the  northern  province  of  Nueva 
Ecija,  where  the  Governor  and  all  the  Europeans  who  fled  to  the 
Government  House  in  San  Isidro  were  besieged  for  a  day  (September  8) 
and  only  saved  from  capture  by  the  timely  arrival  from  Manila  of  500 
troops,  who  outflanked  the  insurgents  and  dispersed  them  with  great 
slaughter.  In  Bulacan  the  flying  column  under  Major  Lopez  Arteaga 
had  a  score  of  combats  with  the  rebels,  who  were  everywhere  routed. 
Spaniards  and  Creoles  were  maltreated  wherever  they  were  found.  A 
young  Creole  named  Chofre,  well  known  in  Manila,  went  out  to 
Mariquina  to  take  photographic  views  with  a  foreign  half-caste  friend 
of  his  named  Augustus  Morris.  When  they  saw  the  rebels  they  ran 
into  a  hut,  which  was  set  fire  to.  Morris  (who  was  not  distinguishable 
as  a  foreigner)  tried  to  escape  and  was  shot,  whilst  Chofre  was  burnt 
to  death.  From  Maragonddn  a  Spanish  lady  was  brought  to  Manila 
raving  mad.  At  23,  Calk  Cabildo  (Manila),  the  house  of  a  friend  of 
mine,  I  several  times  saw  a  Spanish  lady  who  had  lost  her  reason  in 
Mariquina,  an  hour's  drive  from  Manila. 

^Crowds  of  peaceful  natives  swarmed  into  the  walled  city  from  the 
suburbs]  The  Gov.-General  himself  abandoned  his  riverside  residence  at 
Malacafian,  and  came  with  his  staff  to  Calk  Potenciajia.  I  During  the 
first  four  months  quite  5,000  Chinese,  besides  a  large  number  of  Spanish 
and  half-caste  families,  fled  to  Hong-Kong,  |  The  passport  system  was 
revived ;  that  is  to  say,  no  one  could  leave  Manila  for  the  other  islands 
or  abroad  without  presenting  himself  personally  at  the  Civil  Governor's 
office  to  have  his  cedula  personal  vised. 

The  seditious  tendency  of  a  certain  Andres  Bonifacio,  a  warehouse- 
man in  the  employ  of  a  commercial  firm  in  Manila,  having  come  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  Spaniards,  he  was  prematurely  constrained  to 
seek  safety  in  Cavite  Province  which,  thenceforth,  became  xhe  most 
important  centre  of  the  rebellion.  Simultaneously  Emiijo  A<  \udox 
rallied  his  fighting-men,  and  for  a  short  while  these  two  organizers 
operated  conjointly,  Bonifacio  being  nominally  the  supreme  chief.  From 
the  beginning,  however,  there  was  discord  between  the  two  leader 
to  the  plan  of  campaign  to  be  adopted.  Bonifacio  advocated  barbarous 
1  Aguinaldo  is  the  Spanish  for  Christmas-box. 


I 


He  is  superseded  by   Emilio   Aguinaldo  371 


persecution  and  extermination  of  the  Europeans,  whilst  Aguinaldo 
insisted  that  he  was  fighting  for  a  cause  for  which  he  sought  the 
sympathy  and  moral  support  of  friends  of  liberty  all  the  world  over, 
and  that  this  could  never  be  obtained  if  they  conducted  themselves 
like  savages.  Consequent  on  this  disagreement  as  to  the  ?nodus  operandi, 
Bonifacio  and  Aguinaldo  became  rivals,  each  seeking  the  suppression 
of  the  other.  Aguinaldo  himself  explains1  that  Bonifacio  having 
condemned  him  to  death,  he  retaliated  in  like  manner,  and  the  con- 
tending factions  met  at  Naig?  Leaving  his  armed  followers  outside  *  W*^ 
Aguinaldo  alone  entered  the  house  where  Bonifacio  was  surrounded 
by  his  counsellors,  for  he  simply  wished  to  have  an  understanding  with 
his  rival.  Bonifacio,  however,  so  abusively  confirmed  his  intention  to 
cut  short  Aguinaldo's  career  that  the  latter  withdrew,  and  ordered  his 
men  to  seize  Bonifacio,  who  was  forthwith  executed,  by  Aguinaldo's 
order,  for  the  prosperity  of  the  cause  and  the  good  of  his  country. 

Bonifacio's  followers  were  few,  and,  from  this  moment,  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  gradually  rose  from  obscurity  to  prominence.  Born  at 
Cauit2  (Cavite)  on  March  22,  1869,  of  poor  parents,  he  started  life 
in  the  service  of  the  incumbent  of  San  Francisco  de  Malabon.  Later 
on  he  went  to  Manila,  where,  through  the  influence  of  a  relative, 
employed  in  a  humble  capacity  in  the  capital,  he  was  admitted  into 
the  College  of  San  Juan  de  Letran  under  the  auspices  of  the  Dominican 
friars.  Subsequently  he  became  a  schoolmaster  at  SilanjjifCavite),  and  at 
the  age  of  twenty-six  years  he  was  again  in  his  native  town  as  petty- 
governor  (Municipal  Captain).  He  is  a  man  of  small  frame  with 
slightly  webbed  eyes,  betraying  the  Chinese  blood  in  his  veins,  and 
a  protruding  lower  lip  and  prominent  chin  indicative  of  resolve. 
Towards  me  his  manner  was  remarkably  placid  and  unassuming,  and 
his  whole  bearing  denoted  the  very  antithesis  of  the  dashing  warrior. 
Throughout  his  career  he  has  shown  himself  to  be  possessed  of  natural 
politeness,  and  ever  ready  with  the  soft  answer  that  turneth  away  wrath. 
He  understands  Spanish  perfectly  well,  but  does  not  speak  it  very 
fluently.  Aguinaldo's  explanation  to  me  of  the  initial  acts  of  rebellion 
was  as  follows  : — He  had  reason  to  know  that,  in  consequence  of  some- 
thing having  leaked  out  in  Manila  regarding  the  immature  plans  of 
the  conspirators,  he  was  a  marked  man,  so  he  resolved  to  face  the 
situation  boldly.  He  had  then  been  petty-governor  of  his  town  (Cauit) 
sixteen  months,  and  in  that  official  capacity  he  summoned  the  local 
detachment  of  the  civil  guard  to  the  Town  Hall,  having  previously 
arranged  his  plan  of  action  with  the  town  guards  {cuadrilleros). 
Aguinaldo  then  spoke  aside  to  the  sergeant,  to  whom  he  proposed  the 
surrender   of  their    arms.       As  he   quite   anticipated,  his  demand   was 

1  Part  of  a  conversation  which  I  had  with  Emilio  Aguinaldo  at  his  house  at 
Cauit  (Cavite  Viejo)  on  July  26,  1904. 

2  Cauit  signifies,  in  Tagalog,  Fish-hook. 


372  Imus  (Cavite)   captured  by   the   rebels 

refused,  so  he  gave  the  agreed  signal  to  his  cuadrilleros,  who  imme- 
diately surrounded  the  guards  and  disarmed  them.  Thereupon  Agui- 
naldo  and  his  companions,  being  armed,  fled  at  once  to  the  next  post 
of  the  civil  guard  and  seized  their  weapons  also.  With  this  small 
equipment  he  and  his  party  escaped  into  the  interior  of  the  province, 
towards  Silan,  situated  at  the  base  of  the  Sungay 1  Mountain,  where 
the  numerous  ravines  in  the  slopes  running  towards  the  Lake  Bombon 
(popularly. known  as  the  Lake  of  Taal)  afforded  a  safe  retreat  to  the 
rebels.  I  Hundreds  of  natives  soon  joined  him,  for  the  secret  of  Agui- 
naldo's  influence  was  the  widespread  popular  belief  in  his  possession  of 
the  anting-anfmg  (vide  p.  237) ;  his  continuous  successes,  in  the  first 
operations,  strengthened  this  belief  \  indeed,  he  seemed  to  have  the 
lucky  star  of  a  De  Wet  without  the  military  genius. 

On  August  31,  1896,  eleven  days  after  the  plot  was  discovered 
in  Manila,  he  issued  his  pronunciamiento  simultaneously  at  his  birth- 
place, at  Novaleta,  and  at  San  Francisco  de  Malabon.  This  document, 
however,  is  of  little  historic  value,  for,  instead  of  setting  forth  the  aims 
of  the  revolutionists,  it  is  simply  a  wild  exhortation  to  the  people,  in 
general  vague  terms,  to  take  arms  and  free  themselves  from  oppression. 
In  San  Francisco  de  Malabon  Aguinaldo  rallied  his  forces  prior  to  their 
march  to  Imus,2  their  great  strategic  point.  The  village  itself,  situated 
in  the  centre  of  a  large,  well-watered  plain,  surrounded  by  planted 
land,  was  nothing — a  mere  collection  of  wooden  or  bamboo-and-thatch 
dwellings.  The  distance  from  Manila  would  be  about  16  miles  by 
land,  with  good  roads  leading  to  the  bay  shore  towns.  The  people 
were  very  poor,  being  tenants  or  dependents  of  the  friars ;  hence  the 
only  building  of  importance  was  the  friars1  estate-house,  which  was 
really  a  fortress  in  the  estimation  of  the  natives.  This  residence 
was  situated  in  the  middle  of  a  compound  surrounded  by  massive  high 
walls,  and  to  it  some  17  friars  fled  on  the  first  alarm.  For  the 
rebels,  therefore,  Imus  had  a  double  value — the  so-called  fortress  and 
the  capture  of  the  priests.  After  a  siege  which  lasted  long  enough  for 
General  Blanco  to  have  sent  troops  against  them,  the  rebels  captured 

1  Sungay  signifies,  in  Tagalog,  Deer. 

2  IMUS.  The  history  of  this  place  is  interesting-.  In  the  18th  century  a  banished 
Spaniard  of  distinguished  family  settled  there  and  supplied  water  to  the  natives 
for  irrigation  purposes.  Some  years  afterwards,  on  the  death  of  his  wife,  this 
gentleman  returned  to  Spain  and  left  the  place  in  charge  of  a  friar,  Francisco  de 
Santiago.  As  the  owner  never  claimed  the  property,  it  fell  definitely  into  the 
possession  of  the  friars.  A  church  was  erected  there  at  the  people's  expense.  Later 
on  the  friar  in  charge  extorted  from  the  natives  material  and  labour,  without 
payment,  for  the  building  of  a  manor-house,  but  he  was  poisoned  soon  after  it  was 
dnished.  His  successor  was  still  bolder,  and  allowed  escaped  criminals  to  take 
sanctuary  in  his  church  to  show  his  superiority  to  the  civil  law.  After  innumerable 
disputes  and  troubles  with  the  natives,  it  developed  into  a  fine  property,  comprising 
27,500  acres  of  arable  land,  which  the  Recoletos  claimed  as  theirs  and  rented  it  out 
to  the  natives.  Its  possession  was  the  cause  of  the  important  risings  of  Paran  and 
Camerino  (vide  pp.  105,  106)  and  many  other  minor  disturbances. 


Atrocities — Rebel  victory   at   Binacaycm  373 

Imus  estate-house  on  September  1,  and  erected  barricades  there. 
Thirteen  of  the  priests  fell  into  their  hands.  They  cut  trenches  and 
threw  up  earthworks  in  several  of  the  main  roads  of  the  province,  and 
strengthened  their  position  at  Novaleta.  Marauding  parties  were  sent 
out  everywhere  to  steal  the  crops  and  live-stock,  which  were  conveyed 
in  large  quantities  to  Imus.  Some  of  the  captured  priests  were  treated^ 
most  barbarously.  ( )ne  was  cut  up  piecemeal ;  another  was  saturated 
with  petroleum  and  set  on  fire,  and  a  third  was  bathed  in  oil  and  fried  i 
on  a  bamboo  spit  run  through  the  length  of  his  body.  There  was  a 
Requiem  Mass  for  this  event.  During  the  first  few  months  of  the 
rising  many  such  atrocities  were  committed  by  the  insurgents.  The 
Naig  outrage  caused  a  great  sensation  in  the  capital.  The  lieutenant 
had  been  killed,  and  the  ferocious  band  of  rebels  seized  his  widow 
and  daughter  eleven  years  old.  The  child  was  ravished  to  death,  and 
they  were  just  digging  a  pit  to  bury  the  mother  alive  when  she  was 
rescued  and  brought  to  Manila  in  the  steam-launch  Mariposa  raving 
mad,  disguised  as  a  native  woman.  Aguinaldo,  personally,  was 
humanely  inclined,  for  at  his  headquarters  he  held  captive  one  Spanish 
trooper,  an  army  lieutenant,  a  Spanish  planter,  a  friar,  and  two  Spanish 
ladies,  all  of  whom  were  fairly  well  treated.  The  priest  was  allowed  to 
read  his  missal,  the  lieutenant  and  trooper  were  made  blacksmiths,  and 
the  planter  had  to  try  his  hand  at  tailoring. 

The  insurgents  occupied  Paranaque  and  Las  Pinas  on  the  outskirts 
of  Manila,  and  when  General  Blanco  had  5,000  fresh  troops  at  his 
disposal  he  still  refrained  from  attacking  the  rebels  in  their  positions. 
Military  men,  in  conversation  with  me,  excused  this  inaction  on  the 
ground  that,  to  rout  the  rebels  completely  without  having  sufficient 
troops  to  garrison  the  places  taken  and  to  form  flying  columns  to 
prevent  the  insurgents  fleeing  to  the  mountain  fastnesses,  would  only 
require  them  to  do  the  work  over  again  when  they  reappeared.  So  General 
Blanco  went  on  waiting  in  the  hope  that  more  troops  would  arrive  with 
which  to  inflict  such  a  crushing  defeat  on  the  rebels  as  would  ensure  a 
lasting  peace.  The  rebels  were  in  possession  of  Imus  for  several  months. 
Three  weeks  after  they  took  it,  artillery  was  slowly  carried  over  to 
Cavite,  which  is  connected  with  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  isthmus,  so 
the  rebels  hastened  to  construct  a  long  line  of  trenches  immediately  to 
the  south  of  this  {vide  map),  whereby  communication  with  the  heart 
of  the  province  was  effectually  cut  off.  Not  only  did  their  mile  and  a 
half  of  trenches  and  stockade  check  any  advance  into  the  interior  from 
the  isthmus,  but  it  served  as  a  rallying-point  whence  Cavite  itself  was 
menaced.  The  Spaniards,  therefore,  forced  to  take  the  offensive  to  save 
Cavite  falling  into  rebel  hands,  made  an  attack  on  the  Novaleta  defences 
with  Spanish  troops  and  loyal  native  auxiliaries  on  November  10. 
The  next  day  the  Spaniards  were  repulsed  at  Binacayan  with  the  loss  of 
one-third  of  the  73rd  Native  Regiment  and  60  Spanish  troops,  with  50 


374  More   executions— Llaneras  in    Bulacan 

of  both  corps  wounded.  The  intention  to  carry  artillery  towards  Imus 
was  abandoned  and  the  Spaniards  fell  back  on  Dalahican,  about  a  mile 
north  of  the  rebel  trenches  of  Novaleta,  where  they  established  a  camp 
at  which  I  spent  a  whole  day.  They  had  four  large  guns  and  two 
bronze  mortars ;  in  the  trench  adjoining  the  camp  they  had  one  gun. 
The  troops  numbered  3,500  Spaniards  under  the  command  of  General 
Rios.  The  73rd  Native  Regiment  survivors  had  quarters  there,  but 
they  were  constantly  engaged  in  making  sorties  on  the  road  leading  to 
Manila.  No  further  attempt  was  made  in  General  Blanco's  time  to 
dislodge  the  rebels  from  their  splendidly-constructed  trenches,  which, 
however,  could  easily  have  been  shelled  from  the  sea  side. 

A  number  of  supposed  promoters  of  the  rebellion  filled  the  Cavite 
prison,  and  I  went  over  to  witness  the  execution  of  13  of  them  on 
September  12.  I  knew  two  or  three  of  them  by  sight.  One  was  a 
Chinese  half-caste,  the  son  of  a  rich  Chinaman  then  living.  The  father 
was  held  to  be  a  respectable  man  of  coolie  origin,  but  the  son,  long 
before  the  rebellion,  had  a  worthless  reputation. 

In  the  Provinces  of  Pampanga  and  Bulacan,  north  of  Manila,  the 
rebel  mob,  under  the  command  of  a  native  of  Cabiao  (Nueva  Ecija) 
named  Llaneras,  was  about  3,000  strong.  To  oppose  this  Major 
Lopez  Arteaga  had  a  flying  column  of  500  men,  and  between  the 
contending  parties  there  were  repeated  encounters  with  no  definite 
result.  Whenever  the  rebels  were  beaten  off  and  pursued  they  fled 
to  their  strongholds  of  San  Mateo  (Manila,  now  Rizal)  and  Angat 
(Bulacan).  The  Spaniards  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  dislodge 
the  enemy  at  Angat,  whilst  at  San  Mateo,  where  they  were  supposed 
to  be  5,000  strong,  they  were  left  undisturbed.  The  rebels  attacked 
Calumpit  (Bulacan),  pillaged  several  houses,  decapitated  an  English- 
man's cook,  and  drove  the  civil  guard  and  the  parish  priest  up  the 
belfry  tower.  On  the  other  side  of  the  river,  Llaneras  visited  the 
rice-mills  of  an  Anglo-American  firm,  took  some  refreshment,  and 
assured  the  manager,  Mr.  Scott,  that  the  rebels  had  not  the  least 
intention  to  interfere  with  any  foreigners  (as  distinguished  from 
Spaniards),  against  whom  they  had  no  complaint  whatever. 

At  length  a  plan  of  campaign  was  prepared,  and  expeditionary 
forces  were  to  march  in  two  directions  through  the  disaffected  provinces 
south  of  Manila,  and  combine,  according  to  circumstances,  when  the 
bulk  of  the  rebels  could  be  driven  together.  One  division  operated 
from  the  lake  town  of  Vinan,  whilst  General  Jaramillo  took  his  troops 
round  to  Batangas  Province  and  worked  northwards.  Before  the  lake 
forces  had  gone  very  far  they  met  with  a  reverse  at  the  hands  of  the 
rebels  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Carmona,  but  rallied  and  pushed  on 
towards  the  rebel  quarters  near  Silan,  where  the  enemy  was  apparently 
concentrating  for  a  great  struggle.  The  combined  columns  under 
General   Jaramillo   at   length    opened    the    attack.     A   pitched    battle 


Volunteer   levy — Cartloads   of   corpses  375 

was  fought,  and  no  quarter  was  given  on  either  side.  This  fierce 
contest  lasted  a  whole  day,  and  the  Spaniards  were  forced  to  retire 
with  considerable  loss.  The  combined  operations  accomplished  nothing 
decisive,  and  served  only  to  check  an  advance  on  the  capital  by  the 
rebels,  who  were  already  in  practical  possession  of  the  whole  of  Cavite 
province  excepting  the  port,  arsenal,  and  isthmus  of  Cavite. 

In  Manila  the  volunteers  mounted  guard  whilst  the  regulars  went 
to  the  front.  For  a  while  the  volunteers  were  allowed  to  make 
domiciliary  search,  and  they  did  very  much  as  they  liked.  Domiciliary 
search  was  so  much  abused  that  it  had  to  be  forbidden,  for  the 
volunteers  took  to  entering  any  house  they  chose,  and  roughly 
examined  the  persons  of  natives  to  see  if  they  had  the  Katipunan 
brand.  Crowds  of  suspects  were  brought  into  Manila,  and  shiploads 
of  them  were  sent  away  in  local  steamers  to  the  Caroline  Islands  and 
Mindanao,  whilst  every  mail-steamer  carried  batches  of  them  en  route 
for  Fernando  Po.  On  October  1  the  s.s.  Manila  sailed  with  300 
Filipinos  for  Chafarinas  Islands,  Ceuta,  and  other  African  penal  settle- 
ments. In  the  local  steamers  many  of  them  died  on  the  way.  The 
ordinary  prisons  were  more  than  full,  and  about  600  suspects  were 
confined  in  the  dungeons  of  Fort  Santiago  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig 
River,  where  a  frightful  tragedy  occurred.  The  dungeons  were  over- 
crowded ;  the  river-water  filtered  in  through  the  crevices  in  the  ancient 
masonry  ;  the  Spanish  sergeant  on  duty  threw  his  rug  over  the  only 
light-  and  ventilating-shaft,  and  in  a  couple  of  days  carts  were  seen 
by  many  citizens  carrying  away  the  dead,  calculated  to  number  70. 
Provincial  governors  and  parish  priests  seemed  to  regard  it  as  a  duty 
to  supply  the  capital  with  batches  of  "  suspects 11  from  their  localities. 
In  Vigan,  where  nothing  had  occurred,  many  of  the  heads  of  the 
best  families  and  moneyed  men  were  arrested  and  brought  to  Manila 
in  a  steamer.  They  were  bound  hand  and  foot,  and  carried  like 
packages  of  merchandise  in  the  hold.  I  happened  to  be  on  the  quay 
when  the  steamer  discharged  her  living  freight  with  chains  and  hooks 
to  haul  up  and  swing  out  the  bodies  like  bales  of  hemp.  From  Nueva 
Caceres  (Camarines),  the  Abellas  and  several  other  rich  families  and 
native  priests  were  seized  and  shipped  off.  Poor  old  Manuel  Abella, 
like  scores  of  others,  was  tortured  in  Bilibid  prison  and  finally  shot. 
He  was  a  notary,  unfortunately  possessed  of  a  fine  estate  coveted  by 
an  impecunious  Spaniard,  who  denounced  Abella,  and  was  rewarded 
by  being  appointed  "Administrator11  of  his  property,  out  of  which 
he  so  enriched  himself  that  he  was  able,  in  a  few  months,  to  return 
to  Spain  in  a  good  financial  position.  A  friend  of  mine,  a  native 
planter  of  Balayan,  was  imprisoned  for  months,  and  then  sent  back 
to  his  town  declared  innocent.  He  had  been  a  marked  man  since 
1895,  just  after  his  son  Quintin,  a  law  student,  had  had  a  little 
altercation    with    his    clerical    professors    in     Manila.     ^Thousands    of 


376      Court-martial  cabal — General  Blanco   recalled 

peaceful  natives  were  treated  with  unjustifiable  ferocity.  \  The  old 
torture-chamber  on  the  ground-floor  of  the  convent  of  Baliuag 
(Bulacan)  is  still  shown  to  visitors.  The  court-martial,  established 
under  the  presidency  of  a  colonel,  little  by  little  practised  systematic 
extortion,  for,  within  three  months  of  the  outbreak,  hundreds  of  the 
richest  natives  and  half-castes  in  Manila  were  imprisoned  for  a  few 
days  and  released  conditionally.  From  the  lips  of  my  late  friend, 
Telesforo  Chuidian,  a  wealthy  Chinese  half-caste,  known  to  all  Manila 
society,  I  heard  of  the  squalid  misery  and  privations  to  which  he  and 
others  of  his  class  were  subjected,  but  the  complete  list  would  fill  a 
page.  Some  were  even  re-arrested  for  the  same  nefarious  purpose, 
and  the  daily  papers  published  their  names  on  each  occasion.  Arch- 
bishop Nozaleda  and  Gov.-General  Blanco  were  at  variance  from  the 
beginning  of  the  revolt,  and  in  accordance  with  historical  precedent 
it  could  only  end  in  one  way,  namely,  that  the  clerical  party  advised 
the  Canovas  Ministry  to  recall  the  General  and  appoint  in  his  stead 
another  who  would  be  obedient  to  the  friars. 

General  Blanco  was  not  sufficiently  sanguinary  for  the  monks. 
As  a  strategist  he  had  refused,  at  the  outset,  to  undertake  with 
1,500  European  troops  a  task  which  was  only  accomplished  by  his 
successor  with  28,000  men.  But  the  priests  thought  they  knew  better, 
and  Blanco  left  for  Spain  in  December,  1896.  The  relative  positions 
of  the  parties  at  this  crisis  stood  as  follows : — The  rebels  were  in 
possession  of  the  whole  of  the  Province  of  Cavite  excepting  the 
city  and  arsenal  of  Cavite  and  the  isthmus  connecting  that  city  with 
the  mainland.  They  were  well  fortified  at  Imus  with  trenches  and 
stockades  extending  from  the  estate-house  fort  in  several  directions, 
defended  by  an  army  of  6,000  to  7,000  men.  Their  artillery  was  most 
primitive,  however,  consisting  only  of  a  few  small  guns  called 
lantacas,  some  new  guns  of  small  calibre  roughly  cast  out  of  the 
church  bells,  and  iron  waterpipes  of  large  diameter  converted  into 
mitrailleuse  mortars.  They  were  strongly  entrenched  behind  a  mile 
and  a  half  of  strategically  constructed  earthworks  defending  the  town 
of  Novaleta,  which  they  held.  They  were  supposed  to  have  at  least 
20,000  men  in  occupation  there.  Including  San  Francisco  de  Malabon, 
Silan,  Perez  Dasmarinas,  and  the  several  other  places  they  held,  their 
total  force  in  the  whole  province  was  estimated  at  35,000  men.  About 
one-fifth  of  that  number  was  armed  with  rifles  (chiefly  Mausers),  the 
remainder  carrying  bowie-knives  and  bamboo  lances.  The  bowie-knife 
was  irresistible  by  the  Spaniards  when  the  native  came  to  close-quarter 
fighting.  The  rebels  had  ample  supplies  of  rice,  buffaloes,  etc.,  stolen  from 
the  non-combatant  natives.  To  my  personal  knowledge  they  had  daily 
communication  with  Manila,  and  knew  everything  that  was  going  on 
there  and  the  public  feeling  in  the  capital.  They  had  failed  in  the 
attempt  to  seize  the  town  of  Santa  Cruz  (La  Laguna),  where  they  killed 


Railway   smash — Rebels   threaten   Manila  377 

one  Spaniard  and  then  retreated.  Loyal  natives  in  Vinan  organized 
volunteer  forces  to  keep  them  out  of  that  town.  Those  Manila 
volunteers  known  as  the  Guerrilla  a  muerte  battalion,  with  a  few  regulars, 
frequently  patrolled  the  lake  coast  in  steam-launches  from  Manila,  and 
kept  the  rebels  from  occupying  that  district.  North  of  Manila  the 
rebellion  reached  no  farther  than  Bulacan  and  Pampanga  Provinces, 
where  Llaneras\s  flying  column,  together  with  the  rebels  in  the 
mountain  fastnesses  of  Angat  and  San  Mateo,  amounted  to  about 
10,000  men.  Llaneras  notified  the  Manila-Dagupan  (English)  Railway 
officials  that  they  were  to  cease  carrying  loyal  troops  on  their  line ;  but 
as  those  orders  were  not  heeded,  a  train  was  wrecked  on  November  19 
about  20  miles  up  from  the  capital.  The  locomotive  and  five  carriages 
were  smashed,  the  permanent-way  was  somewhat  damaged,  five  individuals 
were  wounded,  and  the  total  loss  sustained  was  estimated  at  P.40,000. 
In  the  last  week  of  November  the  friars'1  estate-house  at  Malinta,  some 
five  miles  north  of  Manila,  was  in  flames ;  we  could  see  the  blaze  from 
the  bay.  The  slightest  reverse  to  Spanish  arms  always  drew  a  further 
crowd  of  rebels  into  the  field. 

The  total  European  force  when  General  Blanco  left  was  about 
10,000  men.  In  Cavite  Province  the  Spaniards  held  only  the  camp  of 
Dalahican,  and  the  city  and  arsenal  of  Cavite  with  the  isthmus.  The 
total  number  of  suspects  shipped  away  was  about  1,000.  I  was 
informed  by  my  friend  the  Secretary  of  the  Military  Court  that  4,377 
individuals  were  awaiting  trial  by  court-martial.  The  possibility  of 
the  insurgents  ever  being  able  to  enter  the  capital  was  never  believed 
in  by  the  large  majority  of  Europeans,  although  from  a  month  after  the 
outbreak  the  rebels  continued  to  hold  posts  within  a  couple  of  hours'' 
march  from  the  old  walls.  The  natives,  however,  were  led  to  expect 
that  the  rebels  would  make  an  attempt  to  occupy  the  city  on  Saint 
Andrew's  Day  (the  patron-saint  day  of  Manila,  vide  p.  50).  The 
British  Consul  and  a  few  British  merchants  were  of  opinion  that  a 
raid  on  the  capital  was  imminent,  and  I,  among  others,  was  invited 
by  letter,  dated  Manila,  November  16,  1896,  and  written  under  the 
authority  of  H.B.M.'s  Consul,  to  attend  a  meeting  on  the  18th  of 
that  month  at  the  offices  of  a  British  establishment  to  concert 
measures  for  escape  in  such  a  contingency.  In  spite  of  these  fears, 
business  was  carried  on  without  the  least  apparent  interruption. 

When  General  Blanco  reached  Spain  he  quietly  lodged  at  the  Hotel 
de  Roma  in  Madrid,  and  then  took  a  private  residence.  Out  of  courtesy 
he  was  offered  a  position  in  the  Quarto  Militar,  which  he  declined  to 
accept.  For  several  months  he  remained  under  a  political  cloud, 
charged  with  incompetency  to  quell  the  Philippine  Rebellion.  But 
there  is  something  to  be  said  in  justification  of  Blanco's  inaction.  He 
was  importuned  from  the  beginning  by  the  relentless  Archbishop  and 
many  leading  civilians  to  take  the  offensive  and  start  a  war  a  outrance 


378  General  Polavieja  succeeds   Blanco 

with  an  inadequate  number  of  European  soldiers.  jHis  6,000  native 
auxiliaries  (as  it  proved  later  on)  could  not  be  relied  upon  in  a  civil 
war.  Against  the  foreign  invader,  with  Spanish  prestige  still  high,  they 
would  have  made  good  loyal  fighting-material.  Blanco  was  no  novice 
in  civil  wars.  I  remember  his  career  during  the  previous  twenty-five 
years.  With  his  700  European  troops  he  parried  off  the  attacks  of  the  first 
armed  mobs  in  the  Province  of  Manila  (now  Rizal),  and  defended  the 
city  and  the  approaches  to  the  capital.  Five  hundred  European  troops 
had  to  be  left,  here  and  there,  in  Visayas  for  the  ordinary  defence. 
Before  the  balance  of  300  could  be  embarked  in  half  a  dozen  places  in 
the  south  and  landed  in  Manila,  the  whole  Province  of  Cavite  was  in 
arms.  He  could  not  leave  the  defence  of  the  city  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  untrained  and  undrilled  volunteers  and  march  the  whole  of  his 
European  regular  troops  into  another  province.  A  severe  reverse,  on 
the  first  encounter,  might  have  proved  fatal  to  Spanish  sovereignty. 
Blanco  had  the  enormous  disadvantage  (one  must  live  there  to 
appreciate  it)  of  the  wet  season,  and  the  rebels  understood  this.  He 
had,  therefore,  to  damp  the  movement  by  feigning  to  attach  to  it  as 
little  importance  as  possible.  Lastly,  Blanco  was  a  man  of  moderate 
and  humane  tendencies ;  a  colonial  governor  of  the  late  Martinez 
Campos  school,  whose  policy  is — when  all  honourable  peaceful  means 
are  exhausted,  use  force. 

The  Canovas  party  was  broken  up  by  the  assassination  of  the  Prime 
Minister  on  August  8,  1897.  This  ministry  was  followed  by  the 
provisional  Azcarraga  Cabinet,  which,  at  the  end  of  six  weeks,  was 
superseded  by  the  Liberal  party  under  the  leadership  of  Praxedes 
Sagasta,  who,  to  temporize  with  America,  recalled  the  inflexible  General 
Weyler  from  Cuba,  and  on  October  9  appointed  General  Ramon 
Blanco,  Marquis  de  Peiia  Plata,  to  take  the  command  there. 

General  Camilo  Polavieja  (Marquis  de  Polavieja)  arrived  in  Manila 
in  December,  1896,  as  the  successor  of  Blanco  and  the  chosen  Messiah 
of  the  friars.  He  had  made  a  great  name  in  Cuba  as  an  energetic 
military  leader,  which,  in  Spanish  colonies,  always  implied  a  tinge  of 
wanton  cruelty.  In  Spain  he  was  regarded  as  the  right  arm  of  the 
ultra-clericals  and  a  possible  supporter  of  Carlism.  He  was  accompanied 
by  General  Lachambre,  whose  acquaintance  I  made  in  Havana.  In  the 
same  steamer  with  General  Polavieja  came  500  troops,  whilst  another 
steamer  simultaneously  brought  1,500.  Polavieja,  therefore,  on  landing, 
had  about  12,000  European  troops  and  6,000  native  auxiliaries  ;  but 
each  steamer  brought  fresh  supplies  until  the  total  European  land  forces 
amounted  to  28,000.  By  this  time,  however,  the  6,000  native  troops 
were  very  considerably  reduced  by  desertion,  and  the  remainder  could 
hardly  be  relied  upon.  But  Polavieja  started  his  campaign  with  the 
immense  advantage  of  having  the  zvhole  of  the  dry  season  before  him. 
General  Lachambre,  as  Deputy  Commander  of  the  forces,  at  once  took 


General  Lachambre,    the   Liberator   of  Cavite      379 

the  field  against  the  rebels  in  Cavite  Province.  It  would  be  tedious  to 
relate  in  detail  the  numerous  encounters  with  the  enemy  over  this 
area.  Battles  were  fought  at  Nai^  Maragondon,  Perez  Dasmarinas, 
Nasugbu,  Taal,  Bacoor,  Novaleta,  and  other  places.  Imus,  which  in 
Manila  was  popularly  supposed  to  be  a  fortress  of  relative  magnitude, 
whence  the  rebels  would  dispute  every  inch  of  ground,  was  attacked  by 
a  large  force  of  loyal  troops.  On  their  approach  the  rebels  set  fire  to 
the  village  and  fled.  Very  few  remained  to  meet  the  Spaniards,  and  as 
these  few  tried  to  escape  across  the  paddy-fields  and  down  the  river 
they  were  picked  off  by  sharp-shooters.  It  was  a  victory  for  the 
Spaniards,  inasmuch  as  their  demonstration  of  force  scared  the  rebels 
into  evacuation.  But  it  was  necessary  to  take  Silan,  which  the  rebels 
hastened  to  strengthen,  closely  followed  up  by  the  Spaniards.  The 
place  was  well  defended  by  earthworks  and  natural  parapets,  and  for 
several  hours  the  issue  of  the  contest  was  doubtful.  The  rebels  fought 
bravely,  leaping  from  boulder  to  boulder  to  meet  the  foe.  In  every 
close-quarter  combat  the  bowie-knife  had  a  terrible  effect,  and  the  loyal 
troops  had  suffered  heavily  when  a  column  of  Spaniards  was  marched 
round  to  the  rear  of  the  rebels'1  principal  parapet.  They  were  lowered 
down  with  ropes  on  to  a  rising  ground  facing  this  parapet,  and  poured 
in  a  continuous  rifle  fire  until  the  rebels  had  to  evacuate  it,  and  the 
general  rout  commenced  with  great  slaughter  to  the  insurgents,  who 
dispersed  in  all  directions.  Their  last  stronghold  south  of  Manila  having 
been  taken,  they  broke  up  into  small  detachments,  which  were  chased 
and  beaten  wherever  they  made  a  stand.  The  Spaniards  suffered  great 
losses,  but  they  gained  their  point,  for  the  rebels,  unable  to  hold  any 
one  place  against  this  onslaught,  were  driven  up  to  the  Laguna  Province 
and  endeavoured  unsuccessfully  to  hold  the  town  of  Santa  Cruz.  It  is 
interesting  to  remark,  in  order  to  show  what  the  rebel  aim  at  that  time 
really  was,  that  they  entered  here  with  the  cry  of  "  Long  live  Spain  ; 
Death  to  the  Friars  ! "',  After  three  months1  hard  fighting,  General 
Lachambre  was  proclaimed  the  Liberator  of  Cavite  and  the  ad  joining- 
districts,  for,  by  the  middle  of  March,  1897,  every  rebel  contingent  of 
any  importance  in  that  locality  had  been  dispersed. 

Like  every  other  Spanish  general  in  supreme  command  abroad, 
Polavieja  had  his  enemies  in  Spain.  The  organs  of  the  Liberal  party 
attacked  him  unsparingly.  Polavieja,  as  everybody  knew,  was  the 
chosen  executive  of  the  friars,  whose  only  care  was  to  secure  their  own 
position.  He  was  dubbed  the  "  General  Cristiano."  He  was  their 
ideal,  and  worked  hand-in-hand  with  them.  He  cabled  for  more  troops 
to  be  sent  with  which  to  garrison  the  reconquered  districts  and  have 
his  army  corps  free  to  stamp  out  the  rebellion,  which  was  confined  to 
the  Northern  Provinces.  Cuba,  which  had  already  drained  the  Peninsula 
of  over  200,000  men,  still  required  fresh  levies  to  replace  the  sick  and 
wounded,  and  Polavieja's  demand  was  refused.     Immediately  after  this 


380        General  Polavieja   retires ;    meets  his   critics 

he  cabled  that  his  physical  ailments  compelled  him  to  resign  the 
commandership-in-chief,  and  begged  the  Government  to  appoint  a 
successor.  The  Madrid  journals  hostile  to  him  thereupon  indirectly 
attributed  to  him  a  lie,  and  questioned  whether  his  resignation  was  due 
to  ill-health  or  his  resentment  of  the  refusal  to  send  out  more  troops. 
Still  urging  his  resignation,  General  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera  was 
gazetted  to  succeed  him,  and  Polavieja  embarked  at  Manila  for  Spain 
on  April  15,  1897.  General  Lachambre,  as  the  hero  of  Cavite,  followed 
to  receive  the  applause  which  was  everywhere  showered  upon  him  in 
Spain.  As  to  Polavieja's  merits,  public  opinion  was  very  much  divided, 
and  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  he  was  on  the  way,  a  controversy  was 
started  in  the  Madrid  press  as  to  how  he  ought  to  be  received.  El 
Impartial  maintained  that  he  was  worthy  of  being  honoured  as  a  19th 
century  conquering  hero.  This  gave  rise  to  a  volley  of  abuse  on  the 
other  side,  who  raked  up  all  his  antecedents  and  supposed  tendencies, 
and  openly  denounced  him  as  a  dangerous  politician  and  the  supporter 
of  theocratic  absolutism.  According  to  El  Liberal  of  May  11,  Senor 
Ordax  Avecilla,  of  the  Red  Cross  Society,  stated  in  his  speech  at  the 
Madrid  Mercantile  Club,  "  If  he  (the  General)  thought  of  becoming 
"  dictator,  he  would  fall  from  the  heights  of  his  glory  to  the  Hades  of 
"  nonentity."  His  enemies  persistently  insinuated  that  he  was  really 
returning  to  Spain  to  support  the  clericals  actively.  But  perhaps  the 
bitterest  satire  was  levelled  against  him  in  El  Pais  of  May  10,  which,  in 
an  article  headed  "  The  Great  Farce,ri  said  :  "  Do  you  know  who  is 
'  coming  ?  Cyrus,  King  of  Persia ;  Alexander,  King  of  Macedonia  ; 
'  Caesar  Augustus ;  Scipio  the  African ;  Gonzalo  de  Cordova ; 
'  Napoleon,  the  Great  Napoleon,  conqueror  of  worlds.  What  ?  Oh, 
'  unfortunate  people,  do  you  not  know  ?  Polavieja  is  coming,  the 
'  incomparable  Polavieja,  crowned  with  laurels,  commanding  a  fleet 
'laden  to  the  brim  with  rich  trophies  ;  it  is  Polavieja,  gentlemen,  who 
'  returns,  discoverer  of  new  worlds,  to  lay  at  the  feet  of  Isabella  the 
'  Catholic  his  conquering  sword ;  it  is  Polavieja  who  returns  after 
'  having  cast  into  obscurity  the  glories  of  Hernan  Cortes  ;  Polavieja, 
'  who  has  widened  the  national  map,  and  brings  new  territories  to  the 
'  realm — new  thrones  to  his  queen.  What  can  the  people  be  thinking 
'  of  that  they  remain  thus  in  silence  ?  Applaud,  imbeciles !  It  is 
'  Narvaez  who  is  resuscitated.  Now  we  have  another  master  ! "  No 
Spanish  general  who  had  arrived  at  Polavieja's  position  would  find  it 
possible  to  be  absolutely  neutral  in  politics,  but  to  compare  him  with 
Narvaez,  the  military  dictator,  proved  in  a  few  days"1  time  to  be  the  grossest 
absurdity.  On  May  13  Polavieja  arrived  in  Barcelona  physically 
broken,  half  blind,  and  with  evident  traces  of  a  disordered  liver.  His 
detractors  were  silent ;  an  enthusiastic  crowd  welcomed  him  for  his 
achievements.  He  had  broken  the  neck  of  the  rebellion,  but  by  what 
means  ?    Altogether,  apart  from  the  circumstances  of  legitimate  warfare, 


Jose  Rizal,    the   Philippine   ideal  patriot  381 

in  which  probably  neither  party  was  more  merciful  than  the  other,  he 
initiated  a  system  of  striking  terror  into  the  non-combatant  population 
by  barbarous  tortures  and  wholesale  executions.  On  February  6,  1897, 
in  one  prison  alone  (Bilibid)  there  were  1,266  suspects,  most  of  whom 
were  brought  in  by  the  volunteers,  for  the  forces  in  the  field  gave  little 
quarter  and  rarely  made  prisoners.  The  functions  of  the  volunteers, 
organized  originally  for  the  defence  of  the  city  and  suburbs,  became  so 
elastic  that,  night  after  night,  they  made  men  and  women  come  out  of 
their  houses  for  inspection  conducted  most  indecorously.  The  men  were 
escorted  to  the  prisons  from  pure  caprice,  and  subjected  to  excessive 
maltreatment.  Many  of  them  were  liberated  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days,  declared  innocent,  but  maimed  for  life  and  for  ever  unable  to  get 
a  living.  Some  of  these  victims  were  well  known  to  everybody  in 
Manila ;  for  instance,  Dr.  Zamora,  Bonifacio  Arevalo  the  dentist, 
Antonio  Rivero  (who  died  under  torture),  and  others.  The  only 
apparent  object  in  all  this  was  to  disseminate  broadcast  living  examples 
of  Spanish  vengeance,  in  order  to  overawe  the  populace.  Under 
General  Blanco's  administration  such  acts  had  been  distinctly  prohibited 
on  the  representation  of  General  Carlos  Roca. 

Polavieja''s  rule  brought  the  brilliant  career  of  the  notable  Filipino, 
Dr.  Jose  Rizal  y  Mercado,  to  a  fatal  end.  Born  in  Calamba  (La  Laguna), 
three  hours'1  journey  from  Manila,  on  June  19,  1861,  he  was  destined 
to  become  the  idol  of  his  countrymen,  and  consequently  the  victim  of 
the  friars  and  General  Polavieja.  Often  have  I,  together  with  the  old 
native  parish  priest,  Father  Leoncio  Lopez,  spent  an  hour  with  Jose's 
father,  Francisco  Mercado,  and  heard  the  old  man  descant,  with  pride, 
on  the  intellectual  progress  of  his  son  at  the  Jesuits1  school  in  Manila. 
Before  he  was  fourteen  years  of  age  he  wrote  a  melodrama  in  verse 
entitled  Junto  al  Pasig  ("  Beside  the  Pasig  River ™),  which  was  per- 
formed in  public  and  well  received.  But  young  Jose  yearned  to  set 
out  on  a  wider  field  of  learning.  His  ambition  was  to  go  to  Europe, 
and  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  went  to  Spain,  studied  medicine,  and 
entered  the  Madrid  University,  where  he  graduated  as  Doctor  of 
Medicine  and  Philosophy.  He  subsequently  continued  his  studies  in 
Paris,  Brussels,  London,  and  at  several  seats  of  learning  in  Germany, 
where  he  obtained  another  degree,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he 
had  the  difficulty  of  a  foreign  language  to  contend  with.  As  happened 
to  many  of  his  confreres  in  the  German  Universities,  a  career  of  study 
had  simultaneously  opened  his  eyes  to  a  clearer  conception  of  the  rights 
of  humanity.  Thrown  among  companions  of  socialistic  tendencies, 
his  belief  in  and  loyalty  to  the  monarchical  rule  of  his  country  were 
yet  unshaken  by  the  influence  of  such  environment ;  he  was  destined 
only  to  become  a  disturbing  element,  and  a  would-be  reformer  of  that 
time-worn  institution  which  rendered  secular  government  in  his  native 
land  a  farce.     To  give  him  a  party  name,  he  became  an  anti-clerical, 


382  Jose   RizaVs   aspirations   and  career 

strictly  in  a  political  and  lawful  sense.  He  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  but 
his  sole  aim,  outside  his  own  profession,  was  to  save  his  country  from 
the  baneful  influence  of  the  Spanish  friars  who  there  held  the  Civil 
and  Military  Government  under  their  tutelage.  He  sought  to  place 
his  country  on  a  level  of  material  and  moral  prosperity  with  others, 
and  he  knew  that  the  first  step  in  that  direction  was  to  secure  the 
expulsion  of  the  Monastic  Orders.  He  sympathized  with  that  move- 
ment which,  during  his  childhood,  culminated  in  the  Cavite  Conspiracy 
(vide  p.  106).  He  looked  profoundly  into  the  causes  of  his  country's 
unhappiness,  and  to  promote  their  knowledge,  in  a  popular  form,  he 
wrote  and  published  in  Germany,  in  the  Spanish  language,  a  book 
entitled  "  Noli  me  tangere.11  It  is  a  censorious  satirical  novel,  of  no 
great  literary  merit,  but  it  served  the  author's  purpose  to  expose 
the  inner  life,  the  arrogance,  and  the  despotism  of  the  friars  in  their 
relations  with  the  natives.  On  his  return  to  the  Islands,  a  year  after 
the  publication  of  this  work,  we  met  at  the  house  of  a  mutual  friend 
and  conversed  on  the  subject  of  "  Noli  me  tangere,'"  a  copy  of  which 
he  lent  to  me. 

As  an  oculist  Rizal  performed  some  very  clever  operations,  but 
he  had  another  mission — one  which  brought  upon  him  all  the  odium 
of  the  clerical  party,  but  which  as  quickly  raised  him  in  popular  esteem 
in  native  circles.  He  led  a  party  in  his  own  town  who  dared  to  dispute 
the  legality  of  the  Dominican  Order's  possession  of  a  large  tract  of 
agricultural  land.  He  called  upon  the  Order  to  show  their  title- 
deeds,  but  was  met  with  a  contemptuous  refusal.  At  length  prudence 
dictated  a  return  to  Europe.  I  often  recall  the  farewell  lunch  we 
had  together  at  the  Restaurant  de  Paris,  in  the  Escolta.  During  his 
absence  his  own  relations  and  the  chief  families  in  his  town  became 
the  objects  of  persecution.  They  were  driven  from  the  lands  they 
cultivated  and  rented  from  the  Religious  Order,  without  compensation 
for  improvements,  and  Spaniards  took  their  holdings.  In  1890  Rizal 
saw  with  his  own  eyes,  and  perhaps  with  envy,  the  growing  prosperity 
of  Japan  ;  but  the  idea  of  annexation  to  that  country  was  distasteful 
to  him,  as  he  feared  the  Japanese  might  prove  to  be  rather  harsh 
masters.  On  his  return  to  Europe  he  contributed  many  brilliant 
articles  to  La  Solidaridad,  the  Madrid-Philippine  organ  mentioned 
on  p.  363 ;  but,  disgusted  with  his  failure  to  awaken  in  Spain  a 
sympathetic  interest  in  his  own  country's  misfortunes,  he  left  that  field 
of  work  and  re- visited  London,  where  he  found  encouragement  and 
very  material  assistance  from  an  old  friend  of  mine,  a  distinguished 
Filipino.  Rizal's  financial  resources  were  none  too  plentiful,  and  he 
himself  was  anxious  for  a  position  of  productive  activity.  It  was 
proposed  that  he  should  establish  himself  in  London  as  a  doctor,  but 
with  his  mind  always  bent  on  the  concerns  of  his  country  he  again 
took   to  literary  work.     He  edited   a  new  edition  of  Dr.  Antonio  de 


His   return   to   Manila    and  banishment  383 

Morgans  work  on  the  Philippines x  (the  original  was  published  in  Mexico 
in  1609),  with  notes,  and  wrote  a  new  book  in  the  form  of  romance, 
entitled  "  El  Filibusterismo,-" 3  the  purpose  of  which  was  to  show  how 
the  Filipinos  were  goaded  into  outlawry. 

About  this  time  two  priests,  C and  C ,  who  had  seceded 

from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  called  upon  my  Philippine  friend  to 
urge  him  to  take  an  interest  in  their  projected  evangelical  work  in  the 
Islands.  They  even  proposed  to  establish  a  new  Church  there  and 
appoint  a  hierarchy — an  extremely  risky  venture  indeed.  My  friend 
was  asked  to  nominate  some  Filipino  for  the  archbishopric.  It  was  put 
before  Rizal,  but  he  declined  the  honour  on  the  ground  that  the 
acceptance  of  such  an  office  would  sorely  offend  his  mother.     Finally, 

in  1893,  a  Pampanga  Filipino,  named  C ,  came  on  the  scene  and 

proposed  to  furnish  Rizal  with  ample  funds  for  the  establishment  of  a 
Philippine  college  in  Hong-Kong.  Rizal  accepted  the  offer  and  set  out 
for  that  colony,  where  he  waited  in  vain  for  the  money.  For  a  while 
he  hesitated  between  following  the  medical  profession  in  Hong-Kong 
and  returning  to  Manila.  Mutual  friends  of  ours  urged  him  not  to 
risk  a  re-entry  into  the  Islands ;  nevertheless,  communications  passed 
between  him  and  the  Gov. -General  through  the  Spanish  Consul,  and 
nothing  could  induce  him  to  keep  out  of  the  lion's  mouth.  Rizal 
avowed  that  he  had  been  given  to  understand  that  he  could  return  to 
the  Islands  without  fear  for  his  personal  safety  and  liberty.  He  arrived 
in  Manila  and  was  arrested.  His  luggage  was  searched  in  the  Custom- 
house, and  a  number  of  those  seditious  proclamations  referred  to  at 
p.  204  were  found,  it  was  alleged,  in  his  trunks.  It  is  contrary 
to  all  common  sense  to  conceive  that  a  sane  man,  who  had  enter- 
tained the  least  doubt  as  to  his  personal  liberty,  would  bring  with 
him,  into  a  public  department  of  scrutiny,  documentary  evidence  of  his 
own  culpability.  He  was  arraigned  before  the  supreme  authority,  in 
whose  presence  he  defended  himself  right  nobly.  The  clerical  party 
wanted  his  blood,  but  Gov.-General  Despujols  would  not  yield.  Rizal 
was  either  guilty  or  innocent,  and  should  have  been  fully  acquitted  or 
condemned ;  but  to  meet  the  matter  half  way  he  was  banished  to 
Dapitan,  a  town  on  the  north  shore  of  Mindanao  Island.  I  saw  the 
bungalow,  situated  at  the  extremity  of  a  pretty  little  horse-shoe  bay, 
where  he  lived  nearly  four  years  in  bondage.  His  bright  intelligence, 
his  sociability,  and  his  scientific  attainments  had  won  him  the  respect 
and  admiration  of  both  the  civil  and  religious  local  authorities.  He 
had  such  a  well-justified  good  repute  as  an  oculist  that  many  travelled 
across    the    seas    to    seek    his   aid.      The    Cuban  insurrection  being    in 

1  "  Sucesos  de  las  Islas  Filipinas/'  por  el  Dr.  Antonio  de  Morga,  anotada  por 
Jose  Rizal.     Published  in  Paris  by  Gamier  freres,  1890. 

*  "El  Filibusterismo  (continuacion  del  'Noli  me  tangere')."  Published  in 
Ghent  by  F.  Meyer-Van  Loo,  1891. 


384  RizaTs   liberation   negotiated  in  Madrid 

full  operation,  it  opened  the  way  for  a  new  and  interesting  period 
in  RizaFs  life.  Reading  between  the  lines  of  the  letters  he  was 
allowed  to  send  to  his  friends,  there  was  evidence  of  his  being  weighed 
down  with  ennui  from  inactivity,  and  his  friends  in  Europe  took  the 
opportunity  of  bringing  pressure  on  the  Madrid  Government  to  liberate 
him.  In  a  house  which  I  visit  in  London  there  were  frequent  consulta- 
tions as  to  how  this  could  be  effected.  In  the  end  it  was  agreed  to 
organize  a  bogus  "  Society  for  the  Liberation  of  Prisoners  in  the  Far 
East.'"     A  few  ladies  met  at  the  house  mentioned,  and  one  of  them, 

Miss  A ,  having  been  appointed  secretary,  she  was  sent  to  Madrid  to 

present  a  petition  from  the  "  Society  "  to  the  Prime  Minister,  Ctinovas 
del  Castillo,  praying  for  the  liberation  of  Rizal  in  exchange  for  his 
professional  services  in  the  Spanish  army  operating  in  Cuba,  where 
army  doctors  were  much  needed.  Hints  were  deftly  thrown  out  about 
the  "  Society's  "  relations  with  other  European  capitals,  and  the  foreign 
lady-secretary  played  her  part  so  adroitly  that  the  Prime  Minister 
pictured  to  himself  ambassadorial  intervention  and  foreign  complications 
if  he  did  not  grant  the  prayer  of  what  he  imagined  to  be  an  influential 
society  with  potential  ramifications.  The  Colonial  Minister  opposed 
the  petition  ;  the  War  Minister,  being  Philippine  born,  declined  to  act 
on  his  own  responsibility  for  obvious  reasons.  Repeated  discussions 
took  place  between  the  Crown  advisers,  to  whom,  at  length,  the  Prime 
Minister  disclosed  his  fears,  and  finally  the  Gov. -General  of  the 
Philippines,  Don  Ramon  Blanco,  was  authorized  to  liberate  Rizal,  on 
the  terms  mentioned,  if  he  saw  no  objection.  As  my  Philippine  friend, 
who  went  from  London  to  Madrid  about  the  matter,  remarked  to  the 
War  Minister,  "  Rizal  is  loyal ;  he  will  do  his  duty ;  but  if  he  did  not, 
one  more  or  less  in  the  rebel  camp — what  matters  ? "  The  Gov.-General 
willingly  acted  on  the  powers  received  from  the  Home  Government,  and 
RizaFs  conditional  freedom  dated  from  July  28,  1896.  The  governor 
of  Dapitan  was  instructed  to  ask  Rizal  if  he  wished  to  go  to  Cuba  as 
an  army  doctor,  and  the  reply  being  in  the  affirmative,  he  was  conducted 
on  board  the  steamer  for  Manila,  calling  on  the  way  at  Cebu,  where 
crowds  of  natives  and  half-castes  went  on  board  to  congratulate  him. 
He  had  become  the  idol  of  the  people  in  his  exile ;  his  ideas  were  then 
the  reflection  of  all  Philippine  aims  and  ambitions  ;  the  very  name  of 
Rizal  raised  their  hopes  to  the  highest  pitch.  Most  fantastic  reports 
were  circulated  concerning  him.  Deeds  in  Europe,  almost  amounting 
to  miracles,  were  attributed  to  his  genius,  and  became  current  talk 
among  the  natives  when  they  spoke  sotto  voce  of  RizaFs  power  and 
influence.  He  was  looked  up  to  as  the  future  regenerator  of  his  race, 
capable  of  moving  armies  and  navies  for  the  cause  of  liberty.  Their 
very  reverence  was  his  condemnation  in  the  eyes  of  the  priests. 

There  were  no  inter-island  cables  in  those  days,  and  the  arrival  of 
Rizal    in    the    port   of    Manila    was   a   surprise   to    the    friars.      They 


He  goes  to  Spain  and  is  cast  into  prison  385 

expostulated  with  General  Blanco.  They  openly  upbraided  him  for 
having  set  free  the  soul  of  disaffection ;  but  the  general  would  not 
relinquish  his  intention,  explaining,  very  logically,  that  if  Rizal  were 
the  soul  of  rebellion  he  was  now  about  to  depart.  The  friars  were 
eager  for  Rizal's  blood,  and  the  parish  priest  of  Tondo  arranged  a 
revolt  of  the  caudrilleros  (guards)  of  that  suburb,  hoping  thereby  to 
convince  General  Blanco  that  the  rebellion  was  in  full  cry,  consequent 
on  his  folly.  No  doubt,  by  this  trick  of  the  friars,  many  civilian  Spaniards 
were  deceived  into  an  honest  belief  in  the  ineptitude  of  the  Gov.- 
General.  In  a  state  of  frenzy  a  body  of  them,  headed  by  Father  Mariano 
Gil,  marched  to  the  palace  of  Malacanan  to  demand  an  explanation 
of  General  Blanco.  The  gates  were  closed  by  order  of  the  captain  of 
the  guard.  When  the  general  learnt  what  the  howling  outside  signified 
he  mounted  his  horse,  and,  at  the  head  of  his  guards,  met  the  excited 
crowd  and  ordered  them  to  quit  the  precincts  of  the  palace,  or  he 
would  put  them  out  by  force.  The  abashed  priest l  thereupon  withdrew 
with  his  companions,  but  from  that  day  the  occult  power  of  the  friars 
was  put  in  motion  to  bring  about  the  recall  of  General  Blanco.  In 
the  meantime  Rizal  had  been  detained  in  the  Spanish  cruiser  Castilla 
lying  in  the  bay.  Thence  he  was  transferred  to  the  mail-steamer 
Isla  de  Panay  bound  to  Barcelona.  He  carried  with  him  letters  of 
recommendation  to  the  Ministers  of  War  and  the  Colonies,  courteously 
sent  to  him  by  General  Blanco  with  the  following  letter  to  himself: — 

{Translation.) 

Manila,  30th  August,  1896. 
Dit.  Jose  Rizal. 
My  dear  Sir, — 

Enclosed  I  send  you  two  letters,  for  the  Ministers  of  War 
and  the  Colonies  respectively,  which  I  believe  will  ensure  to  you 
a  good  reception.  I  cannot  doubt  that  you  will  show  me  respect 
in  your  relations  with  the  Government,  and  by  your  future 
conduct,  not  only  on  account  of  your  word  pledged,  but  because 
passing  events  must  make  it  clear  to  you  how  certain  proceedings, 
due  to  extravagant  notions,  can  only  produce  hatred,  ruin,  tears 
and  bloodshed.     That  you  may  be  happy  is  the  desire  of 

Yours,  etc., 

Ramon  Blanco. 

He  had  as  travelling  companion  Don  Pedro  P.  Rojas,  already  referred 
to,  and  had  he  chosen  he  could  have  left  the  steamer  at  Singapore  as 
Rojas  did.  Not  a  few  of  us  who  saw  the  vessel  leave  wished  him  "  God 
speed.1-'  But  the  clerical  party  were  eager  for  his  extermination.  He 
was  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  monastic  sway  ;  he  had  committed  no  crime, 
but   he    was   the    friars"'   arch-enemy   and   bete   noire.      Again   the  lay 

'  Father  Mariano  Gil  died  in  Spain  in  the  spring  of  1904. 

25 


386  RizaVs  trial  and  execution 

authorities  had  to  yield  to  the  monks.  Dr.  Rizal  was  cabled  for  to 
answer  certain  accusations  ;  hence  on  his  landing  in  the  Peninsula  he  was 
incarcerated  in  the  celebrated  fortress  of  Montjuich  (the  scene  of  so 
many  horrors),  pending  his  re-shipment  by  the  returning  steamer.  He 
reached  Manila  as  a  State  prisoner  in  the  Colon,  isolated  from  all  but 
his  jailors.  It  was  materially  impossible  for  him  to  have  taken  any 
part  in  the  rebellion,  whatever  his  sympathies  may  have  been.  Yet, 
once  more,  the  wheel  of  fortune  turned  against  him.  Coincidentally 
the  parish  priest  of  Mdrong  was  murdered  at  the  altar  whilst  cele- 
brating Mass  on  Christmas  Day,  1896.  The  importunity  of  the  friars 
could  be  no  longer  resisted ;  this  new  calamity  seemed  to  strengthen 
their  cause.  The  next  day  Rizal  was  brought  to  trial  for  sedition  and 
rebellion,  before  a  court-martial  composed  of  eight  captains,  under  the 
presidency  of  a  lieutenant-colonel.  No  reliable  testimony  could  be 
brought  against  him.  How  could  it  be  when,  for  years,  he  had  been 
a  State  prisoner  in  forced  seclusion  ?  He  defended  himself  with  logical 
argument.  But  what  mattered  ?  He  was  condemned  beforehand  to 
ignominious  death  as  a  traitor,  and  the  decree  of  execution  was  one 
of  Polavieja's  foulest  acts.  During  the  few  days  which  elapsed  between 
sentence  and  death  he  refused  to  see  any  priest  but  a  Jesuit,  Padre 
Faura,  his  old  preceptor,  who  hastened  his  own  death  by  coming  from 
a  sick  bed  to  console  the  pupil  he  was  so  proud  of.  In  his  last  moments 
his  demeanour  was  in  accordance  with  his  oft-quoted  saying,  "  What 
is  death  to  me  ?  I  have  sown  the  seed ;  others  are  left  to  reap."  In 
his  condemned  cell  he  composed  a  beautiful  poem  of  14  verses  ("  My 
last  Thought ,-1),  which  was  found  by  his  wife  and  published.  The 
following  are  the  first  and  last  verses. 


MI   ULTIMO   PENSAMIENTO. 

Adios,  Patria  adorada,  region  del  sol  querida, 
"£         /  Perla  del  Mar  de  Oriente,  nuestro  perdido  Eden. 

A  darte  voy  alegre  la  triste  mustia  vida, 
Y  fuera  mas  brillante,  mas  fresca,  mas  florida, 
Tambien  por  ti  la  diera,  la  diera  por  tu  bien. 

Adios,  padres  y  hermanos,  trozos  del  alma  mia. 
Amigos  de  la  infancia  en  el  perdido  hogar. 
Dad  gracias  que  descanso  del  fatigoso  dia  ; 
Adios,  dulce  extrangera,  mi  amiga,  mi  alegria, 
Adios,  queridos  seres,  morir  es  descansar. 


The  woman  who  had  long  responded  to  his  love  was  only  too  proud 
to  bear  his  illustrious  name,  and  in  the  sombre  rays  which  fell  from  his 
prison  grating,  the  vows  of  matrimony  were  given  and  sanctified  with 
the  sad  certainty  of  widowhood  on  the  morrow.  Fortified  by  purity 
of  conscience  and  the  rectitude  of  his  principles,  he  felt  no  felon's 
remorse,  but  walked  with  equanimity  to  the  place  of  execution.  About 
2,000  regular  and  volunteer  troops  formed  the  square  where  he  knelt 


The  love-romance  of  RizaVs  life  387 

facing  the  seashore,  on  the  blood-stained  field  of  Bagumbayan.  After 
an  officer  had  shouted  the  formula,  "  In  the  name  of  the  King ! 
"  Whosoever  shall  raise  his  voice  to  crave  clemency  for  the  condemned, 
"  shall  suffer  death,11  four  bullets,  fired  from  behind  by  Philippine 
soldiers,  did  their  fatal  work.  This  execution  took,  place  at  6  a.m.  on 
December  30,  1896.  An  immense  crowd  witnessed,  in  silent  awe,  this 
sacrifice  to  priestcraft.  The  friars,  too,  were  present  en  masse,  many  of 
them  smoking  big  cigars,  jubilant  over  the  extinction  of  that  bright 
intellectual  light  which,  alas  !  can  never  be  rekindled. 

The  circumstances  under  which  Rizal,  in  his  exile,  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Josephine  Taufer,  who  became  his  wife,  are  curious. 
The  account  was  given  to  me  by  Mrs.  RizaFs  foster-father  as  we  crossed 
the  China  Sea  together.  The  foster-father,  who  was  an  American 
resident  in  Hong-Kong,  found  his  eyesight  gradually  failing  him.  After  7 — *  y 
exhausting  all  remedies  in  that  colony,  he  heard  of  a  famous  oculist  c^*jtc^ 
in  Manila  named  Rizal,  a  Filipino  of  reputed  Japanese  origirQ  There-  *U>t  iTUa. 
fore,  in  August,  1894,  he  went  to  Manila  to  seek  the  great  doctor,  taking 
with  him  a  Macao  servant,  his  daughter,  and  a  girl  whom  he  had 
adopted  from  infancy.  The  Philippine  Archipelago  was  such  a  terra 
incognita  to  the  outside  world  that  little  was  generally  known  of  it  save 
the  capital,  Manila.  When  he  reached  there  he  learnt,  to  his  dismay, 
that  the  renowned  practitioner  was  a  political  exile  who  lived  in  an 
out-of-the-way  place  in  Mindanao  Island.  Intent  on  his  purpose,  he 
took  ship  and  found  the  abode  of  Dr.  Rizal.  The  American  had  been 
forsaken  by  his  daughter  in  Manila,  where  she  eventually  married  a 
young  native  who  had  neither  craft  nor  fortune.  The  adopted  daughter, 
therefore,  was  his  companion  to  Dapitan.  When  they  arrived  at  the 
bungalow  the  bright  eyes  of  the  lovely  Josephine  interested  the  doctor 
far  more  than  the  sombre  diseased  organs  of  her  foster-father.  The  exile 
and  the  maiden,  in  short,  fell  in  love  with  each  other,  and  they  mutually 
vowed  never  to  be  parted  but  by  force.  The  old  man's  eyes  were  past 
all  cure,  and  in  vain  he  urged  the  girl  to  depart  with  him  ;  love 
dissented  from  the  proposition,  and  the  patient  found  his  way  back  to 
Manila,  and  thence  to  Hong-Kong,  with  his  Macao  servant — a  sadder, 
but  a  wiser  man.  The  foster-child  remained  behind  to  share  the  hut 
of  the  political  exile.  When,  an  hour  after  her  marriage,  she  became 
Widow  Rizal,  her  husband's  corpse,  which  had  received  sepulture  in  the 
cemetery,  was  guarded  by  soldiers  for  four  days  lest  the  superstitious 
natives  should  snatch  the  body  and  divide  it  into  a  thousand  relics  of 
their  lamented  idol.  Then  Josephine  started  off  for  the  rebel  camp  at 
Imus.  On  her  way  she  was  often  asked,  "  Who  art  thou  ?  "  but  her 
answer,  "  Lo  !  I  am  thy  sister,  the  widow  of  Rizal ! ""  not  only  opened 
a  passage  for  her,  but  brought  low  every  head  in  silent  reverence. 
Amidst  mourning  and  triumph  she  was  conducted  to  the  presence  of  the 
rebel  commander-in-chief,  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  who  received  her  with  the 


388  RizaVs  widow  in  the  rebel  camp 

respect  due  to  the  sorrowing  relict  of  their  departed  hero.  But  the 
formal  tributes  of  condolence  were  followed  by  great  rejoicing  in  the 
camp.  She  was  the  only  free  white  woman  within  the  rebel  lines.  They 
lauded  her  as  though  an  angelic  being  had  fallen  from  the  skies  ;  they 
sang  her  praises  as  if  she  were  a  modern  Joan  of  Arc  sent  by  heaven  to 
lead  the  way  to  victory  over  the  banner  of  Castile.  But  she  chose,  for 
the  time  being,  to  follow  a  more  womanly  vocation,  and,  having  been 
escorted  to  San  PVancisco  de  Malabon,  she  took  up  her  residence  in  the 
convent  to  tend  the  wounded  for  about  three  weeks.  Then,  when  the 
battle  of  Perez  Dasmarinas  was  raging,  our  heroine  sallied  forth  on 
horseback  with  a  Mauser  rifle  over  her  shoulder,  and — as  she  stated 
with  pride  to  a  friend  of  mine  who  interviewed  her — she  had  the 
satisfaction  of  shooting  dead  one  Spanish  officer,  and  then  retreated  to 
her  convent  refuge.  Again,  she  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Silan, 
where  her  heroic  example  of  courage  infused  new  life  into  her  brother 
rebels.  The  carnage  on  both  sides  was  fearful,  but  in  the  end  the  rebels 
fell  back,  and  there,  from  a  spot  amidst  mangled  corpses,  rivulets  of 
blood,  and  groans  of  death,  Josephine  witnessed  many  a  scene  of  Spanish 
barbarity — the  butchery  of  old  inoffensive  men  and  women,  children 
caught  up  by  the  feet  and  dashed  against  the  walls,  and  the  bayonet- 
charge  on  the  host  of  fugitive  innocents.  The  rebels  having  been 
beaten  everywhere  when  Lachambre  took  the  field,  Josephine  had  to 
follow  in  their  retreat,  and  after  Imus  and  Silan  were  taken,  she,  with 
the  rest,  had  to  flee  to  another  province,  tramping  through  23  villages 
on  the  way.  She  was  about  to  play  another  role,  being  on  the  point  of 
going  to  Manila  to  organize  a  convoy  of  arms  and  munitions,  when  she 
heard  that  certain  Spaniards  were  plotting  against  her  life.  So  she 
sought  an  interview  with  the  Gov.-General,  who  asked  her  if  she  had 
been  in  the  rebel  camp  at  Imus.  She  replied  fearlessly  in  the  affirmative, 
and,  relying  on  the  security  from  violence  afforded  by  her  sex  and 
foreign  nationality,  there  passed  between  her  and  the  Gov.-General 
quite  an  amusing  and  piquant  colloquy.  "  What  did  you  go  to  Imus 
for  ?  "  inquired  the  General.  "What  did  you  go  there  for  ?"  rejoined 
Josephine.  "  To  fight,"  said  the  General.  "  So  did  I,""  answered 
Josephine.  "  Will  you  leave  Manila  ? "  asked  the  General.  "  Why 
should  I  ?  "  queried  Josephine.  "  Well,"  said  the  General,  "  the  priests 
will  not  leave  you  alone  if  you  stay  here,  and  they  will  bring  false 
evidence  against  you.  I  have  no  power  to  overrule  theirs."  "  Then 
what  is  the  use  of  the  Gov.-General  ? "  pursued  our  heroine  ;  but  the 
General  dismissed  the  discussion,  which  was  becoming  embarrassing, 
and  resumed  it  a  few  days  later  by  calling  upon  her  emphatically  to 
quit  the  Colony.  At  this  second  interview  the  General  fumed  and 
raged,  and  our  heroine  too  stamped  her  little  foot,  and,  woman-like, 
avowed  "  she  did  not  care  for  him  ;  she  was  not  afraid  of  him."  It  was 
temerity  born   of  inexperience,  for  one    word   of  command    from    the 


General  Primo  de  Rivera  succeeds  Polavieja          389 

General  could  have  sent  her  the  way  many  others  had  gone,  to  an 
unrevealed  fate.  Thus  matters  waxed  hot  between  her  defiance  and  his 
forbearance,  until  visions  of  torture — thumb-screws  and  bastinado — 
passed  so  vividly  before  her  eyes  that  she  yielded,  as  individual  force 
must,  to  the  collective  power  which  rules  supreme,  and  reluctantly 
consented  to  leave  the  fair  Philippine  shores  in  May,  1897,  in  the 
s.s.  Yuensang,  for  a  safer  resting-place  on  the  British  soil  of  Hong-Kong. 

The  execution  of  Dr.  Rizal  was  a  most  impolitic  act.  It  sent  into 
the  field  his  brother  Pasciano  with  a  large  following,  who  eventually 
succeeded  in  driving  every  Spaniard  out  of  their  native  province  of  La 
Laguna.  They  also  seized  the  lake  gunboats,  took  an  entire  Spanish 
garrison  prisoner,  and  captured  a  large  quantity  of  stores.  Pasciano 
rose  to  the  rank  of  general  before  the  rebellion  ended.1 

General  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera,  Marquis  de  Estella,  arrived  in 
Manila,  as  the  successor  of  General  Camilo  Polavieja,  in  the  spring  of 
1897.  He  knew  the  country  and  the  people  he  was  called  upon  to 
pacify,  having  been  Gov. -General  there  from  April,  1880,  to  March, 
1883.  A  few  days  after  his  arrival  he  issued  a  proclamation  offering 
an  amnesty  to  all  who  would  lay  down  their  arms  within  a  prescribed 
period.  Many  responded  to  this  appeal,  for  the  crushing  defeat  of  the 
rebels  in  Cavite  Province,  accompanied  by  the  ruthless  severity  of  the 
soldiery  during  the  last  Captain -Generalcy,  had  damped  the  ardour  of 
thousands  of  would-be  insurgents.  The  rebellion  was  then  confined  to 
the  north  of  Manila,  but,  since  Aguinaldo  had  evacuated  Cavite  and 
joined  forces  with  Llaneras,  the  movement  was  carried  far  beyond 
the  Provinces  of  Bulacan  and  Pampanga.  f  Armed  mobs  had  risen  in 
Pangasinan,  Zambales,  Ilocos,  Nueva  Ecija,  and  Tarlac.  Many  villages 
were  entirely  reduced  to  ashes  by  them  ;  crops  of  young  rice  too  unripe 
to  be  useful  to  anybody  were  wantonly  destroyed  ;  pillage  and  devasta- 
tion were  resorted  to  everywhere  to  coerce  the  peaceful  inhabitants  to 
join  in  the  movement.  On  the  other  hand,  the  nerves  of  the  priests 
were  so  highly  strung  that  they  suspected  every  native,  and,  by  persistently 

1  Rizal's  brother  and  sister  were  keeping  (in  1904)  the  " Dimas  Along" 
restaurant,  02,  Calle  Sacristia,  Binondo  (Manila).  It  is  so  named  after  the 
pseudonym  under  which  their  distinguished  brother  often  wrote  patriotic  articles. 

One  of  the  ten  annual  official  holidays,  or  feast  days,  appointed  by  the  Civil  Com- 
mission is  "Rizal  Day,"  December  30. 

The  P. 2  banknote  of  the  new  Philippine  currency  bears  a  vignette  of  Dr.  Rizal. 

The  Manila  Province  of  Spanish  times  is  now  called  Rizal  Province  and  with  it 
is  incorporated  what  was  formerly  the  Morong  District.  Probably  one-third  of 
the  towns  of  the  colony  have  either  a  Plaza  de  Rizal,  or  a  Calle  de  Rizal ;  it  is  about 
as  general  as  the  Piazza  di  Vittorio  Emanuele  throughout  Italy. 

A  public  subscription  was  open  for  about  three  years  to  defray  the  cost  of  a 
Rizal  monument  to  be  erected  on  the  Luneta  Esplanade  (Ins.  Gov.  Act  No.  243). 
By  March  7,  1905,  a  total  of  P.  103,753.89  had  been  collected,  including  the  sum 
of  P.  30,000  voted  by  the  Insular  Government. 

One  is  led  to  wonder  what  role  in  Philippine  affairs  Rizal  would  have  assumed 
had  he  outlived  the  rebellion. 


390  The  rebels  are  active  in  Central  Luzon 

launching  false  accusations  against  their  parishioners,  they  literally 
made  rebels.)  Hence  at  Candon  (Ilocos  Sur),  a  town  of  importance  on 
the  north-west  coast  of  Luzon,  five  influential  residents  were  simply 
goaded  into  rebellion  by  the  frenzied  action  of  the  friars  subordinate 
to  the  Bishop  of  Vigan,  Father  Jose  Hevia  de  Campomanes.  These 
residents  then  killed  the  parish  priest,  and  without  arms  fled  for  safety 
to  the  mountain  ravines.  A  few  months  before,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  rebellion,  this  same  Austin  friar,  Father  Rafael  Redondo,  had 
ignominiously  treated  his  own  and  other  native  curates  by  having  them 
stripped  naked  and  tied  down  to  benches,  where  he  beat  them  with  the 
prickly  tail  of  the  ray-fish  to  extort  confessions  relating  to  conspiracy. 
In  San  Fernando  de  la  Union  the  native  priests  Adriano  Garces, 
Mariano  Gaerlan,  and  Mariano  Dacanaya  were  tortured  with  a  hot  iron 
applied  to  their  bodies  to  force  a  confession  that  they  were  freemasons. 
The  rebels  attacked  Bayambang  (Pangasinan),  drove  out  the  Spanish 
garrison,  seized  the  church  and  convent  in  which  they  had  fortified  them- 
selves, made  prisoner  the  Spanish  priest,  burnt  the  Government  stores, 
Court-house,  and  Spanish  residences,  but  carefully  avoided  all  inter- 
ference with  the  British-owned  steam  rice-mill  and  paddy  warehouses. 
Troops  were  sent  against  them  by  special  train  from  Tarlac,  and  they 
were  beaten  out  of  the  place  with  a  loss  of  about  100  individuals  ;  but 
they  carried  off  their  clerical  prisoner.  General  Monet  operated  in  the 
north  against  the  rebels  with  Spanish  and  native  auxiliary  forces.  He 
attacked  the  armed  mobs  in  Zambales  Province,  where  encounters  of 
minor  importance  took  place  almost  daily,  with  no  decisive  victory  for 
either  party.  He  showed  no  mercy  and  took  no  prisoners  ;  his  troops 
shot  down  or  bayoneted  rebels,  non-combatants,  women  and  children 
indiscriminately.  Tillage  was  carried  on  at  the  risk  of  one"^  life,  for 
men  found  going  out  to  their  lands  were  seized  as  spies  and  treated  with 
the  utmost  severity  as  possible  sympathizers  with  the  rebels.  He  carried 
this  war  of  extermination  up  to  Ilocos,  where,  little  by  little,  his  forces 
deserted  him.  His  auxiliaries  went  over  to  the  rebels  in  groups.  Even 
a  few  Spaniards  passed  to  the  other  side,  and  after  a  protracted  struggle 
which  brought  no  advantage  to  the  Government,  he  left  garrisons  in 
several  places  and  returned  to  Manila.  In  Aliaga  (Nueva  Ecija)  the 
Spaniards  had  no  greater  success.  The  rebels  assembled  there  in  crowds, 
augmented  by  the  fugitive  mobs  from  Pangasinan,  and  took  possession 
of  the  town.  The  Spaniards,  under  General  Nunez,  attacked  them  on 
two  sides,  and  there  was  fought  one  of  the  most  desperate  battles  of  the 
north.  It  lasted  about  six  hours :  the  slaughter  on  both  sides  was 
appalling.  The  site  was  strewn  with  corpses,  and  as  the  rebels  were 
about  to  retreat  General  Nunez  advanced  to  cut  them  off,  but  was 
so  severely  wounded  that  he  had  to  relinquish  the  command  on  the 
field.  But  the  flight  of  the  insurgents  was  too  far  advanced  to  rally 
them,  and  they   retired  south  towards  Pampanga. 


Gov. -General  decrees  concentration  391 

In  Tayabas  the  officiousness  of  the  Governor  almost  brought  him  to 
an  untimely  end.  Two  well-known  inhabitants  of  Pagsanjan  (La 
Laguna)  were  accused  of  conspiracy,  and,  without  proof,  court-martialled 
and  executed.  The  Governor  went  to  witness  the  scene,  and  returning 
the  next  day  with  his  official  suite,  he  was  waylaid  near  Lucbang  by  a 
rebel  party,  who  killed  one  of  the  officers  and  wounded  the  Governor. 
Filipinos  returning  to  Manila  were  imprisoned  without  trial,  tortured, 
and  shipped  back  to  Hong-Kong  as  deck  passengers.  The  wet  season 
had  fully  set  in,  making  warfare  in  the  provinces  exceedingly  difficult 
for  the  raw  Spanish  recruits  who  arrived  to  take  the  place  of  the  dead, 
wounded,  and  diseased.  Spain  was  so  hard  pressed  by  Cuban  affairs 
that  the  majority  of  these  last  levies  were  mere  boys,  ignorant  of  the 
use  of  arms,  ill  clad,  badly  fed,  and  with  months  of  pay  in  arrear. 
Under  these  conditions  they  were  barely  a  match  for  the  sturdy 
Islanders,  over  mountains,  through  streams,  mud-pools,  and  paddy- 
fields.  The  military  hospitals  were  full ;  \he  Spaniards  were  as  far 
off  extinguishing  the  Katipunan  as  the  rebels  were  from  being  able 
to  subvert  Spanish  sovereignty.  The  rebels  held  only  two  impregnable 
places,  namely  Angat  and  San  Mateo,  but  whilst  they  carried  on  an 
interminable  guerilla  warfare  they  as  carefully  avoided  a  pitched  battle^ 
The  Gov.-General,  then,  had  resort  to  another  edict,  dated  July  2, 
1 897,  which  read  thus  : — 

Edict 

Don  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera  y  Sobremonte,  Marquis  de 
Estella,  Governor  and  Captain-General  of  the  Philippines,  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 

Whereas  the  unlimited  amplitude  given  to  my  former  edicts  by 
some  authorities  who  are  still  according  the  benefits  of  the  amnesty 
to  those  who  present  themselves  after  the  expiration  of  the  con- 
ceded time,  imperatively  calls  for  a  most  absolute  and  positive 
declaration  that  there  is  a  limit  to  clemency  and  pardon,  otherwise 
the  indefinite  postponement  of  the  application  of  the  law  may  be 
interpreted  as  a  sign  of  debility  ;  and 

Whereas  our  generosity  has  been  fully  appreciated  by  many 
who  have  shown  signs  of  repentance  by  resuming  their  legal 
status,  whilst  there  are  others  who  abuse  our  excessive  benevo- 
lence by  maintaining  their  rebellious  attitude,  and  encroach  on  our 
patience  to  prolong  the  resistance  ;  and 

Whereas  it  is  expedient  to  abolish  the  spectacle  of  a  few 
groups,  always  vanquished  whilst  committing  all  sorts  of  felonies 
under  the  protection  of  a  fictitious  political  flag,  maintaining  a 
state  of  uneasiness  and  corruption  ; 

Now,  therefore,  the  authorities  must  adopt  every  possible  means 
of  repression,  and  I,  as  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army, 


392  Bad  effect  of  concentration 

Order  and  Command 

Article  1. — All  persons  having  contracted  responsibilities  up 
to  date  on  account  of  the  present  rebellion  who  fail  to  report 
themselves  to  the  authorities  or  military  commanders  before  the 
10th  of  July  will  be  pursued  and  treated  as  guilty. 

Article  2. — Commanding  generals  in  the  field,  military  and 
civil  governors  in  districts  where  the  rebels  exist,  will  prohibit  all 
inhabitants  from  leaving  the  villages  and  towns,  unless  under 
absolute  necessity  for  agricultural  purposes,  or  taking  care  of 
rural  properties  or  other  works.  Those  comprised  in  the  latter 
class  will  be  provided  by  the  municipal  captains  with  a  special 
pass,  in  which  will  be  noted  the  period  of  absence,  the  place  to 
be  visited,  and  the  road  to  be  taken,  always  provided  that  all 
persons  absenting  themselves  from  the  villages  without  carrying 
such  passes,  and  all  who,  having  them,  deviate  from  the  time, 
road,  or  place  indicated,  will  be  treated  as  rebels. 

Article  3. — After  the  10th  instant  all  persons  will  be  required 
to  prove  their  identity  by  the  personal  document  (cedula  personal), 
together  with  the  pass  above-mentioned,  and  neither  the  amnesty 
passes  already  granted  nor  any  other  document  will  have  any  legal 
validity. 

All  who  contravene  these  orders  will  be  tried  by  court- 
martial. 

Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera. 

The  indiscreetness  of  this  measure  was  soon  evident.  It  irritated 
the  well-disposed  inhabitants,  from  whom  fees  were  exacted  by  the 
Gov. -General's  venal  subordinates ;  the  rigorous  application  of  the 
edict  drove  many  to  the  enemy's  camp,  and  the  rebels  responded  to 
this  document  by  issuing  the  following  Exhortation  in  Tagalog  dialect, 
bearing  the  pseudonym  of  "  Malabar.'"  It  was  extensively  circulated 
in  July,  1897,  but  bears  no  date.  The  Spanish  authorities  made 
strenuous  but  unsuccessful  efforts  to  confiscate  it.  It  is  an  interesting 
document  because  (1)  It  admits  how  little  territory  the  Katipunan 
itself  considered  under  its  dominion.  (2)  It  sets  forth  the  sum  total 
of  the  rebels'  demands  at  that  period.  (3)  It  admits  their  impotence 
to  vanquish  the  loyal  forces  in  open  battle. 

To  the  Brave  Sons  of  the  Philippines 
The  Spaniards  have    occupied    the    towns    of  Cavite  Province 

because    we    found    it   convenient   to    evacuate    them.      We    must 

change  our  tactics  as  circumstances  dictate. 

We  have  proved  it  to  be  a  bad  policy  to  be  fortified  in  one 

place  awaiting  the  enemy's   attack.     We  must  take  the  offensive 

when  we  get  the  chance,  adopting  the  Cuban  plan  of  ambush  and 


Definition  of  the  rebels'  demands  393 

guerilla  warfare.  In  this  way  we  can,  for  an  indefinite  period, 
defy  Spain,  exhaust  her  resources,  and  oblige  her  to  surrender  from 
poverty,  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  very  Spanish  news- 
papers admit  that  each  soldier  costs  a  dollar  a  day,  and  adding  to 
this  his  passage  money,  clothing  and  equipment,  the  total  amounts 
to  a  considerable  sum.  Considering  that  Spanish  credit  abroad 
is  exhausted,  that  her  young  men,  to  avoid  conscription,  are 
emigrating  to  France  and  elsewhere  in  large  numbers,  Spain  must 
of  necessity  yield  in  the  end.  You  already  know  that  Polavieja 
resigned  because  the  Government  were  unable  to  send  him  the 
further  20,000  men  demanded.  The  Cubans,  with  their  guerilla 
system,  avoiding  encounters  unfavourable  to  themselves,  have 
succeeded  in  wearying  the  Spaniards,  who  are  dying  of  fever  in 
large  numbers.  Following  this  system,  it  would  be  quite  feasible 
to  extend  the  action  of  the  Katipunan  to  Ilocos,  Pangasinan, 
Cagayan,  and  other  provinces,  because  our  brothers  in  these  places, 
sorely  tyrannized  by  the  Spaniards,  are  prepared  to  unite  with  us. 

The  Provinces  of  Zambales,  Tarlac,  Tayabas,  etc.,  are  already 
under  the  Katipunan  Government,  and  to  complete  our  success, 
the  revolutionary  movement  should  become  general,  for  the  ends 
which  we  all  so  ardently  desire,  namely  : 

(1)  Expulsion  of  the  friars  and  restitution  to  the  townships 
of  the  lands  which  the  friars  have  appropriated,  dividing  the 
incumbencies, held  by  them,  as  well  as  the  episcopal  sees  equally 
between  Peninsular  and  Insular  secular  priests. 

(2)  Spain  must  concede  to  us,  as  she  has  to  Cuba,  Parliamentary 
representation,  freedom  of  the  Press,  toleration  of  all  religious 
sects,  laws  common  with  hers,  and  administrative  and  economic 
autonomy. 

(3)  Equality  in  treatment  and  pay  between  Peninsular  and 
Insular  civil  servants. 

(4)  Restitution  of  all  lands  appropriated  by  the  friars  to  the 
townships,  or  to  the  original  owners,  or  in  default  of  finding  such 
owners,  the  State  is  to  put  them  up  to  public  auction  in  small  lots 
of  a  value  within  the  reach  of  all  and  payable  within  four  years, 
the  same  as  the  present  State  lands. 

(5)  Abolition  of  the  Government  authorities''  power  to  banish 
citizens,  as  well  as  all  unjust  measures  against  Filipinos  ;  legal 
equality  for  all  persons,  whether  Peninsular  or  Insular,  under  the 
Civil  as  well  as  the  Penal  Code. 

The  war  must  be  prolonged  to  give  the  greatest  signs  of  vitality 
possible,  so  that  Spain  may  be  compelled  to  grant  our  demands, 
otherwise  she  will  consider  us  an  effete  race  and  curtail,  rather  than 
extend,  our  rights. 

Malabar. 


394  Aguinaldo  now  claims  independence 

Shortly  after  this  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  the  recognized  leader  of  the 
rebels,  issued  a  Manifesto  in  somewhat  ambiguous  terms  which  might 
imply  a  demand  for  independence.     In  this  document  he  says : — 

We  aspire  to  the  glory  of  obtaining  the  liberty,  independence, 
and  honour  of  the  country.  .  .  .  We  aspire  to  a  Government 
representing  all  the  live  forces  of  the  country,  in  which  the  most 
able,  the  most  worthy  in  virtue  and  talent,  may  take  part  without 
distinction  of  birth,  fortune,  or  race.  We  desire  that  no  monk,  or 
friar,  shall  sully  the  soil  of  any  part  of  the  Archipelago,  nor  that 
there  shall  exist  any  convent,  etc.,  etc. 

Every  month  brought  to  light  fresh  public  exhortations,  edicts,  and 
proclamations  from  one  side  or  the  other,  of  which  1  have  numerous 
printed  copies  before  me  now.  About  this  time  the  famous  Philippine 
painter,  Juan  Luna  (vide  p.  195),  was  released  after  six  months1 
imprisonment  as  a  suspect.  He  left  Manila  en  route  for  Madrid  in  the 
Spanish  mail-steamer  Covadonga  in  the  first  week  of  July  and  returned 
to  Manila  the  next  year  (November  1898). 

In  the  field  there  were  no  great  victories  to  record,  for  the  rebels 
confined  themselves  exclusively  to  harassing  the  Spanish  forces  and  then 
retreating  to  the  mountains.  To  all  appearances  trade  in  Manila  and 
throughout  the  Islands  was  little  affected  by  the  war,  and  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  total  exports  showed  a  fair  average  when  compared  with 
previous  years.  The  sugar  production  was,  however,  slightly  less  than 
in  1896,  owing  to  a  scarcity  of  hands,  because,  in  the  ploughing  season, 
the  young  labourers  in  Negros  were  drafted  off  to  military  service. 
Total  imports  somewhat  increased,  notwithstanding  the  imposition  of  a 
special  6  per  cent,  ad  valorem  tax. 

But  the  probability  of  an  early  pacification  of  the  Islands  was 
remote.  By  the  unscrupulous  abuse  of  their  functions  the  volunteers 
were  obliging  the  well-intentioned  natives  to  forsake  their  allegiance, 
and  General  Primo  de  Rivera  was  constrained  to  issue  a  decree,  dated 
August  6,  forbidding  all  persons  in  military  service  to  plunder,  or 
intimidate,  or  commit  acts  of  violence  on  persons,  or  in  their  houses,  or 
ravish  women,  under  penalty  of  death.  In  the  same  month  the  General 
commissioned  a  Filipino,  Don  Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno,  to  negotiate 
terms  of  capitulation  with  the  rebels.  By  dint  of  bribes  and  liberal 
expenditure  of  money  (vide  Paterno's  own  letter  at  p.  410)  Paterno 
induced  the  minor  chiefs  in  arms  to  accept,  in  principle,  the  proposal  of 
peace  on  the  basis  of  reforms  and  money.  Paterno  was  appointed  by 
the  Gov.-General  sole  mediator  in  the  discussion  of  the  terms  to  be 
made  with  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  and  the  General's  private  secretary,  Don 
Niceto  Mayoral,  was  granted  special  powers  to  arrange  with  Paterno  the 
details  of  the  proposed  treaty.  From  Paterno's  lips  I  have  the  following 
account  of  the  negotiations  : — 


Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno  negotiates  peace  395 

On  August  4,  1897,  he  started  on  a  series  of  difficult  journeys  into 
the  rebel  camps  to  negotiate  severally  with  the  chiefs,  who,  one  after  the 
other,  stoutly  refused  to  capitulate.  On  August  9  he  interviewed 
Aguinaldo  at  Biac-na-bato,  situated  in  the  mountains,  about  a  mile 
north  of  San  Miguel  de  Mayumo  (Bulacan).  Aguinaldo  withheld  his 
decision  until  Paterno  could  report  to  him  the  definite  opinions  of  his 
generals.  Thereupon  Paterno  returned  to  the  rebel  chiefs,  some  of  whom 
still  tenaciously  held  out,  whilst  others  were  willing  to  capitulate, 
subject  to  Aguinaldo\s  approval.  Paterno's  mission  was  daily  becoming 
more  perilous,  for  the  irreconcilable  leaders  regarded  him  as  an  evil 
genius  sent  to  sow  discord  in  the  camp.  After  many  delays  the  principal 
warriors  assembled  at  Biac-na-batd  on  October  31  and  held  a  great 
meeting,  which  Paterno,  who  is  a  fluent  speaker,  attended  and  harangued 
his  audience  in  eloquent  phrases,  but  to  no  purpose.  His  position  was 
now  a  somewhat  critical  one.  Several  of  the  chiefs  assumed  such  a 
defiant  attitude  that  but  for  the  clement  nature  of  Aguinaldo,  Paterno 
might  never  have  returned  to  tell  the  tale.  They  clamorously  insisted 
on  their  resolution  to  fight.  Then  Paterno  adroitly  brought  matters  to 
a  crisis  in  a  bold  peroration  which  changed  the  whole  scene.  "  Capitu- 
"  late,"  he  exclaimed,  "  or  get  hence  and  vanquish  the  enemy  !  Is 
"  victory  to  be  gained  in  this  hiding-place  ?  "  Piqued  by  this  fearless 
challenge,  General  Natividad  immediately  sallied  forth  with  his  troops 
and  encountered  the  Spaniards  for  the  last  time.  His  dead  body  was 
brought  into  the  camp,  and,  in  the  shades  of  night,  with  sombre  lights 
flickering  around  them,  in  the  presence  of  Natividad's  bleeding  corpse, 
again  Paterno  exhorted  them  to  reflect  on  the  prospects  in  the  field  and 
the  offer  of  capitulation.  Impressed  by  the  lugubrious  scene,  Aguinaldo 
yielded,  and  the  next  day  peace  negotiations  were  opened.  But  other 
difficulties  intervened.  Aguinaldo  having  heard  that  a  subordinate 
chief  was  conspiring  to  force  his  hand  to  capitulate,  abruptly  cast  aside 
the  papers,  declaring  that  he  would  never  brook  coercion.  The  deadlock 
lasted  a  whole  day,  but  at  length  Aguinaldo  signed  conditions,  which 
Paterno  conveyed  to  General  Primo  de  Rivera  at  San  Fernando  (Pam- 
panga).  The  willingness  to  capitulate  was  by  no  means  unanimous. 
Paterno  was  forewarned  that  on  his  route  a  party  of  500  Irreconcilables 
were  waiting  to  intercept  and  murder  him,  so  to  evade  them  he  had 
to  hide  in  a  wood.  Fifteen  minutes1  delay  would  have  cost  him  his  life. 
Even  a  Spanish  colonel  for  some  occult  reason  sought  to  frustrate  the 
peace  negotiations  by  falsely  reporting  to  General  Primo  de  Rivera  that 
Paterno  was  inciting  the  rebels  to  warfare.  But  the  General  believed 
in  Paterno's  good  faith,  although  he  declared  the  terms  proposed  un- 
acceptable, and  in  like  manner  three  other  amended  proposals  were 
rejected,  until  finally  the  fifth  document  was  accepted  as  tantamount 
to  a  Protocol  of  Peace  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  the  treaty.  Here  ends 
Paterno's  verbal  declaration. 


396  The  Protocol  of  Peace 

The  Protocol  was  signed  in  duplicate  by  Emilio  Aguinaldo  of  the 
one  part,  and  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  as  Peacemaker,  of  the  other  part. 
One  copy  was  archived  in  the  office  of  the  Gobierno  General  in  Manila,1 
and  the  other  was  remitted  to  the  Home  Government  with  a  despatch 
from  the  Gov.- General. 

After  many  consultations  and  much  deliberation  it  was  decided  at  a 
Cabinet  meeting  to  approve  unreservedly  of  the  negotiations,  and  to 
that  effect  a  cablegram  was  sent  to  General  Primo  de  Rivera  fully 
empowering  him  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  on  the  basis  of  the 
Protocol.  Meanwhile,  it  soon  became  evident  that  there  were  three 
distinct  interests  at  stake,  namely,  those  of  Spain  and  the  Spanish 
people,  those  of  the  friars,  and  the  claims  of  the  rebels.  Consequently 
the  traditional  feud  between  the  Archbishop  of  Manila  and  the  Captain- 
General  was  revived. 

General  Primo  de  Rivera  in  his  despatch  urged  the  Madrid  Govern- 
ment to  grant  certain  reforms,  in  any  case,  which  could  not  fail  to 
affect  the  hitherto  independent  position  of  the  friars  in  governmental 
affairs.  He  also  drew  the  attention  of  the  Government  to  the  defence- 
less condition  of  the  capital  in  the  event  of  a  foreign  attack  {vide 
Senate  speeches  reported  in  the  Diario  de  las  Seswnes,  Madrid,  1899 
and  1900).  The  friars  were  exceedingly  wroth,  and  combined  to 
defeat  the  General's  efforts  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  the 
rebels.  They  secretly  paid  natives  to  simulate  the  Katipunan  in  the 
provinces,  and  the  plot  only  came  to  light  when  these  unfortunate 
dupes  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  military  authorities  and  confessed 
what  had  happened.  Nevertheless,  the  General  pursued  the  negotiations 
with  Paterno  as  intermediary.  Aguinaldo's  original  demand  was  for 
a  total  indemnity  of  P.3,000,000,  but,  in  the  course  of  the  negotiations 
alluded  to,  it  was  finally  reduced  to  P.l, 700,000,  inclusive  of  P.800,000 
to  be  paid  to  Aguinaldo  on  his  retirement  from  the  Colony. 

The  terms  of  the  Protocol  of  Peace  having  been  mutually  agreed 
upon,  a  treaty,  known  as  the  Pacto  de  Biac-na-bato,2  is  alleged  to  have 
been  signed  at  Biac-na-batd  on  December  14,  1897,  between  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  and  others  of  the  one  part,  and  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  as 
attorney  for  the  Captain-General,  acting  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish 
Government,  of  the  other  part.  Under  this  treaty  the  rebels  undertook 
to  deliver  up  their  arms  and  ammunition  of  all  kinds  to  the  Spaniards ; 

1  It  is  alleged  that  this  copy  was  removed  from  the  archives  about  April,  1898, 
for  the  defence  of  a  certain  general  in  Madrid. 

2  Biac-na-bat6  signifies,  in  Tagalog,  Split  Stone. 

This  was  the  third  time,  during  the  19th  century,  that  the  Spanish  Gov. -General 
had  been  constrained  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  native  rebels.  In  1835  a  certain 
Feliciano  Paran  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  against  the  friars'  claim  to  the  Imus 
estate  (C'avite),  and  after  many  fruitless  attempts  to  suppress  him,  and  much  blood- 
shed, the  Treaty  of  Malacanan  was  signed  by  the  rebel  chief  and  the  Gov.-General. 
Paran  was  then  appointed  Colonel  of  Militia  with  the  monthly  pay  of  P. .50.  He 
lived  peacefully  in  Calle  San   Marcelino,   Manila,  until  a   fresh  outbreak   (led  by 


m 


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The  alleged  Treaty  of  Biac-na-batd  397 

to  evacuate  the  places  held  by  them  ;  to  conclude  an  armistice  for  three 
years  for  the  application  and  development  of  the  reforms  to  be  in- 
trodxiced  by  the  other  part,  and  not  to  conspire  against  Spanish 
sovereignty  in  the  Islands,  nor  aid  or  abet  any  movement  calculated  to 
counteract  those  reforms.  Emilio  Aguinaldo  and  34  other  leaders 
undertook  to  quit  the  Philippine  Islands  and  not  return  thereto  until 
so  authorized  by  the  Spanish  Government,  in  consideration  whereof  the 
above-mentioned  P.800,000  was  to  be  paid  as  follows : — P. 400,000  in 
a  draft  on  Hong-Kong  to  be  delivered  to  Aguinaldo  on  his  leaving 
Biac-na-batd  [This  draft  was,  in  fact,  delivered  to  him] ;  P.200,000 
payable  to  Aguinaldo  as  soon  as  he  should  send  a  telegram  to  the 
revolutionary  general  in  command  at  Biac-na-batd,  ordering  him  to 
hand  over  the  rebels1  arms  to  the  Captain-General's  appointed  com- 
missioner [This  telegram  was  sent],  and  the  final  P.200,000  immediately 
after  the  singing  of  the  Te  Deum  which  would  signify  an  official 
recognition  of  peace. 

It  was  further  alleged  that  on  behalf  of  the  Spanish  Government 
many  radical  reforms  and  conditions  were  agreed  to  (outside  the  Treaty 
of  Biac-na-batd),  almost  amounting  to  a  total  compliance  with  the 
demands  of  the  rebels.  But  no  evidence  whatever  has  been  adduced  to 
confirm  this  allegation.  Indeed  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  neither 
in  the  Madrid  parliamentary  papers  (to  copies  of  which  I  have  referred), 
nor  in  the  numerous  rebel  proclamations  and  edicts,  nor  in  the  published 
correspondence  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  is  even  the  full  text  of  the  treaty 
given.  It  is  singular  that  the  rebels  should  have  abstained  from  publish- 
ing to  the  world  those  precise  terms  which  they  say  were  accepted 
and  not  fulfilled  by  the  Spanish  Government,  which  denies  their 
existence. 

Whatever  reforms  might  have  been  promised  would  have  been  purely 
governmental  matters  which  required  no  mediator  for  their  execution  ; 
but  as  to  the  money  payments  to  be  made,  Paterno  was  to  receive  them 
from  the  Government  and  distribute  them.  An  Agreement  to  this  effect 
was,  therefore,  signed  by  General  Primo  de  Rivera  and  Pedro  A. 
Paterno  in  the  following  terms,  viz.  : — 

In  the  peace  proposals  presented  by  the  sole  mediator,  Don 
Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  rebels 
in    arms,    and   in    the    Peace    Protocol  which  was  agreed    to  and 

another)  occurred,  when  the  Spaniards  made  this  a  pretext  to  seize  Paran  and  deport 
him  to  the  Ladrone  Islands  (vide  p.  105). 

In  1870,  during  the  command  of  General  La  Torre,  a  certain  Camerino  held  the 
Province  of  Cavite  for  a  long  time  against  the  Spaniards.  Camerino's  plan  was  to 
remain  in  ambush  whilst  the  rank-and-file  of  the  Spaniards  advanced,  and  then  pick 
off  the  officers.  So  many  of  them  were  killed  that  influence  was  brought  to  bear 
on  the  General,  who  consented  to  sign  the  Treaty  of  Navotas.  Camerino  was 
appointed  Colonel  of  Militia  and  lived  in  Trozo  (Manila)  until  the  Cavite  rising  in 
1872,  when  he  and  six  others  were  executed  for  their  past  deeds  (vide  p.  10b'). 


398  The  Primo  de  Rivera-Pater  no  Agreement 

submitted  to  His  Majesty's  Government,  which  approved  of  the 
same,  there  exists  a  principal  clause  relating  to  the  sums  of  money 
which  were  to  be  handed  over  to  the  rebels  and  their  families  as 
indemnity  for  the  loss  of  their  goods  consequent  on  the  war,  which 
sums  amounted  to  a  total  of  P.l, 700,000,  which  the  mediator, 
Senor  Paterno,  was  to  distribute  absolutely  at  his  discretion,  but 
the  payment  of  the  said  sum  will  have  to  be  subject  to  the  con- 
ditions proposed  by  the  representative  of  the  Government,  H.E. 
the  General-in-Chief  of  this  Army.  These  conditions  were  agreed 
to  be  as  follows,  viz.: — 

(1)  For  the  rebels  in  arms  a  draft  for  the  sum  of  P.400,000 
will  be  handed  to  Senor  Paterno,  payable  in  Hong-Kong,  as  well  as 
two  cheques  for  P.200,000  each,  payable  only  on  the  condition  of 
the  Agreement  being  fulfilled  on  the  other  part.  (2)  For  the 
families  of  those  who  were  not  rebels  in  arms,  or  engaged  in 
rebellion,  but  who  have  likewise  suffered  the  evils  of  war,  the 
balance  of  the  sum  offered  shall  be  paid  in  three  equal  instalments, 
the  last  to  be  paid  six  months  after  the  date  on  which  the 
Te  Deum  shall  be  sung,  assuming  the  peace  to  become  an  ac- 
complished fact.  Peace  shall  be  held  to  be  effectively  concluded 
if,  during  the  interval  of  these  instalment  periods,  no  party  of 
armed  rebels,  with  recognized  leader,  shall  exist,  and  if  no  secret 
society  shall  have  been  discovered  as  existing  here  or  abroad  with 
the  proved  object  of  conspiracy  by  those  who  benefit  by  these 
payments.  The  representative  of  the  rebels,  Don  Pedro  Alejandro 
Paterno,  and  the  representative  of  the  Government,  the  Captain- 
General  Don  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera,  agree  to  the  above 
conditions,  in  witness  whereof  each  representative  now  signs  four 
copies  of  the  same  tenour  and  effect,  one  being  for  the  Government, 
another  for  the  archives  of  the  Captain-Generalcy,  and  one  copy 
each  for  the  said  representatives. 

1  Done  in  Manila  on  the  15th  of  December,  1897. 

Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera, 

The  General-in-Chief. 

Pedro  A.  Paterno, 

The  Mediator. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  days  a  military  deputation  was  sent  by  the 
Gov. -General,  under  the  leadership  of  Lieut.-Colonel  Primo  de  Rivera, 
to  meet  Aguinaldo  and  his  34  companions-in-arms  at  a  place  agreed 
upon  in  the  Province  of  Pangasinan.  They  had  a  repast  together,  and 
Aguinaldo  called  for  cheers  for  Spain,  in  which  all  heartily  joined. 
Thence  they  proceeded  in  vehicles  to  Sual  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 

1  The  original  of  the  above  document  was  read  in  public  session  of  Congress  in 
Madrid,  on  June  16,  1898,  by  the  Deputy  Senor  Muro. 


Peace  rejoicings — Spain  defaults  399 

s.s.  Uranus,  in  which  they  embarked  for  Hong-Kong  on  Monday, 
December  27,  1897.  Armed  rebel  troops  were  stationed  at  several 
places  all'  along  the  route  to  Sual,  ready  to  avenge  any  act  of  treachery, 
whilst  two  Spanish  generals  were  held  as  hostages  at  the  rebel  camp 
at  Biac-na-bato  until  Aguinaldo  cabled  his  safe  arrival  in  Hong-Kong. 

Aguinaldo  had  very  rightly  stipulated  that  a  Spanish  officer  of  high 
rank  should  accompany  him  and  his  followers  to  Hong-Kong  as  a 
guarantee  against  foul  play.  The  Gov.-General,  therefore,  sent  with 
them  his  two  nephews,  Lieut.-Colonel  Primo  de  Rivera  and  Captain 
Celestino  Espinosa,  and  Major  Antonio  Pezzi.  Aguinaldo  and  eight 
other  chiefs,  namely,  Gregorio  H.  del  Pilar,  Wenceslao  Vinegra,  Vito 
Belarmino,  Mariano  Llaneras,  Antonio  Montenegro,  Luis  Viola,  Manuel 
Fino,  and  Escolastico  Viola,  stayed  at  the  Hong-Kong  Hotel,  whilst 
the  remainder  took  up  their  abode  elsewhere  in  the  city.  Aguinaldo 
cashed  his  draft  for  P.400,000,  but  as  to  the  other  two  instalments  of 
the  P.800,000,  the  Spanish  Government  defaulted. 

There  was  great  rejoicing  in  Manila,  in  Madrid,  and  in  several 
Spanish  cities,  and  fetes  were  organized  to  celebrate  the  conclusion  of 
peace.  In  Manila  particularly,  amidst  the  pealing  of  bells  and  strains 
of  music,  unfeigned  enthusiasm  and  joy  were  everywhere  evident.  It 
was  a  tremendous  relief  after  sixteen  months  of  persecution,  butchery, 
torture,  and  pecuniary  losses.  General  Primo  de  Rivera  received  the 
thanks  of  the  Government,  whilst  the  Queen-Regent  bestowed  on  him 
the  Grand  Cross  of  San  Fernando,  with  the  pension  of  10,000  pesetas 
(nominal  value  =£'400).  But  no  one  in  Spain  and  few  in  Manila  as  yet 
could  foresee  how  the  fulfilment  of  the  Agreement  would  be  bungled- 
According  to  a  letter  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  dated  March  7,  1898, 
published  in  El  Liberal  of  Madrid  on  June  17,  1898,  it  would  appear 
that  (up  to  the  former  date)  the  Spanish  Government  had  failed  to 
make  any  payment  to  Paterno  on  account  of  the  P. 900,000,  balance  of 
indemnity,  for  distribution  according  to  Clause  (2)  of  the  Agreement  set 
forth  on  the  preceding  page.     The  letter  says  : — 

As  a  matter  of  justice,  I  ought  to  have  received  the  two 
instalments,  amounting  to  P.600,000.  Why  is  this  obligation  not 
carried  out,  and  why  has  General  Primo  de  Rivera  not  followed 
my  advice  by  arresting  Yocson  and  his  followers  from  the  5th  of 
last  February  ?  I  have  my  conscience  clear  respecting  the  risings 
in  Zambales  and  Pangasinan  Provinces  and  those  about  to  take 
place  in  La  Laguna  and  Tayabas. 

Whatever  were  the  means  employed,  the  rebellion  was  disorganized 
for  a  while,  but  the  Spanish  authorities  had  not  the  tact  to  follow  up 
this  coup  by  temperate  and  conciliatory  measures  towards  their  wavering 
quondam  foes.  Persons  who  had  been  implicated  in  the  rebellion  were 
re-arrested  on  trivial  trumped-up  charges  and  imprisoned,  whilst  others 


400  The  people  are  goaded  to  fresh  revolt 

were  openly  treated  as  seditious  suspects.  The  priests  started  a  furious 
campaign  of  persecution,  and  sought,  by  all  manner  of  intrigue,  to 
destroy  the  compact,  which  they  feared  would  operate  against  them- 
selves. More  executions  took  place.  Instead  of  the  expected  general 
amnesty,  only  a  few  special  pardons  were  granted. 

There  had  been  over  two  months  of  nominal  peace ;  the  rebels  had 
delivered  up  their  arms,  and  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  an  intention 
to  violate  their  undertakings.  Primo  de  Rivera,  who  believed  the 
rebellion  to  be  fast  on  the  wane,  shipped  back  to  Spain  7,000  troops. 
The  Madrid  Government  at  once  appointed  to  vacant  bishoprics  two 
friars  of  the  Orders  obnoxious  to  the  people,  and  it  is  inconceivable 
that  such  a  step  would  have  been  so  speedily  taken  if  there  were  any 
truth  in  the  rebels1  pretension  that  the  expulsion  of  the  friars  had  been 
promised  to  them.  Rafael  Comenge,  the  President  of  the  Military  Club, 
was  rewarded  with  the  Grand  Cross  of  Military  Merit  for  the  famous 
speech  which  he  had  delivered  at  the  Club.  It  was  generally  lauded 
by  Spaniards,  whilst  it  rilled  all  classes  of  natives  with  indignation. 
Here  are  some  extracts  from  this  oration  : — 

You  arrive  in  time  ;  the  cannibals  of  the  forest  are  still  there ; 
the  wild  beast  hides  in  his  lair  {bravo)  ;  the  hour  has  come  to 
finish  with  the  savages ;  wild  beasts  should  be  exterminated  ; 
weeds  should  be  extirpated.  {Great  applause.)  Destruction  is 
the  purport  of  war ;  its  civilizing  virtue  acts  like  the  hot  iron  on  a 
cancer,  destroying  the  corrupt  tendons  in  order  to  arrive  at  perfect 
health.  No  pardon !  ( Very  good,  very  good.)  Destroy  !  Kill ! 
Do  not  pardon,  for  this  prerogative  belongs  to  the  monarch,  not 
to  the  army.  .  .  .  From  that  historical,  honoured,  and  old 
land  Spain,  which  we  all  love  with  delirious  joy,  no  words  of 
peace  come  before  this  treason,  but  words  of  vigour  and  of  justice, 
which,  according  to  public  opinion,  is  better  in  quality  than  in 
quantity.  {Frantic  applause,  several  times  repeated,  which  drowrted 
the  voice  of  the  orator.)  Soldiers !  you  are  the  right  arm  of 
Spain.  Execute  ;  exterminate  if  it  be  necessary.  Amputate  the 
diseased  member  to  save  the  body ;  cut  off  the  dry  branches 
which  impede  the  circulation  of  the  sap,  in  order  that  the  tree 
may  again  bring  forth  leaves  and  flowers.  {Senor  Penaranda 
interposed,  shouting,  "  That  is  the  zaay  to  speak ! "  Frantic 
applause.) 

Thirty  thousand  pesos  were  subscribed  at  the  Military  Club  for 
the  benefit  of  General  Primo  de  Rivera.  Admiral  Patricio  Montojo, 
who  had  co-operated  against  the  rebels  by  firing  a  few  shots  at  them 
when  they  occupied  the  coast  towns  of  Cavite  Province  and  trans- 
porting troops  to  and  from  Manila,  was  the  recipient  of  a  sword  of 
honour  on  March  17,  1898.     It  was  presented  to  him,  on  behalf  of  the 


The   Tragedy  of  the  Calle  de  Camba  401 

Military  Club,  by  Senor  Comenge  (who  escaped  from  Manila  as  soon 
as  the  Americans  entered  the  port)  as  a  "  perpetual  remembrance  of  the 
triumph  of  our  ships  off  the  coast  of  Cavite,"  although  no  deed  of 
glory  on  the  part  of  the  fleet,  during  the  period  of  the  rebellion, 
had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  general  public. 

The  reforms  alluded  to  in  the  treaty  made  with  the  rebel  chiefs 
were  a  subject  of  daily  conversation ;  but  when  the  Diario  de  Manila 
published  an  article  on  March  17,  demanding  autonomy  for  the  Islands 
and  urging  the  immediate  application  of  those  reforms,  General  Primo 
de  Rivera  suspended  the  publication  of  the  newspaper.  Some  were 
inquisitive  enough  to  ask,  Has  a  treaty  been  signed  or  a  trick  been 
played  upon  the  rebels  ?  The  treatment  of  the  people  was  far  from 
being  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  a  treaty  of  peace. 

The  expatriated  ex-rebels  became  alarmed  by  the  non-receipt  of 
the  indemnity  instalment  and  the  news  from  their  homes.  A  committee 
of  Filipinos,  styled  La  Junta  Patriotica,  was  formed  in  Hong-Kong. 
They  were  in  frequent  communication  with  their  friends  in  the  Islands. 
The  seed  of  discontent  was  again  germinating  under  the  duplicity  of 
the  Spanish  lay  and  clerical  authorities.  Thousands  were  ready  to 
take  the  field  again,  but  their  chiefs  were  absent,  their  arms  surrendered, 
and  the  rebellion  disorganized.  Here  and  there  roving  parties  appeared, 
but  having  no  recognized  leaders,  their  existence  did  not  invalidate  the 
treaty.  The  Spaniards,  indeed,  feigned  to  regard  them  only  as  a 
remnant  of  the  rebels  who  had  joined  the  pre-existing  brigand  bands. 
The  volunteers  were  committing  outrages  which  might  have  driven  the 
people  again  into  open  revolt,  and  General  Primo  de  Rivera  had,  at 
least,  the  sagacity  to  recognize  the  evil  which  was  apparent  to  everybody. 
The  volunteers  and  guerilla  battalions  were  consequently  disbanded,  not 
a  day  too  soon  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  city.  On  March  25,  the 
tragedy  of  the  Calk  de  Camba  took  place.  This  street  lies  just  oft' 
the  Calle  de  San  Fernando  in  Binondo,  a  few  hundred  yards  from 
the  river.  In  a  house  frequented  by  seafaring  men  a  large  number  of 
Visayan  sailors  had  assembled  and  were,  naturally,  discussing  the 
topics  of  the  day  with  the  warmth  of  expression  and  phraseology  peculiar 
to  their  race,  when  a  passer-by,  who  overheard  the  talk,  informed  the 
police.  The  civil  guard  at  once  raided  the  premises,  accused  these 
sailors  of  conspiracy,  and,  without  waiting  for  proof  or  refutation,  shot 
down  all  who  could  not  escape.  The  victims  of  this  outrage  numbered 
over  70.  The  news  dismayed  the  native  population.  The  fact  could  no 
longer  be  doubted  that  a  reign  of  terrorism  and  revenge  had  been 
initiated  with  impunity,  under  the  assumption  that  the  rebellion  was 
broken  for  many  a  year  to  come.  How  the  particulars  of  this  crime 
were  related  by  the  survivors  to  their  fellow-islanders  we  cannot  know, 
but  it  is  a  coincidental  fact  that  only  now  the  flame  of  rebellion  spread 
to  the  southern  Island  of  Cebu.     For  over  a  generation  the  Cebuanos 

26 


402         The  Cebudnos  make  a  raid  on   Cebu  City 


around  Talisay,  Minglanilla,  and  Talamban  had  sustained  a  dispute 
with  the  friars  respecting  land-tenure.  From  time  to  time  procurators 
of  the  Law  Court  secretly  took  up  the  Cebuanos1  cause,  and  one  of  them, 
Florencio  Gonzalez,  was  cast  into  prison  and  slowly  done  to  death. 
This  event,  which  happened  almost  coincidentally  with  the  Calk  de 
Camba  tragedy,  excited  the  Cebuanos  to  the  utmost  degree.  Nine  days 
after  that  unfortunate  episode,  on  April  3,  1898,  a  party  of  about 
5,000  disaffected  natives  made  a  raid  on  the  city  of  Cebu.  The  leaders 
were  armed  with  rifles,  but  the  rank-and-file  carried  only  bowie-knives. 
About  4  p.m.  all  the  forces  which  could  be  mustered  in  the  city  went 
out  against  the  rebels,  who  overwhelmed  the  loyalists,  cutting  some  to 
pieces,  whilst  the  remainder  hastened  back  to  the  city  in  great  disorder. 
But,  instead  of  following  up  their  victory,  the  half-resolute  rioters 
camped  near  Guadalupe  for  the  night.  At  5  a.m.  on  April  4  they 
inarched  upon  the  city.  Peaceful  inhabitants  fled  before  the  motley, 
yelling  crowd  of  men,  women  and  children  who  swarmed  into  the  streets, 
armed  with  bowie-knives  and  sticks,  demanding  food  and  other  trifles. 
The  terrified  Spanish  volunteers,  after  their  defeat,  took  refuge  in  the 
Cotta  de  San  Pedro  (the  Fort),  where  the  Governor,  General  Montero, 
joined  them,  and  ordered  all  foreigners  to  do  the  same.  Later  on  the 
foreigners  were  permitted  to  return  to  their  residences.  Amidst  the 
confusion  which  prevailed,  the  flight  of  peaceful  citizens,  the  street- 
fighting,  and  the  moans  of  the  dying,  the  rebels  helped  themselves  freely 
to  all  they  wanted.  The  mob  of  both  sexes  told  the  townspeople  that 
they  (the  rioters)  had  nothing  to  fear,  as  anting-anting  wafers  (q.v.)  had 
been  served  out  to  them.  The  rebels  had  cut  the  Cebu-Tuburan  tele- 
graph-wires (vide  p.  267),  but  in  the  meantime  three  small  coasting 
steamers  had  been  despatched  to  Yloilo,  Yligan,  and  another  port  to 
demand  reinforcements.  The  next  day,  at  sunrise,  the  rebels  attempted 
to  reach  the  Fort,  but  were  fired  upon  from  the  Governor's  house,  which 
is  situated  in  front  of  it,  compelling  them  to  withdraw  along  the  shore 
road,  where  the  gunboat  Maria  Cristina  opened  fire  on  them.  The  rebels 
then  retreated  to  the  Chinese  quarter  of  Lutao,  around  the  Cathedral 
and  the  Santo  Nino  Church.  The  Spaniards  remained  under  cover 
whilst  the  mob  held  possession  of  the  whole  city  except  the  Fort, 
Government  House,  the  College,  the  churches,  and  the  foreigners1  houses. 
During  the  whole  day  there  was  an  incessant  fusillade,  the  rebels1  chief 
stronghold  being  the  Recoleto  Convent.  Groups  of  them  were  all  over 
the  place,  plundering  the  shops  and  Spanish  houses  and  offices.  On 
April  5  a  small  force  of  Spanish  regulars,  volunteers,  and  sailors  made 
a  sortie  and  fired  on  the  insurgents  in  Lutao  from  long  range.  They 
soon  retired,  however,  as  the  Fort  was  in  danger  of  being  attacked  from 
another  side.  The  same  afternoon  the  steamer  sent  to  Yligan  for 
troops  returned  with  240  on  board.  During  the  night  the  Spanish 
troops  ventured  into  the  open  and  shots  were  exchanged.     On  April  6 


Lutao  in  flames  ;  piles  of  burning  corpses         403 

the  Venus  arrived  with  50  soldiers  from  Yloilo  and  was  at  once  sent 
on  to  Bojol  Island  in  search  of  rice  and  cattle,  which  were  difficult  to 
procure  as  that  island  was  also  in  revolt.  Native  women  were  not 
interfered  with  by  either  party,  nor  were  the  foreigners,  many  of  whom 
took  refuge  at  the  British  Consulate.  The  rebels  wished  to  advance 
from  Lutao,  but  were  kept  back  by  the  fire  from  the  gunboat  Maria 
Cristina.  The  Spanish  troops  did  not  care  to  venture  past  a  block  of 
buildings  in  which  were  the  offices  and  stores  of  a  British  firm.  On 
April  7  the  merchant  steamer  Churruca  arrived  with  troops,  and  in 
a  couple  of  hours  was  followed  by  the  cruiser  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
also  bringing  reinforcements  under  the  command  of  General  Tejeiro  (a 
former  Governor  of  Cebu  Is.).  The  total  fresh  troops  amounted  to 
about  500  men  of  the  73rd  Native  Regiment  and  Spanish  cazadores. 
Whilst  these  troops  were  landing,  many  of  the  rebels  hastened  out  of 
the  city  towards  San  Nicolas.  General  Montero  and  the  Spanish 
refugees  then  emerged  from  the  cotta.  After  General  Tejeiro  had 
strategically  deployed  his  troops,  a  squad  of  them,  crossing  the 
General  Lono  Square  (now  called  Plaza  de  Rizal)  drove  the  rebels 
before  them  and  dislodged  them  from  the  vicinity  of  the  Recoleto 
Convent.  At  the  same  time  the  rebels  were  attacked  at  the  mestizo 
quarter  called  the  Parian  and  at  Tiniago,  whence  they  had  to  retreat, 
with  severe  loss,  towards  San  Nicolas,  which  practically  adjoins  Cebu 
and  is  only  separated  therefrom  by  a  narrow  river.  Simultaneously, 
the  Don  Juan  de  Austria  threw  a  shell  into  the  coiner  house  of  the 
(chiefly  Chinese)  shopping-quarter,  Lutao,  which  killed  several  Chinese 
and  set  fire  to  the  house.  The  flames,  however,  did  not  catch  the 
adjoining  property,  so  the  troops  burst  open  the  doors,  poured  petroleum 
on  the  goods  found  therein,  and  caused  the  fire  to  extend  until  the  whole 
quarter  was,  as  I  saw  it,  a  mass  of  charred  ruins  with  only  the  stone 
walls  remaining.  To  complete  the  destruction  of  Lutao,  once  a  busy 
bazaar,  situated  in  that  part  of  the  city  immediately  facing  the  sea, 
another  bomb  was  thrown  into  the  centre.  The  troops  then  marched 
to  San  Nicolas,  and  a  third  shell  fired  at  the  retreating  enemy  entered 
and  completely  destroyed  a  large  private  residence.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  procure  supplies  from  the  little  Island  of  Magtan,  which  lies 
only  half  a  mile  off  the  coast  of  Cebu,  but  the  expedition  had  to  return 
without  having  been  able  to  effect  a  landing  at  the  capital  town  of 
Opon,  which  had  risen  in  rebellion.  On  April  8  the  loyal  troops 
continued  their  pursuit  of  the  rebels,  who  suffered  severe  losses  at  San 
Nicolas  and  Pili,  on  the  road  south  of  Cebu  city.  The  corpses  collected 
in  the  suburbs  were  carted  into  the  city,  where,  together  with  those 
lying  about  the  streets,  they  were  piled  into  heaps,  partly  covered  with 
petroleum-bathed  logs,  and  ignited.  The  stench  was  very  offensive  for 
some  hours,  especially  from  a  huge  burning  pile  topped  with  a  dead 
white  horse  in  the  General  Lono  Square.     Practically  the  whole  of  the 


404  Exciting  adventures  of  American  citizens 

east  coast  of  the  island  had  risen  against  the  Spaniards,  but  the  rebels 
were  careful  not  to  interfere  with  foreigners  when  they  could  distinguish 
them  as  such.  A  large  force  of  insurgents  made  another  stand  at 
Labangan,  where  they  were  almost  annihilated  ;  it  is  estimated  they  left 
quite  a  thousand  dead  on  the  field.  The  loyal  troops  followed  up  the 
insurgents  towards  the  mountain  region,  whilst  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria 
cruised  down  the  coast  with  the  intention  of  bombarding  any  town 
which  might  be  in  rebel  hands.  The  material  losses  in  Cebu  amounted 
to  about  P.l, 725,000  in  Lutao,  represented  by  house  property  of  Chinese 
and  half-castes  and  their  cash  and  stock-in-trade.  The  "  Compania 
General  de  Tabacos'"  lost  about  P.30,000  in  cash  in  addition  to  the 
damage  done  to  their  offices  and  property.  Rich  natives  and  Chinese 
lost  large  sums  of  money,  the  total  of  which  cannot  be  ascertained. 
From  the  Recoleto  Convent  P.19,000  in  cash  were  stolen,  and  there,  as 
well  as  in  many  of  the  Spanish  residences,  everything  valuable  and 
easily  removable  was  carried  off;  but  whether  all  this  piUage  was 
committed  by  the  rebels  alone  must  ever  remain  a  mystery.  The  only 
foreigner  who  lost  his  life  was  my  late  Italian  friend  Signor  Stancampiano, 
who  is  supposed  to  have  died  of  shock,  for  when  I  last  saw  him  he  was 
hopelessly  ill.  As  usual,  a  considerable  number  of  well-known  residents 
of  the  city  were  arrested  and  charged  with  being  the  prime  movers  in 
these  doleful  events. 

Upon  the  hills  on  the  west  coast  of  Cebu,  near  Toledo  town,  some 
American  friends  of  mine  experienced  a  series  of  thrilling  adventures. 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wilson,  mother  and  son,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  their 
generous  hospitality,  resided  on  a  large  sugar-estate  at  Calumampao,  of 
which  Mr.  Wilson  was  part  owner.  They  were,  naturally,  in  ignorance 
of  what  had  taken  place  in  Cebu  City.  The  rebellion  spread  to  their 
district,  and  many  of  the  natives  on  and  about  the  estate  were  eager  to 
join  in  the  movement.  Mr.  Wilson  did  his  utmost  to  point  out  to 
them  the  futility  of  the  attempt,  but  they  indulged  in  all  sorts  of 
superstitions  about  the  invulnerability  of  their  chief,  Claudio,  and  the 
charm  attached  to  a  red  flag  he  carried,  and  they  were  determined  to 
take  their  chance  with  him.  On  April  19  an  insurgent  force  came  on 
to  the  plantation,  compelled  the  labourers  to  join  their  standard,  and 
coolly  quartered  themselves  in  the  out-buildings  and  warehouses.  They 
did  no  harm  to  the  Wilsons,  but  they  kidnapped  a  Spanish  gentleman 
who  lived  close  by,  and  shot  him,  in  spite  of  Mr.  Wilson's  entreaties  to 
spare  his  life.  The  insurgents  moved  off,  taking  with  them  the  estate 
hands,  and  in  a  couple  of  days  a  company  of  Spanish  soldiers,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Suarez,  arrived  at  the  estate-house.  The  officer 
was  very  affable,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wilson  treated  him  as  hospitably 
as  they  did  all  their  friends  and  European  passers-by.  Naturally  the 
conversation  fell  on  the  all-absorbing  topic  of  the  day  and  the  object 
of  his^  mission.     After  he  and  his  men  had  been  well  refreshed    they 


Heartrending  scenes  in  Cebu  City  405 

started  down  the  hill  to  meet  some  cavalry  reinforcements,  and,  as  the 
Wilsons  watched  their  departure,  to  their  astonishment  they  saw 
Claudio,  at  the  head  of  200  rebels,  rushing  down  the  hill  with  the  red 
flag  floating  in  the  air.  Simultaneously  a  body  of  Spanish  horse 
approached  through  the  valley  ;  Claudio  and  his  followers,  caught 
between  the  Spanish  cavalry  and  infantry,  retreated  to  a  storehouse  in 
the  valley.  The  result  was  that  some  40  rebels  were  killed,  others  taken 
prisoners,  and  the  remainder  escaped  into  the  planted  fields.  Every 
leader  was  killed,  and  every  peaceful  native  whom  the  Spaniards  met 
on  their  way  was  unmercifully  treated.  Mr.  Wilson  was  then  asked  to 
go  on  board  a  Spanish  vessel,  and  when  he  complied  he  was  charged 
with  being  in  league  with  the  rebels.  He  was  allowed  to  return  to 
shore  to  fetch  his  mother — a  highly-educated,  genial  old  lady — and 
when  they  both  went  on  board  they  found  there  two  Englishmen  as 
prisoners.  Their  guest  of  a  few  days  previous  treated  them  most 
shamefully.  When  they  were  well  on  the  voyage  to  Cebu  the  prisoners 
were  allowed  to  be  on  the  upper  deck,  and  Mrs.  Wilson  was  permitted 
to  use  an  armchair.  The  soldiers  insulted  them,  and,  leaning  their 
backs  against  Mrs.  Wilson's  chair,  some  sang  ribald  songs,  whilst  others 
debated  whether  their  captives  would  be  shot  on  the  beach  or  at  the 
Cotta  in  Cebu.  Sometimes  they  would  draw  their  swords  and  look 
viciously  towards  them.  At  last,  after  a  series  of  intimidations,  they 
reached  Cebu,  where,  after  being  detained  on  board  several  hours,  they 
were  all  taken  before  the  Governor  and  the  Chief  Justice,  and  were  only 
saved  from  further  miseries  through  the  intercession  of  the  American 
Vice-Consul,  who,  by  the  way,  was  an  Englishman.  War  had  just 
been  declared  between  America  and  Spain  (April  23,  1898),  and  the 
estate  had  to  be  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  rebels,  whilst  my  friends 
took  passage  to  Singapore  on  the  Gulf  of  Martaban. 

All  immediate  danger  having  now  been  dispelled,  the  Spaniards 
solaced  themselves  with  the  sweets  of  revenge.  A  Spanish  functionary 
(who  with  his  wife  and  brother's  family  were  well  known  to  me  for 
several  years)  caused  the  soldiers  to  raid  private  houses,  and  bring  out 
native  families  by  force  into  the  public  square,  or  conduct  them  to 
the  cemetery  on  the  Guadalupe  road,  where  they  were  shot  in  batches 
without  inquiry  and  cremated.  The  heartrending  scenes  and  wailing 
of  the  people  failed  to  turn  their  persecutor  from  his  purpose,  save  in 
one  case — that  of  a  colleague,  who,  wearing  his  chain  of  office,  stepped 
forward  and  successfully  begged  for  his  life.  A  low  estimate  of  this 
official's  victims  is  200.  The  motive  for  his  awful  crime  was  greed,  for 
he  formally  confiscated  his  victims'1  goods  and  shipped  them  off  daily 
in  schooners  to  Yloilo.  His  ill-gotten  gains  would  have  been  greater 
but  for  the  action  of  the  Governor,  who,  fearing  that  retribution  might 
fall  on  his  own  head  as  the  highest  authority,  ordered  his  guilty  sub- 
ordinate to   appear  before  him,   and  in   the   presence  of  Filipinos  he 


406  JRajahmudah  Datto  Mandi  visits  Cebu 

reprimanded  him,  boxed  his  ears,  and  commanded  him  to  quit  the 
island  within  a  given  period  under  pain  of  death.  The  Governor's 
indignation  was  evidently  feigned,  for  he  very  shortly  availed  himself 
of  an  altogether  novel  means  of  terrorism.  Sedition  was  smouldering 
throughout  the  island,  but  after  the  events  of  April  the  Spaniards 
seemed  too  daunted  to  take  the  field  against  the  Cebuanos.  The 
christian  Governor,  therefore,  took  into  his  service  a  Mindanao  Mahome- 
tan, Rajahmudah  Datto  Mandi,  and  his  band  of  about  100  Samal 
Moros  to  overrun  the  island  and  punish  the  natives.  This  chief,  with 
his  warriors,  had  been  called  from  Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Is.)  to  Yloilo 
by  General  Rios,  who  immediately  commissioned  him  to  Cebu  in  the 
month  of  July,  1898.  On  his  arrival  there  he  at  once  started  his 
campaign  under  the  auspices  of  the  Governor,  who  granted  him  full 
liberty  to  dispose  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  Cebuanos  to  his 
heart's  content,  and  as  proof  of  the  accomplishment  of  his  gory  mission 
he  brought  in  and  presented  to  his  patron  the  ears  which  he  had  cut 
off  the  Cebuanos.  North  of  Cebu  City  he  and  his  retainers  made  a 
fresh  start,  slaying  the  people,  burning  villages,  and  devastating  the 
standing  crops.  Having  accomplished  his  task  within  three  months 
Datto  Mandi  withdrew  with  all  his  men,  except  two  who  wished  to 
settle  at  Pardo.  He  could  not  persuade  them  to  leave,  and  after  his 
departure  they  were  cut  to  pieces  by  the  Cebuanos.  Pending  positive 
corroboration  I  was  very  sceptical  about  this  strange  narrative ;  but, 
being  in  Mindanao  Island  six  years  afterwards,  I  went  to  visit  Datto 
Mandi,  who  most  readily  confirmed  all  the  above  particulars,  and 
presented  me  with  his  portrait.  Prior  to  the  American  advent,  Datto 
Mandi,  protege  as  well  as  protector  of  the  Spaniards,  exercised  a  sort 
of  feudal  dominion  over  the  services  and  the  sundry  cherished  belongings 
of  his  people.  Speaking  of  him  as  I  myself  found  him,  he  was  ex- 
tremely affable  and  hospitable.  The  invitation  to  Datto  Mandi  was 
perhaps  the  most  singular  event  of  this  period,  and  goes  to  show  with 
what  desperate  fear  the  Spaniards  retained  their  hold  on  the  island 
up  to  the  evacuation,  which  took  place  on  December  26,  1898. 

In  the  provinces  north  of  Manila  the  rebellion  was  again  in  full 
vigour,  and,  all  trust  in  Spanish  good  faith  was  irrevocably  lost.  The 
Spanish  quarters  at  Subig  (Zambales)  and  Apalit  (Pampanga)  were 
attacked  and  looted  in  the  first  week  of  March.  The  new  movement 
bore  a  more  serious  aspect  than  that  under  Aguinaldo  and  his  colleagues, 
who,  at  least,  were  men  of  certain  intelligence,  inspired  by  a  wish  to 
secure  reforms,  whereas  their  successors  in  revolt  were  of  far  less  mental 
capacity,  seeking,  apparently,  only  retaliation  for  the  cruelties  inflicted 
on  the  people.  It  is  possible,  too,  that  the  premium  of  P.800,000  per 
35  rebel  chiefs  inflamed  the  imaginations  of  the  new  leaders,  who  were 
too  ignorant  to  appreciate  the  promised  reforms  linked  with  the  same 
bargain.      During  the  month  of  February  the   permanent-way  of  the 


Spanish  ti'oops  besieged  at  Bolinao  407 

Manila- Dagiipan  Railway  had  been  three  times  torn  up  to  prevent  the 
transport  of  loyal  troops.  At  the  same  time  the  villages  around  were 
looted  and  burnt.  Early  in  March  the  rebels,  under  the  chief  leadership 
of  Yocson,  of  Malolos,  attacked  and  killed  the  garrisons  and  the  priests 
in  the  north  of  Pangasinan  and  Zambales,  excepting  six  soldiers  who 
managed  to  escape.1  Some  of  the  garrison  troops  were  murdered  after 
surrender.  The  telegraph-line  between  Lingayen  (Pangasinan)  and  a  place 
a  few  miles  from  Bolinao  (Zambales)  was  cut  down  and  removed.  A 
lineman  was  sent  out  to  repair  it  under  escort  of  civil  guards,  who  were 
forced  by  the  rebels  to  retire.  On  March  7,  about  2  a.m.,  the  Eastern 
Extension  Telegraph  Company's  cable-station  at  Bolinao  was  besieged 
by  rebels.  The  village  was  held  by  about  400  armed  natives,  who  had 
killed  one  native  and  two  European  soldiers  on  the  way.  The  lighthouse- 
keeper  and  the  Inspector  of  Forests  safely  reached  Santa  Cruz,  40  miles 
south,  in  a  boat.  The  other  civilian  Spaniards  and  priests  escaped 
in  another  boat,  but  were  pursued  and  captured  by  the  insurgents, 
who  killed  two  of  the  civilians  and  brought  the  European  women  and 
friars  into  the  village  as  prisoners  at  4.30  the  same  afternoon.  Eight 
soldiers  had  taken  refuge  in  the  cable-station,  and  at  6  a.m.  a  message 
was  sent  to  the  British  staff  requiring  them  to  turn  out  the  soldiers  or 
quit  the  premises  themselves.  They  refused  to  take  either  course,  and 
declared  their  neutrality.  A  similar  message  was  sent  several  times,  with 
the  same  result.  By  4  p.m.  the  soldiers  had  fortified  the  station  as  well 
as  they  could,  and  the  rebels  attacked,  but  were  repulsed  with  a  few 
shots.  Nothing  happened  during  the  night,  but  the  next  day  (March  8) 
another  message  was  sent  to  the  British  staff  urging  them  to  withdraw 
as  the  rebels  would  renew  the  assault  at  10  a.m.  The  staff'  again 
refused  to  comply.  Then  it  appears  that  the  rebels  delayed  their 
attack  until  the  arrival  of  their  chief,  hourly  expected.  An  ultimatum 
was  at  length  received  at  the  station,  to  the  effect  that  if  all  arms  were 
given  up  they  would  spare  the  soldiers''  lives.  They  also  demanded  the 
surrender  of  the  two  rebels  held  prisoners  by  these  soldiers.  At  this 
stage  one  of  the  company's  staff,  who  were  allowed  to  go  and  come  as 
they  pleased,  volunteered  to  interview  the  rebels ;  but  matters  could  not 
be  arranged,  as  the  Spanish  corporal  (a  plucky  youth  of  twenty  years  of 
age)  in  the  station  refused  to  surrender  anything  at  any  price.  Still 
parleying  was  continued,  and  on  March  11  one  of  the  company's  staff 
again  visited  the  rebel  camp  to  state  that  if  the  regular  bi-monthly 
steamer  failed  to  arrive  on  the  morrow  the  corporal  would  surrender 
arms.  Then  the  rebel  chief  proposed  that  the  corporal  should  meet 
him  half-way  between  the  company's  office  and  the  rebel  camp,  the 
rebel  pledging  his  word  of  honour  that  no  harm  should  befall  the 
corporal.  The  corporal,  however,  could  not  do  this,  as  it  would  have 
been  contrary  to  the  Spanish  military  code  to  capitulate  on  his  own 
1  Vide  Pedro  A.  Paterno's  allusion  to  this  at  p.  399. 


408       Relief  of  Bolinao — Father  Santos  murdered 

authority,  but  he  confirmed  his  willingness  to  surrender  arms  if  no 
steamer  arrived  the  next  day,  and  the  company's  employee  returned  to 
the  camp  to  notify  this  resolution.  But  in  a  few  minutes  he  observed  a 
commotion  among  the  insurgents ;  some  one  had  descried  a  warship 
approaching,  and  the  native  canoes  were  very  busy  making  ready  for 
escape  or  attack.  The  British  delegate,  therefore,  hastened  back  to  the 
station,  and  at  3  p.m.  a  Spanish  gunboat  arrived,  to  their  immense 
relief,  and  landed  107  marines.  Heavy  firing  continued  all  that  after- 
noon, inflicting  great  loss  on  the  rebels,  whilst  the  Spaniards  lost  one 
soldier.  On  March  12  a  Spanish  cruiser  anchored  off  the  Bay  of 
Bolinao  ;  also  a  merchant  steamer  put  into  port  bringing  the  Company's 
Manila  Superintendent  with  apparatus  for  communicating  with  Hong- 
Kong  in  case  the  station  were  demolished.  The  next  day  H.M.S. 
Edgar  entered,  and  Bolinao  was  again  perfectly  safe. 

In  consequence  of  this  threatened  attack  on  the  cable-station  the 
cable  was  detached  from  Bolinao  and  carried  on  to  Manila  in  the 
following  month  {vide  p.  267). 

As  soon  as  the  news  reached  Manila  that  Bolinao  was  menaced, 
General  Monet  proceeded  north  with  1,000  men,  whilst  3,000  more 
followed  by  railway  as  far  as  they  could  reach.  On  the  way  the  General 
had  five  engagements  with  the  enemy,  between  Lingayen  (Pangasinan) 
and  Bolinao,  where  he  arrived  on  the  night  of  March  14,  having  routed 
the  insurgents  everywhere  with  great  loss  to  them.  On  the  Spanish 
side  one  lieutenant  and  one  soldier  were  killed.  After  leaving  a  garrison 
of  300  men  in  Bolinao,  General  Monet  returned  to  Manila  in  the 
Spanish  cruiser  the  next  day. 

On  March  31  Father  Moises  Santos,  who  had  caused  all  the 
members  of  the  Town  Council  of  Malolos  to  be  banished  in  1895,  was 
assassinated.  He  had  been  appointed  Vicar  of  the  Augustine  Order 
and  was  returning  to  Malolos  station,  en  route  for  Manila,  in  a  buggy 
which  stuck  fast  in  a  mud-pool  (the  same  in  which  I  have  found  myself 
several  times),  where  he  was  stabbed  to  death.  His  body  was  recovered 
and  taken  by  special  train  to  Manila,  where  it  was  interred  with  great 
pomp  in  the  Church  of  St.  Augustine.  He  was  44  years  of  age,  and 
had  been  19  years  in  the  Colony  {vide  p.  364). 

In  April,  1898,  the  Home  Government  recalled  General  Primo  de 
Rivera,  appointing  in  his  stead  General  Basilio  Augusti,  who  had  never 
before  held  chief  command  in  the  Islands.  Primo  de  Rivera  was  no  doubt 
anxious  to  be  relieved  of  a  position  which  he  could  not  well  continue 
to  hold,  with  dignity  to  himself,  after  the  Madrid  Government  had 
shelved  his  recommendations  for  reforms.  His  subsequent  speeches  in 
the  Senate  incline  one  to  draw  this  conclusion.  The  Colonial  Minister, 
Segismundo  Moret  (who  became  Prime  Minister  in  1905),  warmly 
supported  the  proposed  reforms,  but  monastic  influences  were  brought 
to  bear  which  Praxedes  Sagasta  had  not  the  moral  courage  to  resist. 


The  Peacemaker  claims  his  reward  409 

Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  the  peacemaker,  was  sorely  disappointed,  too, 
that  the  Government  had  failed  to  remunerate  him  for  his  services.  His 
position  will  be  best  understood  from  the  subjoined  translation  of  the 
letter  which  he  addressed  to  a  high  authority  on  the  subject.  The 
original  document  was  read  in  public  session  of  Congress  in  Madrid  on 
June  16,  1898,  by  the  Deputy  Senor  Muro. 

Manila,  23rd  of  February,  1898. 
My  Esteemed  Friend, — 

As  it  appears  that,  at  last,  one  is  thinking  of  giving  me 
something  for  the  services  rendered  by  me,  and  as,  according  to 
you,  the  recompense  is  going  to  be  a  title  of  Castile,  I  wish  to 
speak  frankly,  in  secret,  on  the  subject.  I  do  not  wish  to  fall  into 
ridicule,  because  in  such  a  material  and  mercantile  place  as  Manila 
a  title  without  rent-roll,  or  grandeur,  or  anything  of  the  nature  of 
an  employment,  or  Cross  of  Maria  Christina,  or  rewards  such  as 
have  been  showered  broadcast  by  three  Captain-Generals  would, 
in  Philippine  circles,  make  me  appear  as  the  gullible  boy  and  the 
laughing-stock  of  my  fellows.  To  express  my  private  opinion,  I 
aspire,  above  all,  to  the  preservation  of  my  name  and  prestige,  and  if 
I  were  asked  to  renounce  them  for  a  childish  prize,  even  though  it 
be  called  a  title  of  Castile,  despised  by  serious  statesmen  in 
Europe,  I  think  I  should  be  obliged  to  refuse  it.  But  I  am  willing 
to  meet  half-way  the  state  of  Spanish  society  in  the  Philippines, 
and  as  I  belong  to  the  family  of  the  Maguinoo  Paterno,  I  must 
express  myself  in  another  way.  That  title  of  Castile  might 
become  the  cherished  ideal  in  the  Philippines  if  it  were  valued 
as  I  desire. 

In  the  first  place,  it  must  not  be  less  than  that  of  Duke, 
because  the  natives  have  obeyed  me  as  the  Great  Maguinoo,  or 
Prince  of  Luzon,  and  the  ex-revolutionists  call  me  the  arbiter  of 
their  destinies. 

The  reward  from  Spain  must  not  be  less  than  the  Philippine 
public  already  award  to  me. 

In  the  second  place,  the  reward,  to  be  accepted  by  me  with 
dignity  and  preservation  of  prestige,  must  be  presented  to  me  in 
the  sense  that  it  is  for  the  general  welfare  of  the  Philippines  as 
implied  in  the  title  of  Grandee  of  Spain  of  the  First  Class  with 
the  consequent  right  to  a  seat  in  the  Senate  to  defend  the  interests 
of  the  Colony,  seeing  that  we  have  no  Members  of  Parliament,  and 
parliamentary  representation  is  anxiously  desired. 

I  can  show  that  1  possess  an  income  of  P.25,000  and  more,  if 
necessary. 

In  the  third  place,  it  must  be  in  the  nature  of  a  gift  and  not  a 
purchase,  that  is  to  say,  the  patent  of  nobility  must  be  a  free  gift. 


410  The  Peacemaker  cites  historical  precedent 

In  the  fourth  place,  it  must  be  valued  in  dollars,  so  that  the 
reward  may  not  be  held  in  contempt  by  the  public,  who  know  my 
liberality  when  I  pay,  with  splendid  generosity,  sea  voyages,  river 
and  land  journeys  for  myself  and  for  my  emissaries,  or  when 
I  distribute  with  abundant  profusion  pecuniary  and  material 
recompenses  to  buy  over  the  wills  of  and  unite  all  the  insurgent 
chiefs  to  bring  them  to  surrender  to  Spain.  Up  to  the  present,  I 
have  not  received  a  cent  from  the  revolutionists  or  from  the 
Spanish  Government  to  cover  these  expenses. 

It  is  notorious  that  I  have  worked  so  grandly  that  no  one  can 
now  ask  me  to  sink  into  insignificance. 

The  recent  concessions  made  by  the  Spanish  Government  have 
been  seen  by  the  Philippine  public.  The  grade  of  Captain-General 
was  given  for  subjecting  a  few  Moslem  chiefs  of  Mindanao ; 
promotions  and  grand  crosses  with  pensions  have  been  awarded, 
and  I,  who  have  put  an  end  to  the  war  at  a  stroke,  saving  Spain 
many  millions  of  dollars — I,  who,  amidst  inundations  and  hurricanes 
have  assaulted  and  conquered  the  barracks  and  military  posts  of 
the  enemy,  causing  them  to  lay  down  their  arms  to  Spain  without 
bloodshed,  and  at  my  command  surrender  all  their  chiefs  and 
revolutionary  Government  with  their  brigades  and  companies,  I 
think  I  have  good  right  to  ask  Spain,  if  she  wishes  to  show  herself 
a  mother  to  me,  to  give  me  as  much  as  she  has  given  to  other  sons 
for  lesser  services. 

To  conclude,  for  family  reasons,  /  want  a  title  of  Castile,  that  of 
Prince  or  Duke,  if  possible,  and  to  be  a  Grandee  of  the  first  class, 
free  of  nobility  patent  fees  and  the  sum  of  P. once  for  all. 

I  think  that  the  title  of  Castile,  or  Spain's  reward,  if  it  reaches 
me  without  the  mentioned  formalities,  will  be  an  object  of  ridicule, 
and  Spain  ought  not  to  expose  me  to  this,  because  I  wish  to  serve 
her  always,  in  the  present  and  in  the  future. 

I  also  recommend  you  very  strongly  to  procure  for  my  brother 
Maximino  Molo  Agustin  Paterno  y  Debera  Ignacio  the  title  of 
Count  or  a  Grand  Cross  free  of  duties,  for  he  has  not  only  rendered 
great  services  to  the  nation,  but  he  has  continually  sustained  the 
prestige  of  Spain  with  the  natives. 

I  am,  etc.,  etc., 

Pedro  A.  Paterno. 

N.B. — 1.  I  told  you  verbally  that  if  my  merits  did  not  reach 
two  millimetres,  it  is  the  friend's  duty  to  amplify  them  and  extend 
them  and  make  others  see  them  as  if  they  were  so  many  metres, 
especially  as  they  have  no  equal. 

Prince  of  Limasaba  is  the  first  title  of  Castile  conceded  to 
a  native  of  the  Philippines.     He  was  the  first  king  of  the  Island 


The  Philippine  "  Grand  old  man"  411 

of  Limasaba  in  the  time  of  Maghallanes,  according  to  Father 
Jose  Fernandez  Cuevas,  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  in  his  "  Spain 
and  Catholicism  in  the  Far  East,"  folio  2  (years  1519  to  1595). 
In  Spain,  in  modern  times,  Prince  of  Peace,  Prince  of  Vergara,  etc. 
2.  and  3.  Verbally  I  mentioned  one  million  of  dollars,  and 
that  Parliament  should  meet  sometimes  for  the  Philippines  and  for 
extraordinary  reasons.  Take  note  that  out  of  the  25,000  men 
sent  here  by  Spain  on  account  of  the  insurrection,  statistics  show 
6,000  struck  off  the  effective  list  in  the  first  six  months  and  many 
millions  of  dollars  expenses.  The  little  present,  or  the  Christmas- 
box  (mi  Aguinaldo)  is  of  no  mean  worth. 

Some  biographical  notes  of  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  with  most  of 
which  he  furnished  me  himself,  may  be  interesting  at  this  stage. 

His  Excellency  Don  Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno  belongs  to  the  class 
of  Filipinos — the  Chinese  half-caste — remarkable  in  this  Colony  for  that 
comparative  intellectual  activity  of  which  Don  Pedro  himself  is  one  of 
the  brightest  living  examples.  In  the  early  decades  of  last  century  a 
Chinaman,  called  Molo,  carried  on  a  prosperous  trade  in  the  Calle  del 
Rosario,  in  the  Manila  district  of  Binondo.  His  Philippine  wife, 
whose  family  name  was  Yamson,  carried  in  her  veins  the  "  blue 
blood,"  as  we  should  say  in  Europe,  of  Luzonia.  She  was  the  direct 
descendant  of  the  Great  MagumoS,  or  Prince  of  Luzon,  a  title  hereditary, 
according  to  tradition.  Three  sons  were  the  issue  of  this  marriage,  one 
of  whom,  Maximino  Molo,  was  the  father  of  Pedro.  Averse  to  indolent 
pleasure  during  his  father's  lifetime,  Maximino,  with  his  own  scant  but 
independent  resources,  started  active  life  with  a  canoe  and  a  barge, 
conveying  goods  out  as  far  as  Corregidor  Island  to  secure  the  first 
dealings  with  the  ships  entering  the  port.  In  this  traffic  he  made 
money  so  fast  that  he  opened  an  office,  and  subsequently  a  store  of  his 
own,  in  the  Escolta.  His  transactions  attained  large  proportions,  and 
by  the  time  this  kind  of  trade  in  the  bay  became  obsolete,  he  was 
already  one  of  the  most  respected  middlemen  operating  between  the 
foreign  houses  and  provincial  producers.  His  christian  name  was 
abbreviated  to  Maximo ;  and  so  proverbial  were  his  placidity  and 
solicitude  for  others  that  his  friends  affectionately  nicknamed  him 
Paterno  (paternal),  which  henceforth  became  the  adopted  cognomen  of 
the  family.  His  unbounded  generosity  won  for  him  the  admiration 
of  all  his  race,  who  graciously  recognized  him  as  their  Maguinoo. 
Sympathetic  in  the  ambitions  and  in  the  distress  of  his  own  people,  he 
was,  nevertheless,  always  loyal  to  Spanish  authority ;  but  whether  his 
fortune  awakened  Spanish  cupidity,  or  his  influence  with  the  masses 
excited  the  friars1  jealousy,  the  fact  is  that  in  1872  he  was  banished  to 
the  Ladrone  Islands,  accused  of  having  taken  part  in  the  rising  of 
Cavite.     Ten  years  afterwards  he  was  again  in  Manila,  where  I  had  the 


412  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno' s  brilliant  gifts 

pleasure  of  his  acquaintance,  and  on  his  decease,  which  took  place 
July  26,  1900,  he  left  considerable  wealth. 

Born  in  1857,  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  at  the  early  age  of  14  years,  was  sent 
for  his  education  to  Spain,  where  he  resided  11  years.  The  preparatory 
period  over,  he  entered  the  University  of  Salamanca,  and  later  on  that 
of  Madrid,  where,  under  the  protection  and  tutelage  of  the  Marquis 
de  Heredia,  he  was  introduced  into  aristocratic  circles,  in  which  he 
became  a  great  favourite.  Amongst  his  college  companions  was  the 
Marquis  de  Mina.  At  one  time  it  was  proposed  that  he  should  wed 
the  daughter  of  the  Marchioness  de  Montolibar,  a  suggestion  which 
he  disregarded  because  his  heart  already  inclined  towards  the  Filipina 
who  is  now  his  wife. 

His  assistance  to  the  Home  Government  was  of  no  mean  importance. 
In  1882  he  supported  the  abolition  of  the  Government  Tobacco 
Monopoly.  In  1893  he  again  rendered  valuable  service  to  the  State, 
in  consideration  of  which  he  was  awarded  the  Grand  Cross  of  Isabella 
the  Catholic,  with  the  distinction  of  "  Excellency. *"  In  1895  the  oft- 
discussed  question  of  the  title  of  nobility  he  was  to  receive  was  revived. 
After  the  Peace  of  Biac-na-batd  he  fully  expected  that  the  usual 
Spanish  custom  would  have  been  followed  of  conceding  a  title  to  the 
Peacemaker.  The  precedents  for  such  an  act,  in  modern  times,  are  the 
titles  given  to  Manuel  Godoy  (1795)  and  to  General  Espartero1  (1840), 
who  became  respectively  Prince  of  Peace  and  Prince  of  Vergara  for 
similar  services  rendered  to  the  Crown.  A  dukedom,  Paterno  believes, 
would  have  been  his  reward  if  the  revolution  had  definitely  terminated 
with  the  retirement  of  Emilio  Aguinaldo  from  the  Islands  in  1897. 

A  man  of  versatile  gifts,  Pedro  A.  Paterno  has  made  his  mark  in 
literature  with  works  too  numerous  to  mention ;  he  is  a  fluent  orator, 
a  talented  musician,  and  the  composer  of  the  argument  of  an  opera, 
Sangdugong  Panaguinip  ("  The  Dreamed  Alliance  ").  As  a  brilliant 
conversationalist  and  well-versed  political  economist  he  has  few  rivals 
in  his  country.  A  lover  of  the  picturesque  and  of  a  nature  inclined  to 
revel  in  scenes  of  aesthetic  splendour,  his  dream  of  one  day  wearing  a 
coronet  was  nurtured  by  no  vulgar  veneration  for  aristocracy,  but  by 
a  desire  for  a  recognized  social  position  enabling  him,  by  his  prestige, 
to  draw  his  fellow-men  from  the  sordid  pleasure  of  mere  wealth-accumu- 
lation towards  the  sentimental,  imaginative  ideals  of  true  nobility. 
In  1904  Pedro  A.  Paterno  was  the  editor  and  proprietor  of  the  news- 
paper La  Patria,  the  mission  of  which  was  (1)  to  support  the  American 

1  Manuel  Godoy,  of  obscure  family,  was  originally  a  common  soldier  in  the 
Guards.  He  became  field-marshal,  Duke  of  Alcudfa,  Grandee  of  Spain,  Councillor 
of  State,  and  Cavalier  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  For  his  intervention  in  the  Peace  of 
Basilea  he  received  the  title  of  Principe  de  la  Paz.  Baldomero  Espartero  was  a 
successful  general,  who  brought  the  first  Carlist  war  to  a  close  and  concluded  the 
Treaty  of  Vergara  (1839),  for  which  (in  1840)  he  was  granted  the  titles  of  Duque 
de  la  Victoria  and  Principe  de  Vergara. 


General  Augiisti  succeeds  Primo  de  Rivera        413 

dominion  as  a  fait  accompli,  (2)  to  urge  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise 
of  eventual  Philippine  home  rule,  (3)  to  sustain  a  feeling  of  gratitude 
towards  Spain,  whence  the  Filipinos  derived  their  civilization,  and  (4)  to 
support  Roman  Catholic  unity,  on  the  ground  that  unity  is  strength. 

In  the  second  week  of  April,  1898,  General  Primo  de  Rivera  left 
Manila  for  Spain,  on  the  arrival  of  his  successor  in  the  Captain- 
Generalcy,  General  Basilio  Augusti,  in  the  s.s.  Isla  de  Mindanao} 
Some  days  before  General  Primo  de  Rivera's  departure  the  American 
Consul  at  Manila  had  received  despatches  from  his  Government  to 
prepare  to  quit  the  Islands,  as  war  was  imminent  between  Spain  and 
the  United  States.  He  was  further  instructed  to  hand  over  his 
consulate  archives  to  the  British  Consul,  who  would  take  charge  of 
American  interests.  But  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Spanish 
authorities  no  official  transfer  could  be  made  from  one  consulate  to  the 
other,  and  the  General  professed  ignorance  of  the  existing  relations 
between  his  countrv  and  America.  He  cabled  to  Madrid  for  infor- 
mation, but  managed  to  delay  matters  until  his  successor  assumed 
office,  when  the  transfer  was  duly  made.  Consul  Oscar  F.  Williams 
was  in  no  way  molested.  He  passed  to  and  fro  in  the  city  without 
the  least  insult  being  offered  him  by  any  Spaniard.  The  Gov.- 
General  courteously  proposed  to  send  a  large  bodyguard  to  his  con- 
sulate, but  it  was  not  necessary.  Yet,  as  soon  as  Consul  Williams 
closed  his  office  and  went  on  board  the  s.s.  Esmeralda,  the  American 
Consulate  escutcheon  was  painted  out,  and  the  notice  boards  outside 
the  doors  were  kicked  about  the  streets. 

General  Primo  de  Rivera  was  so  well  aware  of  the  strained 
relations  between  Spain  and  America,  that  the  s.s.  Leon  XIII.,  in 
which  he  travelled  from  Manila  to  Barcelona,  was  armed  as  a  cruiser, 
with  two  4-inch  Hontoria  guns  mounted  aft  of  the  funnel  and  two 
Nordenfeldts  in  the  bows.  This  steamer,  crowded  with  refugee  Spanish 
families,  some  of  whom  slept  on  the  saloon  floors,  made  its  first 
stoppage  at  Singapore  on  April  17.  At  the  next  port  of  call  General 
Primo  de  Rivera  learnt  that  the  United  States  of  America  had  pre- 
sented an  ultimatum  to  his  Government.  Before  he  reached  Barcelona, 
in  the  third  week  of  May,  war  between  the  two  countries  had  already 
broken  out  (April  23,  1898).  There  were  riots  in  Madrid  ;  martial 
law  was  proclaimed  ;  the  Parliamentary  Session  was  suspended  ;  a  strict 
censorship  of  the  press  was  established  ;  the  great  disaster  to  Spanish 
arms  in  Philippine  waters  had  taken  place  ;  the  Prime  Minister  Sagasta 
had  intimated  his  willingness  to  resign,  and  Primo  de  Rivera  entered 
Madrid  when  it  was  too  late  to  save  the  Philippine  Islands  for  Spain, 
even  had  the  rebel  version  of  the  implied  reforms  under  the  alleged 
Treaty  of  Biac-na-batd  been  fulfilled  to  the  letter. 

1  This  steamer  came  into  Manila  flying  the  French  ensign,  and   painted  to 
resemble  one  of  the  Russian  Volunteer  Fleet,  to  avoid  capture  on  the  way. 


414        The  existence  of  a  Peace  Treaty  is  denied 

The  leaders  of  the  principal  political  parties  were  hastily  summoned 
to  the  palace  to  consult  separately  with  the  Queen-Regent  on  the 
situation,  and  they  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  the  Prime 
Minister  who  had  accepted  war  should  carry  them  through  the  crisis. 
Spain  was  apparently  more  concerned  about  the  salvation  of  the 
Antilles  than  of  her  Far  Eastern  Colony. 

The  friars,  fully  alive  to  their  moral  responsibility  towards  the 
nation  for  the  loss  of  the  Philippines,  were,  nevertheless,  desirous  of 
finding  a  champion  of  their  cause  in  the  political  arena,  and  Deputy 
Uria  was  willing  to  accept  this  onerous  task.  The  Bishop-elect  of 
Porto  Rico  (an  Austin  friar)  was  a  fellow-passenger  with  General 
Primo  de  Rivera.  According  to  El  Liberal  of  June  3,  1898,  when 
he  arrived  in  Madrid  he  went  with  the  Procurator  of  his  Order  to 
interview  the  Colonial  Minister,  Senor  Romero  Girdn,  on  the  prospects 
of  Deputy  Una's  proposed  debate  when  Congress  should  meet  again. 
The  Minister  pointed  out  to  them  the  attendant  difficulties,  and 
referred  them  to  the  Prime  Minister.  They  immediately  went  to 
Senor  Sagasta's  residence,  where  they  were  promptly  given  to  under- 
stand that  if  any  one  could  be  found  to  defend  them,  there  might  well  be 
others  zoho  would  oppose  them,  so  their  champion  withdrew. 

When,  months  later,  Parliament  was  re-opened,  the  Minister  of  War 
denied  in  Congress  that  the  Treaty  of  Biac-na-batd  had  ever  existed,1 
and  in  support  of  his  contention  he  cited  a  cablegram  which  the  Gov.- 
General  Primo  de  Rivera  is  alleged  to  have  sent  to  the  Prime  Minister 
Sagasta.  It  was  published  in  the  Gaceta  de  Madrid  of  December  16, 
1897,  and  reads  as  follows  : — 

(  Translation) 

Manila,  12th  of  December,  1897 

To  the  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers,  from  the 
Governor-General 

At  the  expiration  of  the  time  allowed  and  announced  in  the 
Gazette  of  November  28,  after  which  rigorous  and  active  war 
measures  would  be  taken  against  the  rebels,  a  deputation  from  the 
enemy  came  to  me  on  behalf  of  the  brothers  Aguinaldo,  Llaneras, 

1  The  precise  terms  of  the  treaty  or  agreement  made  between  the  representative 
of  the  Philippine  Government  and  the  rebel  chiefs  are  hitherto  enveloped  in 
mystery  ;  but  even  though  all  the  personal  testimony  referred  to  in  this  chapter 
were  impugned,  there  is  convincing  circumstantial  evidence  that  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
and  his  followers  received  a  very  considerable  amount  of  money  from  the  Philippine 
Treasury  conditionally.  In  the  Suit  No.  6  of  1899  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Hong- 
Kong,  T.  Sandico  and  others  versus  R.  Wildman  (all  the  original  filed  documents  of 
which  I  have  examined),  sworn  evidence  was  given  to  show  that  $200,000  Mexican 
of  the  sum  received  by  Aguinaldo  was  deposited  in  his  name  in  the  Chartered 
Bank  of  India,  Australia  and  China.  It  is  not  feasible  to  suppose  that  this  sum  was 
paid  to  or  accepted  by  Aguinaldo  unconditionally. 


Documents  cited  to  justify  the  denial  415 

and  the  so-called  Republican  Government,  offering  to  surrender 
themselves,  their  followers,  and  their  arms,  on  the  sole  conditions  of 
their  lives  being  spared  and  that  they  should  receive  means  xvith 
zohich  to  emigrate.  It  appears  to  me,  and  to  the  general  officers  of 
this  army,  that  this  surrender  is  the  result  of  the  successive  combats 
by  which  we  have  held  the  positions  taken  in  Mdrong,  Paray, 
Minuyan,  and  Arayat,  and  the  enthusiasm  displayed  by  the  resolute 
volunteers  in  the  provinces  outside  Tagalog  sphere.  I  feel  sure  of 
being  able  to  take  Biac-na-batd,  as  well  as  all  the  other  points 
occupied  by  the  rebels,  but  I  am  not  so  certain  of  being  able  to 
secure  the  persons  of  the  chiefs  of  the  rebellion  with  their  followers. 
The  war  would  then  be  carried  on  by  roving  parties  who,  from 
their  hiding-places  in  the  forests  and  mountains,  might  appear  from 
time  to  time,  and  although  of  little  importance,  they  would  sustain 
the  rebellion. 

The  generals  agree  with  me  that  the  peace  will  save  the 
honour  of  Spain  and  the  army,  but  in  view  of  the  importance  of 
the  event  I  consider  it  necessary  to  solicit  the  approval  of  the 
Government. 

If  the  Government  should  accept  the  proposals,  I  will  bring 
them  to  an  issue  at  once,  but  I  so  far  distrust  them  that  I  cannot 
be  sure  of  anything  until  I  have  the  men  and  the  arms  in  my 
possession.  In  any  case,  it  is  now  the  unanimous  opinion  that  the 
situation  is  saved. 

Primo  de  Riveea. 

(Translation  of  reply) 

Madkid,  13th  of  December,  1897 

President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers  to  the  Governor-General, 

Manila 

Colonial  Ministry  Code.  H.M.  the  Queen  has  perused  with 
great  satisfaction  your  Excellency's  telegram,  and  commands  me 
to  congratulate  you  in  the  name  of  the  nation.  In  view  of  the 
opinion  of  your  Excellency  and  the  generals  under  your  orders  that 
the  honour  of  the  army  is  saved,  the  Government  fully  authorizes 
your  Excellency  to  accept  the  surrender  of  the  rebel  chiefs  and 
their  Government  on  the  terms  specified  in  your  telegram.  Please 
advise  the  surrender  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  to  give  due  and 
solemn  publicity  to  the  event.  Receive  my  sincere  congratulations 
and  those  of  the  Government. 

Sagasta. 

At  the   period   of  the  above   despatches   the    Peninsular   and    the 
Insular   authorities    were   living   in    a   fool's   paradise  with   respect   to 


\J 


416  "  The  honour  of  the  army  is  saved" 

Philippine  affairs.  Had  it  been  officially  admitted  that  those  reforms 
which  the  clerical  party  so  persistently  opposed,  but  which  the  home 
legislators  were  willing  to  concede,  had  been  granted  to  the  rebels  as 
a  condition  of  peace,  "  the  honour  of  the  army "  would  have  suffered 
in  Spanish  public  opinion.  Hence,  the  Spaniards"  conception  of  national 
dignity  imposed  on  the  Government  the  necessity  of  representing  the 
rebel  chiefs  as  repentant,  begging  for  their  lives,  and  craving  the  means 
of  existence  in  exile  as  the  result  of  Spanish  military  valour. 

But  abroad,  where  the  ministerial  denial,  mentioned  on  p.  414, 
was  published  by  the  foreign  press,  Aguinaldo  was  universally  spoken 
of  as  having  been  "  bought  off.'1'' 

A  wiser  government  would  have  learnt  a  lesson  from  a  sixteen- 
months''  rebellion  and  have  afterwards  removed  its  causes,  if  only  to 
ensure  the  mother  country's  sovereignty.  The  probability  of  the 
Filipinos  being  able  to  subvert  Spanish  rule  by  their  own  unaided 
efforts  was  indeed  remote,  but  a  review  of  Spanish  colonial  history 
ought  to  have  suggested  to  the  legislators  that  that  extraneous 
assistance  to  sedition  which  promoted  emancipation  in  the  former 
Spanish- American  territories  might  one  day  be  extended  to  the  Filipinos. 

The  publication  of  the  above  documents,  however,  did  little  to  calm 
the  anger  of  the  Madrid  politicians  who  maintained  that  Spanish  dominion 
in  the  Philippines  could  only  be  peacefully  assured  by  a  certain  measure 
of  reform  in  consonance  with  the  natives'1  aspirations. 

Months  afterwards,  when  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  Archipelago 
was  drawing  to  a  close,  the  Conde  de  las  Almenas  opened  a  furious 
debate  in  the  Senate,  charging  all  the  Colonial  Govs.-General  with 
incompetency,  but  its  only  immediate  effect  was  to  widen  the  breach 
between  political  parties. 


417 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

THE   TAGALOG   REBELLION   OF   1896-98 

Second  Period 

American  Intervention 

The  prelude  to  the  American  occupation  of  Manila  was  the  demand 
made  on  Spain  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America 
to  evacuate  the  Island  of  Cuba. 

Generations  of  Spanish  misrule  in  that  Island  had  produced  a 
recurrence  of  the  many  attempts  to  throw  off  the  sovereignty  of  Spain. 
In  February.  1895,  the  flag  of  insurrection  was  again  unfurled,  and 
at  Baira  a  proclamation,  claiming  independence,  was  issued  at  the 
instance  of  one  of  Cuba's  most  intelligent  patriots — Marti.  This  civil 
leader,  however,  died  a  natural  death  a  few  months  afterwards,  but  the 
chief  command  of  the  insurgents  in  the  field  was  continued  by  the 
mulatto  Antonio  Maceo.  The  rebellion  was  assuming  a  serious  aspect 
when  General  Martinez  Campos,  who  had  been  instrumental  in  dupino- 
the  Cubans  in  1878  by  the  Treaty  of  Zanjon,  was  again  sent  out  as 
Captain-General  of  the  Island.  But  the  Cubans  refused  to  be  caught 
a  second  time  in  the  same  trap.  Martinez  Campos''  theme  of  "  political 
action  combined  with  military  force  ,1  held  no  weight.  During  his  mild 
regime  the  insurrection  increased  rapidly,  and  in  one  encounter  he 
himself  was  very  near  falling  a  prisoner.  In  eight  months  he  was 
relieved  of  his  post,  and  General  Weyler,  Marquis  de  Teneriff'e 
who  had  a  reputation  for  severity,  succeeded  him  in  command.  He 
was  a  man  of  the  Duke  of  Alba  type — the  ideal  of  the  traditional 
Spanish  Colonial  party  who  recognized  no  colonists'1  rights,  and  regarded 
concessions  of  liberty  to  the  colonies  as  maternal  dispensations  to  be 
hoped  for  only,  but  never  demanded.  Antonio  Canovas,  the  ultra- 
Conservative  Prime  Minister,  had  declared  that  so  long  as  an  armed  rebel 
remained  in  the  field  he  would  not  grant  reforms,  so  the  prospect  of  a 
settlement  of  the  disputes  between  the  Government  and  the  governed  was 
hopeless  during  that  administration.  The  duration  of  the  civil  war  had 
seriously  prejudiced  American  trade  interests;  the  pursuance  of  a  conflict 

9.7 


418      Events  leading  to  the  Spanish- American   War 

under  the  conditions  imposed  by  General  Weyler,  who  caused  all  non- 
combatant  Islanders  to  be  "  concentrated  "  in  places  where  they  were 
left  to  starve,  aroused  the  just  indignation  of  America  and  Europe 
alike.  The  hand  of  the  assassin  brought  the  Canovas  Ministry  to  an 
end  on  August  8,  1897  ;  General  Weyler  was  recalled  six  weeks  later, 
and  the  United  States  Government,  which  had  so  repeatedly-  protested 
against  the  indefinite  and  wanton  waste  of  lives  and  fortune  in  Cuba, 
dictated  to  Spain  a  limit  to  its  continuance.  After  a  Conservative 
interregnum  of  six  weeks  under  the  leadership  of  General  Marcelo 
Azcarraga,  Praxedes  Sagasta  came  into  power  at  the  head  of  a  Liberal 
ministry  and  with  a  Cuban  autonomy  bill  in  his  portfolio.  The  newly- 
appointed  Gov. -General,  Ramon  Blanco,  Marquis  de  Pena  Plata,  ex- 
Gov.-General  of  the  Philippines  (vide  p.  377) — a  more  noble  and  com- 
passionate man  than  his  predecessor — unsuccessfully  essayed  the 
policy  of  coercing  the  rebels  in  arms  whilst  cajoling  peaceful  auto- 
nomists and  separatists  with  the  long-talked-of  self-government. 
Nevertheless,  the  separatist  movement  had  in  no  way  abated  when 
the  Autonomy  Bill  was  promulgated,  and  an  insular  Cuban  Govern- 
ment was  formed  on  January  1,  1898.  In  the  meantime  the  incident 
of  the  blowing-up  of  the  American  warship  Maine,  the  cause  of  which 
has  not  yet  been  made  clear  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  world,  had 
further  incensed  the  war  party  in  the  United  States.1  Autonomy 
had  come  too  late ;  examined  in  detail  it  was  but  another  form  of 
Spanish  dominion,  open  to  almost  similar  abuses  ;  it  was  not  the  will 
of  the  people,  and  it  failed  to  bring  peace.  The  thousands  "  con- 
centrated "  under  Weyler's  rule  still  formed  a  moribund  mass  of  squalid 
misery  which  Spain  was  still  unable  or  unwilling  to  relieve.  America's 
offer  to  alleviate  their  wretchedness  materially  was  received  with 
suspicion,  hemmed  in  with  conditions,  and  not  openly  rejected  for  the 
want  of  physical  power  to  do  so.  Three  months  of  insular  government 
and  over  200,000  Spanish  troops  had  effected  practically  nothing  ;  the 
prospect  of  peace  was  hopeless,  and  the  United  States  of  America 
formally  called  upon  Spain  to  evacuate  the  Island.  Spain  argued 
the  point ;  America  insisted  on  the  course  dictated,  and  sent  an 
ultimatum  to  Madrid  on  April  20,  1898,  to  be  accepted  or  otherwise 
within  three  days.  The  ministers  Polo  de  Bernabe  and  General  Wood- 
ford withdrew  from  Washington  and  Madrid  respectively,  and  war  broke 
out  between  the  United  States  and  Spain  on  Saturday,  April  23,  1898. 

1  On  February  15,  1898,  the  U.S.  man-of-war  Maine,  whilst  lying  in  the  harbour 
of  Havana,  was,  accidentally  or  intentionally,  blown  up,  causing  the  death  of  266  of 
her  crew.  Public  opinion  in  America  attributed  the  disaster  to  Spanish  malice. 
The  Spaniards  indignantly  repudiated  this  charge  and  invited  an  official  inquest. 
Again,  at  the  Conference  of  December  6,  1898,  the  Spanish  Commissioners  of  the 
Peace  Commission  at  Paris  proposed  an  additional  article  to  the  treaty  "  to  appoint 
"  an  International  Commission  to  be  entrusted  with  investigating  the  causes  of,  and 
''responsibility  for,  the  Muine  catastrophe,"  but  the  proposal  was  rejected  by  the 
American  Commissioners. 


Events  preliminary  to  the  Battle  of  Cavite         419 

In  anticipation  of  hostilities  an  American  fleet  had  concentrated  at 
Hong-Kong.  On  April  23  Major-General  Black,  the  officer  adminis- 
tering the  Colony,  issued  a  proclamation  of  neutrality,  and  Commodore 
Dewey  withdrew  his  fleet  from  British  waters  to  Mirs  Bay,1  at  that 
time  within  Chinese  jurisdiction. 

It  was  known  in  Manila  that  the  hostile  squadron  was  on  the  way 
to  the  Philippine  capital.  Submarine  mines  were  laid,  or  said  to  have 
been  laid,  for  some  old  cable  was  purchased  for  the  purpose  from  the 
telegraph-ship  Sherard  Osborn  when  the  submarine  cable  was  removed 
from  Bolinao  and  carried  on  to  Manila.  Admiral  Patricio  Montojo 
went  with  four  ships  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  enemy  ofFSubig  (Zam bales) 
on  the  west  coast  of  Luzon.  Subig  is  a  fine  natural  harbour,  but  with 
precipitous  shores  just  as  Nature  has  made  it.  For  years  the  "  project'" 
had  existed  to  carry  a  State  railway  there  from  Manila,  and  make 
Subig  the  principal  Government  Naval  Station  and  Arsenal  instead 
of  Cavite.  But  personal  interests  and  the  sloth  of  the  Government 
combined  to  frustrate  the  plan.  Under  the  pressing  circumstances 
the  military  authorities  pretended  to  be  doing  something  there,  and 
sent  up  a  commission.  Admiral  Montojo  expected  to  find  batteries  of 
artillery  mounted  and  14  torpedoes  in  readiness,  but  absolutely  nothing 
had  been  done,  so  he  at  once  returned  to  Manila  Bay,  and  prepared  to 
meet  the  adversary  off  Cavite.  In  Cavite  there  were  two  batteries, 
with  three  guns  between  them,  but  at  the  last  moment  two  defective 
guns  were  put  ashore  there  from  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria  and  two 
similar  pieces  from  the  Costilla. 

In  Hong-Kong  there  was  great  agitation  among  the  members  of  the 
Philippine  Patriotic  League  {Junta  Patriotica)  and  the  rebel  chiefs 
exiled  under  the  alleged  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato.  The  League  had 
presented  to  several  European  Governments,  through  its  own  agents,  a 
sort  of  Memorandum,  to  which  no  official  recognition  could  be  given. 
The  leaguers  were  now  anxious  to  co-operate  with  the  Americans  in 
compelling  the  Spaniards  to  evacuate  the  Archipelago.  An  influential 
American  in  Hong-Kong  accepted  the  honorary  post  of  treasurer  of 
the  Patriotic  League  Fund,  but  quarrels  over  the  spoil  resulted  in 
General  Aguinaldo  being  obliged  by  one  of  his  ex-ministers  to  pay 
him  his  share,  amounting  to  several  thousands  of  Mexican  dollars. 
Under  these  circumstances  General  Aguinaldo  and  his  suite  pro- 
ceeded to  Singapore,  travelling  incognito,  so  as  to  avoid  any  undue 
interference,  and  Aguinaldo  took  the  opportunity  to  explain  in  certain 
official  quarters  the  existing  conditions  in  the  Philippines.  The 
rebel  general  opportunely  arrived  in  Singapore  at  or  about  the 
time  of  the  outbreak  of  American-Spanish  hostilities.  Certain 
i    American    authorities    in    the    Far    East    were    desirous   of    utilizing 

1  Mirs  Bay  has  since  become  British,  being  included  in  the  extended  Kowloon 
Concession  on  the  mainland  of  China  opposite  Hong-Kong. 


420  Aspirations  of  the  Revolutionary  Party 

Aguinaldo's  services  and  prestige  with  the  armed  natives  to  control 
them  and  prevent  reprisals  when  the  American  forces  should  appear 
before  Manila.  It  was  hoped  that,  in  this  way,  the  lives  of  many 
Spaniards  in  the  Islands  would  be  spared.  Indeed,  it  eventually  re- 
sulted so,  for  Aguinaldo,  with  admirable  tact,  restrained  any  impolitic 
movement  on  the  part  of  his  followers  during  the  American  operations 
against  the  Spaniards.  Only  one  who  had  lived  in  the  Islands  could 
adequately  appreciate  the  unbounded  confidence  some  20,000  armed 
natives  must  have  had  in  Aguinaldo  to  have  refrained,  at  his  bidding, 
from  retaliating  on  their  old  masters.  According  to  El  Liberal  news- 
paper of  Madrid,  dated  June  28,  1898  (which  quotes  from  El  Diet), 
the  aspirations  of  the  Revolutionary  Party  would  appear  to  have  been, 
at  that  date,  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

1.  Philippine  Independence  to  be  proclaimed. 

2.  A  Federal  Republic  to  be  established  by  vote  of  the 
rebels ;  pending  the  taking  of  this  vote  Aguinaldo  was  to  appoint 
the  members  of  that  Government. 

3.  The  Federal  Republic  to  recognize  a  temporary  inter- 
vention of  American  and  European  Administrative  Commissions. 

4.  An  American  Protectorate  to  be  recognized  on  the  same 
terms  as  those  fixed  for  Cuba. 

5.  Philippine  ports  to  be  opened  to  all  the  world. 

6.  Precautionary  measures  to  be  adopted  against  the  influx 
of  Chinese. 

7.  The  existing  judicial  system  to  be  reformed. 

8.  Liberty  of  the  press  and  right  of  assembly  to  be  proclaimed. 

9.  Ample  tolerance  of  all  religions  and  sects,  but  abolition 
and  expulsion  of  all  monastic  Orders. 

10.  Measures  to  be  adopted  for  working  up  the  natural 
resources  of  the  Archipelago. 

11.  The  wealth  of  the  country  to  be  developed  by  the  con- 
struction of  highroads  and  railways. 

12.  The  obstacles  operating  against  the  development  of 
enterprises  and  employment  of  foreign  capital  to  be  removed. 

13.  The  new  Government  to  preserve  public  order  and  check 
all  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards. 

14.  Spanish  officials  to  be  transported  to  another  safe  and  healthy 
island  until  there  should  be  an  opportunity  for  their  return  to  Spain. 

From  Singapore,  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  returned  with  his  suite 
to  Hong-Kong,  where  instructions  had  been  given  apparently  favouring 
his  plans  for  co-operation  in  the  Islands.  Consequent  on  this,  General 
Aguinaldo  and  his  staff*  made  preparations  for  proceeding  to  Manila 
in  an  American  warship  when  it  should  be  deemed  opportune  to  do 
so.     About   the  same   time   the   Philippine   Patriotic  League  issued  a 


A  Revolutionary  Exhortation  421 

proclamation  which  is  too  long  to  reproduce  here,  as  it  covers  eight 
folios  of  print.  This  document  sets  forth  that  whereas  the  Treaty  of 
Biac-na-batd  had  not  been  fulfilled  by  the  Spanish  Government,  the 
Revolutionists  considered  themselves  absolved  therefrom,  and  morally 
free  again  to  take  the  offensive  in  open  warfare  for  the  security  of 
their  rights  and  liberty.  But  this  document  does  not  quote  any  of 
the  text  of  the  above  alleged  treaty.  Proclamations  and  exhortations 
to  the  rebels  were  issued  with  such  frequency  that  it  would  be  tedious 
to  cite  them  all,  but  the  following  is  a  fair  example  : — 

{Translation  of  Fall  Text) 
Philippine  Patriots  : — 

A  nation  which  has  nothing  good  can  give  nothing.  It  is 
evident  we  cannot  depend  on  Spain  to  obtain  the  welfare  we  all 
desire.  A  country  like  Spain,  where  social  evolution  is  at  the 
mercy  of  monks  and  tyrants,  can  only  communicate  to  us  its  own 
instincts  of  calumny,  infamy,  inquisitorial  proceedings,  avarice, 
secret  police,  false  pretences,  humiliation,  deprivation  of  liberties, 
slavery,  and  moral  and  material  decay  which  characterize  its 
history.  Spain  will  need  much  time  to  shake  oft'  the  parasites 
which  have  grown  upon  and  cling  to  her ;  she  has  no  self- 
dependence  so  long  as  her  nationality  is  composed  of  inquisitorial 
monks,  ambitious  soldiers,  demoralized  civil  servants,  and  a  popu- 
lace bred  to  support  this  state  of  things  in  silence.  It  is  therefore 
useless  to  expect  anything  from  Spain. 

During  three  and  a  half  centuries  Spain's  policy  has  been  a 
delusion.  Is  there  a  conflict  between  Spain  and  England  or 
Holland  ?  Then  the  friars  come  and  relate  to  us  preposterous 
absurdities  of  the  miracles  of  Saint  Francis  and  of  the  Image  of 
the  Virgin  of  the  Rosary,  whilst  Simon  de  Anda  calls  the  Pampango 
natives  his  brothers  so  long  as  they  fight  to  save  the  Spanish  flag 
falling  into  the  hands  of  English  or  Dutch  savages !  Is  the  foreign 
invasion  ended  ?  Then  the  friars,  through  their  salaried  agents  in 
the  press,  reward  us  with  epithets  such  as  monkey,  buffalo,  etc. 
Is  there  another  conflict  imminent  between  Germany  and  Spain  ? 
Then  the  friars  call  the  natives  Spaniards  and  the  military  officers 
own  us  as  their  sons  and  they  dub  us  brave  soldiers.  Is  the  conflict 
finished  ?  Then  we  are  again  overgrown  boys,  beings  of  inferior 
race  and  incapable  of  being  civilized.  Is  there  now  to  be  a 
struggle  with  Americans  ?  Then  General  Augusti,  who  is  the 
living  symbol  of  Spanish  authority,  who  ought  to  be  the  most 
prudent  of  the  prudent,  the  most  cultivated  of  the  cultivated, 
points  at  America  as  a  nation  composed  of  all  social  excrescences  ; 
the  friars  and  their  enslaved  Spaniards  want  again  to  cajole  and 
cheat  us  with  offers  of  participation  in  public  affairs,  recognition  of 


422  A  Revolutionary  Exhortation 

the  military  grades  of  ex-rebel  chiefs,  and  other  twaddle  degrading 
to  those  who  would  listen  to  it.  In  fact,  they  have  called  into 
their  councils  the  sons  of  the  country,  whilst  they  exclusively  carry 
out  their  own  ideas,  and  reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  set  aside 
all  the  resolutions  at  a  stroke.  They  offer  to  enrol  in  their  ranks 
the  insurgents  of  yesterday,  so  that  they  can  have  them  all  shot  on 
the  morrow  of  the  present  difficulty.  What  irrision  !  Do  you  want 
another  trick  exposed  ?  Now  that  Spain  is  in  danger  of  losing  the 
Philippines,  the  executioners  of  the  other  day — the  everlasting 
tyrants — tell  us  that  America  will  sell  the  Islands  to  England. 
No,  America  has  its  past  and  its  present.  America  will  preserve  a 
clear  intelligence  ;  she  is  not  dominated  by  friars  and  tyrants  like 
Spain  ;  she  is  liberal ;  she  has  liberated  her  slaves  against  the  will 
of  the  Spaniards  who  were,  for  the  most  part,  their  owners.  xV 
country  is  known  by  its  national  character ;  review  its  past  history 
and  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  calumny  launched  against  the 
Americans.  But  even  though  we  became  English,  should  we  not 
gain  by  it  ?  The  English  have  conceded  self-government  to  many 
of  their  colonies,  and  not  of  the  frail  delusive  sort  that  Spain 
granted  to  Cuba.  In  the  English  colonies  there  are  liberties  which 
Spain  never  yielded  to  hers  in  America  or  the  Philippines. 

Our  country  is  very  rich,  and  as  a  last  resource  we  can  buy  it 
from  the  Americans.  Do  not  be  deceived  by  the  Spaniards ! 
Help  the  Americans,  who  promise  us  our  liberty.  Do  not  fall  into 
the  error  of  taking  Spain  to  be  a  civilized  country.  Europe  and 
America  consider  her  the  most  barbarous  of  the  century.  There 
the  weakest  is  the  most  persecuted.  In  no  country  to-day  but 
Spain  is  the  Inquisition  tolerated.  It  is  proved  by  the  tortures 
imposed  on  the  prisoners  of  Montjuich,  of  the  Philippines,  and  of 
Cuba.  Spain  did  not  fulfil  the  agreement  entered  into  with 
Maximo  Gomez  at  Zanjdn,  nor  that  made  with  Aguinaldo  at 
Biac-na-bato.  Spain  is  a  nation  always  more  ready  to  promise 
than  to  perform.  But  ask  for  friars,  soldiers,  and  State  dependents 
to  come  and  devour  our  wealth,  and  instantly  you  will  get  them. 
Spain  has  nothing  else  to  give,  and  God  grant  she  will  keep  what 
she  has.  Spain  will  flatter  you  under  the  present  circumstances, 
but  do  not  be  deceived.  Submit  every  fawning  offer  to  your 
conscience.  Remember  the  executions  of  the  innocents,  the  tortures 
and  atrocities  which  have  been  the  means  of  covering  with 
decorations  the  breasts  of  those  who  took  the  blood  of  your 
fathers,  brothers,  relations  and  friends.  Providence  will  aid  the 
Americans  in  their  triumph,  for  the  war  is  a  just  one  for  the  nation 
elected  to  lead  us  to  the  goal  of  our  liberty.  Do  not  rail  against 
the  designs  of  Providence ;  it  would  be  suicidal.  Aid  the 
Americans !  (Anonymous.) 


Allocution  of  the  Archbishop  of  Madrid  423 

On  the  other  side,  far  richer  in  poetic  imagination  and  religious 
fervour,  is  the  Allocution  of  the  Archbishop  of  Madrid-Alcala 
published  in  Madrid  on  the  day  hostilities  commenced.  The  following 
extract  will  suffice  to  show  how  the  religious  sentiment  of  the  people 
was  indirectly  appealed  to  to  convince  them  that  Spain  was  defending 
a  noble  cause. 

Very  Beloved  Sons : — 

The  cursed  hunger  for  gold  and  the  unquenchable  thirst  for 
power  have  combined  to  tarnish  that  flag  which  the  Great  Queen 
Isabella  raised,  by  the  hand  of  Columbus,  in  the  West  Indies. 
With  justice  trodden  under  foot,  the  voice  of  the  Pope  unheeded, 
and  the  intervention  of  the  nations  despised  with  arrogance,  every 
road  to  the  counsels  of  peace  has  been  barred  and  the  horrors  of 
war  have  become  a  necessity.  Let  Heaven  be  witness  that  we  are 
not  the  authors  of  this  disaster,  and  let  the  responsibility  before 
God  be  on  that  vain  people  whose  dogma  seems  to  be  that  money 
is  the  God  of  the  world.  .  .  .  There,  ploughing  the  seas,  go  our 
soldiers  and  our  sailors.  Have  no  fear,  let  no  one  weep,  unless, 
indeed,  it  be  for  fear  of  arriving  too  late  for  the  fray.  Go,  braves, 
to  fight  with  the  blessing  of  the  Fatherland.  With  you  goes  all 
Spain,  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Atlantic,  from  Iran  to  Tarifa. 
With  what  envy  do  We  contemplate  you  weighing  anchor  to  leave 
our  shores  !  Oh !  why  does  juvenility,  or  decrepitude,  or  duty 
deprive  us  of  the  joy  of  taking  part  in  your  enterprise  ?  But  no  ! 
with  you  goes  our  Spanish  heart.  .  .  .  May  the  Immaculate  Virgin, 
whose  scapulary  hangs  around  your  necks  and  whose  blessed  image 
floats  on  your  flags,  protect  you  under  her  mantle  in  the  moment 
of  danger,  deliver  you  from  all  evil,  and  shower  blessings  upon 
you  !  May  Saint  James,  patron  of  Spain,  and  the  martyr  Nicodemus 
and  Saint  Telmo  and  Saint  Raymond  and  the  King  Saint  Ferdinand 
go  before  you  and  ever  march  in  the  vanguard  wherever  you  may 
go  and  make  you  invulnerable  to  the  bullets  of  the  enemy,  so  that 
you  may  return  victorious  to  tread  once  more  this  noble  soil  and 
kiss  the  cheek  of  the  weeping  mother  who  bore  you  !  .  .  .  We, 
who  cannot  go  to  take  part  in  the  battles,  will  hold  and  brandish  the 
arms  of  prayer,  like  Moses  who  prayed  on  the  mountain,  whilst 
Joshua  slew  his  ferocious  enemies  in  the  valley.  .  .  .  God  has 
triumph  in  His  hand  and  will  give  it  to  whom  He  pleases.  He 
gave  it  to  Spain  in  Covadonga,  in  Las  Navas,  in  El  Salado,  in  the 
river  of  Seville,  on  the  plain  of  Granada,  and  in  a  thousand  battles 
which  overflow  the  pages  of  history.  O  Lord,  give  it  us  now ! 
Let  the  nations  see  that  against  the  right  of  might  there  is  the 
might  of  right ! 

To    all    beloved   sons,  from    our   heart   We  have    pleasure   in 


424  Gov.-Gcncral  Augmtis  call  to  arms 

sending  you  our  pastoral  benediction,  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.     Amen. 

Given  in  our  palace  in  Madrid  on  the  23rd  of  April,  1898. 

Jose  Ma 
A  rchbishop-bishop  of  Madrid- A  Icold. 

This  Allocution  calls  to  mind  Spain's  last  struggle  with  Mexico. 
Was  it  a  battle  of  the  saints  ?  The  Spaniards  relied  on  Santa  Isabel ; 
the  Mexicans  appealed  to  Santa  Guadalupe,  and  the  latter  came  out 
victorious. 

In  Manila,  as  the  critical  day  approached,  Gov.-General  Augusti 
issued  his  general  order  as  to  special  military  service  and  his  proclama- 
tion to  the  Philippine  people.  The  latter  is  couched  in  vituperative 
and  erroneously  prophetic  language,  but  both  can  be  better  appreciated 
from  the  following  translated  texts  : — 

SPECIAL   MILITARY   SERVICE 
Whereas   it   is   necessary  to   adopt  every   possible    means    for    the 
defence  of  this  territory  and  to  render  assistance  to  the  army  and 
the  fleet  in  the  approaching  operations  against  the  United  States 
of  North  America,  I  order  : 

1.  It  is  hereby  declared  that  a  state  of  war  exists. 

2.  All  public  functionaries  of  the  State  and  the  municipalities, 
not  exceeding  50  years  of  age  and  not  physically  unfit,  are  obliged 
to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  the  country  and  serve  whenever  they 
are  required.  They  will  proceed,  at  once,  to  their  offices  and  lodge 
their  names  and  serve  under  their  present  chiefs. 

3.  All  Spaniards  and  sons  of  Spaniards  (although  not  born 
in  the  Peninsula)  above  the  age  of  20  and  not  more  than  50,  living 
in  the  Provinces,  are  also  hereby  required  to  take  up  arms. 

4.  All  those  not  comprised  in  the  foregoing  are  at  liberty  to 
serve  as  Volunteers. 

(a)  All  native  Spaniards  who  are  not  employed  in  the 
public  offices. 

(b)  All  those  who  are  under  20  and  more  than  50  years 
of  age,  and  who  are  strong  enough  to  endure  the  fatigue  of 
a  campaign. 

(c)  All  foreigners  (except  North  Americans)  who  are 
domiciled  in  Manila  or  in  the  capitals  of  the  Provinces. 

5.  The  General  Sub-Inspector  will  organize  these  Volunteers, 
and  distribute  them  as  required  for  defensive  purposes. 

6.  Public  functionaries  will  receive  their  orders  for  military 
service  from  their  respective  administrative  chiefs. 

7.  From  this  date  no  one  capable  of  bearing  arms  is  allowed 
to  leave  these  Islands.  This  prohibition  does  not  apply  to  those 
who  are  seriouslv  ill. 


Gov.-General  Augustus  Proclamation  425 

PROCLAMATION 

Spaniards  : — 

Between  Spain  and  the  United  States  of  North  America 
hostilities  have  broken  out. 

The  moment  has  arrived  to  prove  to  the  world  that  we  possess 
the  spirit  to  conquer  those  who,  pretending  to  be  loyal  friends, 
take  advantage  of  our  misfortunes  and  abuse  our  hospitality,  using 
means  which  civilized  nations  consider  unworthy  and  disreputable. 

The  North  American  people,  composed  of  all  the  social 
excrescences,  have  exhausted  our  patience  and  provoked  war  with 
their  perfidious  machinations,  with  their  acts  of  treachery,  with  their 
outrages  against  the  law  of  nations  and  international  treaties. 

The  struggle  will  be  short  and  decisive.  The  God  of  Victories 
will  give  us  one  as  brilliant  and  complete  as  the  righteousness 
and  justice  of  our  cause  demand.  Spain,  which  counts  upon  the 
sympathies  of  all  the  nations,  will  emerge  triumphantly  from  this 
new  test,  humiliating  and  blasting  the  adventurers  from  those 
States  that,  without  cohesion  and  without  a  history,  offer  to 
humanity  only  infamous  traditions  and  the  sorry  spectacle  of 
Chambers  in  which  appear  united  insolence  and  defamation, 
cowardice  and  cynicism. 

A  squadron  manned  by  foreigners,  possessing  neither  instruction 
nor  discipline,  is  preparing  to  come  to  this  Archipelago  with  the 
blackguardly  intention  of  robbing  us  of  all  that  means  life,  honour, 
and  liberty.  Pretending  to  be  inspired  by  a  courage  of  which  they 
are  incapable,  the  North  American  seamen  undertake  as  an  enter- 
prise capable  of  realization  the  substitution  of  Protestanism  for  the 
Catholic  religion  you  profess,  to  treat  you  as  tribes  refractory  to 
civilization,  to  take  possession  of  your  riches  as  if  they  were 
unacquainted  with  the  rights  of  property,  and  to  kidnap  those 
persons  whom  they  consider  useful  to  man  their  ships  or  to  be 
serviceable  in  agricultural  or  industrial  labour. 

Vain  designs  \     Ridiculous  boastings  ! 

Your  indomitable  bravery  will  suffice  to  frustrate  the  attempt 
to  carry  out  their  plans.  You  will  not  allow  the  faith  you  profess 
to  be  made  a  mockery  of,  with  impious  hands  placed  on  the 
temple  of  the  true  God,  the  images  you  adore  to  be  thrown  down 
by  unbelief.  The  aggressors  shall  not  profane  the  tombs  of  your 
fathers,  they  shall  not  gratify  their  lustful  passions  at  the  cost  of 
your  wives'1  and  daughters1  honour,  or  appropriate  the  property 
that  your  industry  has  accumulated  as  a  provision  for  your  old 
age.  No,  they  shall  not  perpetrate  any  of  the  crimes  inspired  by 
their  wickedness  and  covetousness,  because  your  valour  and 
your  patriotism  will  suffice  to  punish  and  abase  the  people  who, 
claiming    to    be    civilized    and    polished,    have    exterminated    the 


426         War  approaching ;  flight  of  non-combatants 

natives  of  North  America  instead  of  bringing  to  them  the  life  of 
civilization  and  of  progress. 

Filipinos,  prepare  for  the  struggle,  and  united  under  the 
glorious  Spanish  banner,  which  is  ever  bedecked  with  laurels,  let 
us  fight  with  the  conviction  that  victory  will  reward  our  efforts ; 
against  the  shouts  of  our  enemies  let  us  resist  with  christian 
decision  and  the  patriotic  cry  of  "  Viva  Espaiia  ! " 
Manila,  23rd  of  April,  1898. 

Your  General, 
Basilio  Augusti  y  Davila. 

The  volunteers  and  guerilla  battalions  which  had  been  so  recently 
disbanded  by  General  Primo  de  Rivera,  because  they  terrorized  the 
peaceful  inhabitants,  were  now  publicly  thanked  and  praised  for  their 
past  services  and  called  upon  again  to  serve  their  country.  The  Mayor 
of  Manila  issued  his  own  proclamation,  exhorting  the  inhabitants  to 
help  the  Spaniards  against  the  Americans.  Archbishop  Nozaleda  also 
made  his  appeal  to  the  people,  assuring  them  that  four  Spanish  battle- 
ships were  on  their  way  out  (although,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  only  one 
existed,  namely,  the  Pelayo  8,500  tons,  built  in  1887),  and  that  from 
direct  communication  with  the  Almighty  he  had  learnt  that  the  most 
Christian  Spain  would  be  victorious  in  the  next  engagement. 

There  was  a  general  stampede  of  those  who  could  get  away  ; 
numbers  of  families  fled  up  the  Pasig  River  towards  the  Lake  of  Bay. 
The  approaches  to  Manila  from  the  north  were  held  by  the  rebels ; 
Cavite  Province  threw  off  the  cloak  of  pacification  and  sent  fresh  levies 
to  invest  the  highroads  leading  from  the  south  to  the  capital.  General 
Augusti's  wife  and  children,  who  had  been  conducted  for  safety  to 
Macabebe  (Lower  Pampanga),  were  kidnapped  by  the  rebels.  All 
Americans  (about  25),  except  one  family,  took  refuge  on  board  foreign 
ships  in  the  bay.  The  one  exception  was  a  Mr.  Johnson,  who 
had  been  travelling  through  the  Islands  with  a  cinematograph  show, 
and  he  refused  to  remove  his  wife,  who  had  just  given  birth.  The 
well-known  s.s.  Esmeralda  took  on  board  a  crowd  of  passengers  for 
Hong-Kong  at  fancy  rates  of  passage.  Refugees  offered  as  much  as 
four  times  the  usual  passage-money  for  a  saloon  berth,  and  deck- 
passengers  were  willing  to  pay  three  times  the  normal  rate.  The 
Chinese  were  leaving  the  Islands  by  hundreds  by  any  available 
opportunity,  for  they  had  just  as  much  to  fear  from  the  loyal  as  the 
rebel  faction.  The  rich  Chinese  were  robbed  and  the  labouring  class 
were  pressed  into  service  fit  for  beasts  of  burden.  Despised  by  the 
Spaniards  and  hated  by  the  natives,  their  lives  were  not  safe  any- 
where. Foreign  families  of  neutral  nationality  sought  more  tranquil 
asylum  far  beyond  the  suburbs  or  on  ships  lying  in  the  harbour.  Two 
days  before  the  Americans  arrived  a  native  regiment  was  suspected  of 


The  naval  Battle  of  Cavite  427 

disaffection.  The  Spanish  officers  therefore  picked  out  six  corporals 
and  shot  them  forthwith,  threatening  to  do  the  same  on  the  morrow 
if  the  ringleaders  were  not  handed  over.  During  the  night  the  whole 
regiment  went  over  to  the  rebels  with  their  rifles  and  accoutrements. 
No  intelligent  European  foreigner  entertained  any  doubt  as  to  the  result 
of  the  coming  contest,  but  the  general  fear  (which  happily  proved  to  be 
unfounded)  was  that  it  would  be  followed  by  an  indiscriminate  massacre 
of  the  Spaniards. 

There  were  warships  of  several  nations  in  the  bay,  and  the  Spanish 
fleet  was  moored  off  Cavite  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  adversary's 
squadron.  The  Spanish  men-of-war,  which  were  always  painted  white, 
had  their  colour  changed  to  dark  grey  like  the  American  ships.  All 
coast  lights  were  extinguished.  The  Island  of  Corregidor  and  Punta 
Restinga  were  hastily  supplied  with  a  few  6-inch  guns  from  the 
Castilla.  Punta  Gorda,  Punta  Larisi,  the  rock  El  Fraile,  and  Caballo 
Island  had  toy  batteries  compared  with  the  American  armament. 

The  American  men-of-war  left  Mirs  Bay  (opposite  to  Hong-Kong 
Island)  on  April  27,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Dewey,  and 
on  the  way  made  a  reconnaissance  at  Subig,  but  finding  no  opponent 
there,  they  steamed  on  to  Manila.  With  all  lights  put  out  the 
American  ships  entered  the  bay,  passing  Corregidor  Island  at  3  a.m.  on 
Sunday,  May  1,  1898.  The  Olympia,  with  Commodore  Dewey  aboard, 
led  the  way.  The  defenders  of  Corregidor  Island l  were  apparently 
slumbering,  for  the  Olympia  had  already  passed  when  a  solitary  cannon- 
shot  was  heard  and  responded  to.  Then  a  shot  or  two  were  fired  from 
the  rock  El  Fraile  and  from  the  battery  of  Punta  Sangley.  The 
American  squadron  kept  its  course  in  line  of  battle  ;  the  Spanish  ships, 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Montojo,  who  was  on  board  the  Reina 
Criftima,  cleared  for  action,  and  the  opposing  fleets  took  up  positions 
off  the  north  of  Cavite  (vide  plan  of  Cavite). 

After  an  intimation  of  "  no  surrender 11  from  the  Spaniards,  by  a 
cannon-shot  fired  from  the  Fort  of  Santiago  towards  the  approaching 
United  States  fleet,  the  American  ships  opened  fire,  to  which  the  Spanish 
fleet  responded  with  a  furious  broadside ;  but  being  badly  directed  it  did 
very  little  damage.  The  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa  discharged  a  broadside 
at  the  enemy's  ships  with  almost  no  effect,  and  simultaneously  the  drums 
were  beaten,  whilst  the  officers  and  crews  shouted  "  Long  live  the  King, 
Queen,  and  Spain  ! "  Firing  on  both  sides  then  became  general.  The 
well-aimed  shots  of  the  Americans  were  beginning  to  tell  forcibly  against 
the  Spaniards.  The  Don  Juan  de  Austria  advanced  towards  the  Olympia 
and  was  met  with  a  shower  of  shot  and  shell,  obliging  her  to  turn  back. 
The  Reina  Cristina,  seeing  the  failure  of  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
steamed  full-speed  towards  the  Olympia,  intending  to  engage  her  at 
short  range,  but  a  perfect  hurricane  of  projectiles  from  the  Olympia 
1  The  distance  from  Corregidor  Island  to  Manila  City  is  27  miles. 


428  Destruction  of  the  Spanish  Fleet 


made  her  retreat  with  her  decks  strewn  with  the  dead  and  dying.  The 
Baltimore  had  one  gun  put  out  of  action  by  the  Hontoria  guns  of  Punta 
Sangley,  whilst  half  a  dozen  men  were  slightly  injured.  The  Boston 
also  was  slightly  damaged,  but  further  than  that  the  American  ships 
suffered  little  or  nothing.  By  7.30  a.m.  the  Spanish  flagship  Reina 
Crist'ma  was  in  flames,  so  a  boat  was  lowered  to  transfer  the  Admiral 
and  his  staff  to  the  Isla  de  Cuba.  The  captain  of  the  Reina  Cristina, 
Don  Luis  Cadarso,  although  mortally  wounded,  heroically  commanded 
his  men  up  to  the  moment  of  death.  By  8  a.m.  the  Spanish  ships  were 
decidedly  crippled,  and  the  American  squadron  withdrew  to  another  part 
of  the  bay,  where,  behind  a  number  of  foreign  war  and  merchant  ships, 
they  had  left  two  supply  transports,  from  which  they  took  fresh 
ammunition.  Meantime  the  little  Spanish  gunboats  General  Lezo, 
Marques  del  Duero,  Manila,  Velaseo,  and  Argos,  which  were  quite  unfit 
for  action,  ran  ashore  at  Cavite  Viejo.  The  three  shore-batteries  of 
Fort  Santiago,  the  Luneta  battlement,  and  Fort  San  Antonio  Abad 
(Malate)  respectively  continued  ineffectual  firing  towards  the  American 
fleet  until  the  Commodore  sent  a  message  telling  them  to  cease  fire  or 
he  would  shell  the  city.  At  11  a.m.  the  Americans  returned  in  line  of 
battle,  and  opened  fire  on  the  Spanish  ships  which  still  had  their  flags 
flying,  and  cannonaded  and  silenced  the  forts  at  Punta  Sangley  and 
Canacao.  These  operations  lasted  about  one  hour.  Of  the  Spanish 
ships  the  Castilla  and  Reina  Cristina  were  burnt ;  the  Don  Juan  de 
Austria  was  blown  up,  and  the  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  pierced  all  over 
with  shot,  sank  after  the  action,  and  about  half  of  her  crew  which  had 
survived  the  battle  were  drowned.  Only  the  two  cruisers  Isla  de  Cuba 
and  Isla  de  Lu::on  remained  in  fighting  condition,  but  the  position  was 
so  hopeless  that  Admiral  Montojo  ordered  them  to  run  aground  in  the 
Bay  of  Bacoor. 

The  Americans  then  opened  fire  on  the  Arsenal  and  Fort  of  Cavite, 
which  had  not  a  single  gun  left  in  place.  Soon  a  Spanish  officer, 
named  Lostoa,  signalled  for  a  truce  to  save  the  women,  children,  and 
wounded.  An  American  officer  met  him  and  replied  that  having 
destroyed  the  fleet  the  American  mission  was  ended  for  the  present,  and 
agreed  to  suspend  firing  provided  the  shore-batteries  at  the  river-mouth 
were  silent.  General  Augusti  was  consulted  as  to  this  condition,  and 
agreed  to  it.  The  mail-steamer  Isla  de  Mindanao  was  aground  off  Las 
Pinas,  and  being  armed  as  a  cruiser  the  Americans  fired  on  her  and 
she  was  soon  ablaze.  There  was  still  another  parley  with  reference  to 
Cavite.  The  Americans  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  Arsenal,  the 
Admiral,  and  the  surviving  crews  of  the  destroyed  fleet.  As  General 
Pefla  declined  to  surrender  Cavite,  the  Americans  gave  the  Spaniards 
two  hours  to  evacuate,  under  the  threat  of  bombarding  Manila  if  the 
demand  were  not  complied  with.  Again  the  answer  was  negative,  and 
five  hours  were  allowed  so  that  General  Peria  could  consult  with  the 


The  Stars  and  Stripes  hoisted  at  Cavite  429 

Captain- General.  General  Augusti  having  authorized  the  evacuation, 
in  less  than  two  hours  Cavite  and  the  whole  isthmus,  including  San 
Roque,  Caridad,  Estanzuela,  and  Dalahican,  were  under  American 
control.  All  the  Spanish  families  returned  to  Manila  by  land.  The 
next  day  (May  2)  the  debris  was  cleared  away  from  Cavite  and  the 
environs,  and  the  dwellings  were  cleansed  and  put  in  order  for  indefinite 
military  occupation. 

The  evacuation  of  Corregidor  Island  was  demanded  by  the  Americans, 
and  the  100  men  composing  the  garrison  were  allowed  to  depart  in 
boats  for  Naig  on  the  west  coast  of  Cavite.  Their  commander,  how- 
ever, surrendered  himself  prisoner,  and  went  on  board  the  Baltimore 
with  his  family.  He  was  at  once  offered  (but  wisely  refused)  his 
liberty,  and  later  on  he  was  put  ashore  at  Balanga  (Bataan). 

On  the  Spanish  side  the  losses  in  men  and  officers  amounted  to 
about  400  killed.  It  was  a  decisive  victory  for  the  Americans ;  the 
entire  Spanish  fleet  in  Philippine  waters  was  destroyed,  excepting  a 
few  small  gunboats  stationed  about  the  southern  islands.1  After  a 
15  months'1  cruise  one  of  these — the  Callao — steamed  into  Manila 
Bay  on  May  12  in  complete  ignorance  of  what  had  happened.  The 
Americans  fired  a  warning  shot,  and  ordered  her  to  lower  her  flag. 
With  little  hesitation  she  did  so,  in  view  of  the  immensely  superior 
force  displayed.  The  vessel  became  a  prize,  and  the  commander 
a  prisoner  of  war.  But  he  was  shortly  offered  his  liberty  on  parole, 
which  he  unfortunately  accepted,  for  the  Spaniards  in  Manila  had 
so  lost  their  heads  that  they  accused  him  of  cowardice  in  not  having 
fought  the  whole  American  squadron  !  He  was  actually  court-martialled 
and  condemned   to  death,  but  afterwards  reprieved. 

The  Spaniards  exhibited  great  bravery  in  the  battle  of  Cavite, 
and  man  for  man  they  proved  themselves  to  be  in  no  way  inferior 
to  their  opponents.  Considering  the  wretched  condition  of  their 
old-fashioned  ships  and  armament  compared  with  the  splendid  modern 
equipment  which  the  Americans  brought,  no  other  result  could  have 
been  expected.  The  American  losses  were  seven  men  wounded,  none 
killed,  and  only  slight  damage  to  one  vessel. 

Long  before  sunset  Admiral  Montojo  and  his  surviving  officers 
found  their  way  to  Manila.2  In  the  evening  the  Admiral  serenely 
passed  the  hours  in  his  suburban  villa,  whilst  the  Americans  were  in 
possession  of  the  Port  of  Manila,  and  the  stars  and  stripes  floated 
over  the  town  and  arsenal  of  Cavite,  and  the  forts  of  Canacao  and 
Punta    Sangley.     So  little   did    the   people   and   the  ignorant   Spanish 

1  In  July,  ]  904,  I  saw  five  rusty  hulls — remnant  of  the  Spanish  fleet — afloat  in 
Cavite  harbour. 

2  Admiral  Patricio  Montojo,  born  in  1831,  entered  the  navy  at  the  age  of  14. 
After  the  Battle  of  Cavite  he  left  for  Europe  in  October,  1898,  and  was  committed 
to  prison,  March  3,  1899,  pending  the  trial  by  court-martial  which  condemned  him 
to  compulsory  retirement  from  the  service.     He  died  in  1902,  aged  71  years. 


430  The  surrender  of  Manila  is  demanded 

priests  understand  how  a  modern  military  occupation  was  conducted 
that   when    Commodore    Dewey   landed   his    marines   a   deputation    of 
friars  and  nuns  met  him  to  humbly  crave  clemency  for  the  vanquished. 
The  entry  of  the  American  squadron,  without  opposition,  into  the  Bay 
of  Manila,   was    a  great    surprise   to   the    inhabitants    of  the    capital. 
Whilst  the  women  and  children  were  driven  off'  to  the  suburbs  of  the 
city  and  near-lying  villages,  male  Spaniards,   from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest — merchants,  State   dependents,  Spanish  troops,  and  even   those 
native    auxiliaries    who    still   remained    loyal — hastened   to   assure    the 
Gov.-General    that  "  the    enemy  should    not  land  in   Manila  without 
passing  over  their  dead  bodies.'"      Subsequent  facts,  however,  proved 
these  pompous  vows  to  be  merely  a  figure  of  speech.     From  the  city 
walls,  the  terraces  of  houses,  the  church   towers,  and  every  available 
height,  thousands  of  curious  sightseers  witnessed  the  brave  defence  and 
the  complete  defeat  of  the  Spaniards.     As  the  American  fleet  advanced 
in  line  of  battle  a  Spanish   transport  was  scuttled   at  the  mouth   of 
the    Pasig   River   to    bar    the   entrance.     All  the   small   steamers  and 
sailing-craft  in  the  river  moved  up  as  near  as  possible  to  the  Puente  de 
Espaua.      The  obsolete  guns   on  the  Luneta   battlement   fired  a  few 
solitary  shots  without  the  least  effect ;  the  Fort  of  Santiago,  defending 
the  Pasig  River  entrance,  was  almost  silent,  although  guns,  said  to  be 
over  a  century  old,  had  been  hastily  mounted  there,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  the  colonel,  who  was  instructed  to  have  the  rust  chipped 
off'  these  ancient  pieces  of  artillery,  committed  suicide  in  despair.     Not 
a  single  torpedo  had  been  brought  into  action  by  the  Spaniards.     There 
were  several  in  stock  at  Cavite  Arsenal,  but,  when  wanted,  each  had 
an    important    piece    missing,    so    they    were    unserviceable.       About 
4.30    p.m.    the   American    ships   changed    their    position,   and   moved 
towards    Manila   City.       A    formal   demand  was    made    on    the  Gov.- 
General  Augusti   to  surrender  the  capital.     The  British  Consul,  who 
had   received   instructions   to   look   after   American    interests   pending 
hostilities,  served  as  the  medium  of  communication  between  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  conflicting  parties.      The  Consuls  had  an   interview 
with   the    Captain-General,  who,   after   a   brief  consultation    with    his 
colleagues,  gave  the  customary   Spanish    reply    to  the  effect   that   he 
would  resist  to  the  last  drop  of  blood  in  his  veins.      Frequent  inter- 
course took  place  between  the  Spanish  Gov.-General  and  the  American 
Commodore   through    the   intermediary   of  the    British    Consul.      The 
same  afternoon  another  British,  another  French,  and  another  German 
man-of-war  entered  the  Bay.      Rear- Admiral  Dewey  (for  he  had  just 
been  promoted  in  rank)  declared  the  port  blockaded. 

On  May  2  he  demanded  to  be  put  in  possession  of  the  telegraph- 
station,  and  on  this  being  refused  he  ordered  the  cable  connecting 
Luzon  with  Hong-Kong  to  be  cut.  The  Spanish  authorities  had  just 
time  before  this  measure  was  taken  to  report  the  bare  facts  to  Madrid 


GENERAL  MERRITT. 


GENERAL  AUGUSTI. 


The  first  news  raises  panic  in  Madrid  431 

by  cable.  The  news  produced  immense  consternation  in  the  Spanish 
capital.  The  whole  city  was  instantly  in  uproar.  Mobs  of  people 
filled  the  streets,  wildly  denouncing  the  incapability  of  a  Government 
which  could  lead  them  to  such  disaster.  The  newspaper  offices  were 
thronged.  Special  supplements  were  issued  as  quickly  as  possible. 
The  cafes,  clubs,  and  other  public  meeting-places  were  besieged. 
General  Borbon  drove  out  in  a  carriage  from  which  he  harangued  the 
populace,  and  was,  in  consequence,  sent  to  a  fortress  for  three  months. 
There  was  an  attempt  at  holding  a  mass  meeting  in  the  Puerto,  del  Sol, 
but  the  surging  crowd  started  down  the  Calk  de  Sevilla  and  the  Carrera 
de  San  Geronwio  shouting,  "  Long  live  Weyler ! "  "  To  the  house  of 
Weyler !  "  They  reached  his  residence,  and  after  a  series  of  frantic 
vivas  for  the  army,  navy,  etc.,  they  called  on  General  Weyler  to 
appear  at  the  balcony.  But  being  himself  in  somewhat  strained 
relations  with  the  existing  Government,  he  did  not  think  it  prudent 
to  show  himself.  Then  some  one  having  set  up  the  cry  of  "  Down 
with  the  whole  Government !  "  which  was  responded  to  with  frenzied 
applause,  the  rioters  set  out  for  Sagasta's  house,  returning  by  the 
Carrera  de  San  Geronwio.  At  that  moment  the  mounted  civil  guard 
met  and  charged  the  crowd.  Many  were  trodden  under  foot,  and  arrests 
were  made.  The  Civil  Governor,  Senor  Aguilera,  followed  up  in  his 
carriage,  and  when  the  military  police  had  dispersed  the  general  mass, 
leaving  only  here  and  there  a  group,  the  Civil  Governor  stepped  out  of 
his  carriage  and  addressed  them.  His  words  were  hissed  from  the 
balcony  of  a  club,  and  it  was  already  past  midnight  when  the  first 
outburst  of  public  indignation  and  despair  had  exhausted  itself.  On 
May  2  the  Heraldo  of  Madrid,  calmly  reviewing  the  naval  disaster, 
commented  as  follows  : — 

It  was  no  caprice  of  the  fortune  of  war.  From  the  very  first 
cannon-shot  our  fragile  ships  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  formidable 
hostile  squadron  ;  were  condemned  to  fall  one  after  the  other  under 
the  fire  of  the  American  batteries  ;  they  were  powerless  to  strike, 
and  were  defended  only  by  the  valour  and  breasts  of  their  sailors. 
What  has  been  gained  by  the  illusion  that  Manila  was  fortified  ? 
What  has  been  gained  by  the  intimation  that  the  broad  and 
beautiful  bay  on  whose  bosom  the  Spanish  Fleet  perished  yesterday 
had  been  rendered  inaccessible  ?  What  use  was  made  of  the 
famous  Island  of  Corregidor  ?  What  was  done  with  its  guns  ? 
Where  were  the  torpedoes  ?  Where  were  those  defensive  prepara- 
tions concerning  which  we  were  requested  to  keep  silence  ? 

Several  merchant  vessels  were  seized  in  and  about  Manila  Bay,  and 
supplies  from  seawards  were  cut  off  from  the  city,  which  was  quite  at 
the  mercy  of  Admiral  Dewey,  who  could  have  bombarded  it  and  forced 
surrender  the  same  day.     But  it  was  not  easy  to  foresee  what  might 


432  Aguinaldo  returns  from  exile  to  Caviie 

follow.     Admiral    Dewey   had    full   discretion   to  act  as  circumstances 
might   seem    to   guide   him,    but    it    was    evident    that    whatever    the 
surrender  of  the  Captain-General  of  the  Archipelago  might  theoretically 
imply,  a  military  occupation  of  Manila  was  far  from  being  tantamount 
to  possession  of  the  Islands.     Hemmed  in  everywhere  on  land  by  the 
insurgent    forces  which  now  occupied   and  collected   taxes    in    several 
Luzon  provinces,  the    Spaniards   could  have  been  shelled  out    of   the 
capital    and   forced   to  capitulate,  or  driven  to  extermination  by  the 
thousands  of  armed  natives  thirsting  for  their  blood.     The  Americans 
had,  consequently,  a  third  party  to  consider.     The  natives1  anxiety  to 
oust    the    Spaniards  was   far   stronger    than    their    wish   to    be    under 
American,  or  indeed  any  foreign,  control.     But  whilst  a  certain  section 
of  the  common  people  was  perfectly  indifferent  about   such    matters, 
others,  wavering  at  the  critical  moment  between  their  opposition  to  the 
Spaniards  and  repulsion  of  the  foreign  invader,  whoever  he  might  be, 
proclaimed  their  intention  to  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  former.     Lastly, 
there   was  Aguinaldo's  old  rebel  party,   which  rallied  to   the   one    cry 
"  Independence."      "  Nothing   succeeds  like  success,''1  and  if  the  rebel 
version  of  the  alleged  Treaty    of   Biae-na-bato   had   been   fulfilled   in 
the  spirit,  no  doubt  Aguinaldo  would  have  been  unanimously  revered 
as    a  great  reformer.       But  the  relinquishment  of  the    strife  by   the 
leaders,  the  money  transaction,  and  the  immediate  renewal  of  Spanish 
severities,    together   created    an    impression   in  the  minds  of  the  rebel 
rank-and-file    that,    in    some    way,    their    general    welfare    had    been 
sacrificed     to     personal     interest.       It    was    doubtful,    therefore,    how 
Ao-uinaldo    would    be  received  on    his    return    to    the    Islands.     With 
the  object  of  investigating  the  feelings    of  the  old   rebel    party,    the 
leader    Jose    Alejandrino    and    two    other    rebels     accompanied     the 
American  expedition  to  Cavite,  where  they  disembarked.     Several  days 
passed    in    convincing   the    rebels    of   Aguinaldo's   good   faith    in    all  j 
that   had   occurred,  and  in    the    meantime    Aguinaldo  himself  arrived 
on    May    19  with    12  other    rebel  leaders  in   the  American   despatch- 
boat  Hugh  McCulloch.     It  yet  remained  doubtful  whether  he  still  held 
the  confidence  of  the  rank-and-file  ;  but  when  he  at  length  landed  at  I 
Cavite,  his    old    companions-in-arms,  and   many    more,    rallied    to    his 
standard  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm.     The  rebels  at  that  date  were 
computed  to  number  30,000,  and  Aguinaldo,  on  taking  the  command, 
declared  himself  Dictator.     Aguinaldo  was,  naturally,  at  that  period, 
on  the  most  amicable  terms  with  Admiral  Dewey,  who  allowed  him  to 
have  two  modern  field-pieces,  500  rifles,  and  200,000  rounds  of  ammu- 
nition, enjoining  on  him  the  strict  observance  of  his  engagement  to 
repress  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards. 

To  prepare  the  natives  for  the  arrival  of  the  Americans,  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  sent  over  in  advance  of  the  American  Fleet  the  following 
exhortation  : — 


Exhortation   to   the  people   to   aid  America        438 

Compatriots  : — 

Divine  Providence  is  about  to  place  independence  within  our 
reach,  in  a  manner  most  acceptable  to  a  free  and  independent  people. 

The  Americans,  not  for  mercenary  motives  but  for  the  sake  of 
humanity,  in  response  to  the  woes  of  the  persecuted,  have  thought 
fit  to  extend  their  protecting  arm  to  our  beloved  country,  now  that 
they  have  been  obliged  to  sever  their  relations  with  Spain  on 
account  of  the  tyranny  practised  in  Cuba,  to  the  great  prejudice 
of  the  large  commercial  interests  which  the  Americans  have  there. 
An  American  squadron  is  at  this  moment  preparing  to  sail  for  the 
Philippines.  We,  your  brothers,  fear  you  may  be  induced  to  fire 
on  the  Americans.  No,  brothers,  never  make  this  mistake.  Rather 
blow  out  your  own  brains  than  treat  with  enmity  those  who  are 
your  liberators. 

Your  natural  enemies,  your  executioners,  the  authors  of  your 
misery  and  your  woe,  are  the  Spaniards  who  rule  you.  Raise 
against  these  your  weapons  and  your  hatred.  Understand  well, 
against  the  Spaniards  ;  never  against  the  Americans.  Do  not  heed 
the  Governor-General's  decree,  calling  you  to  arms,  even  though 
it  cost  you  your  lives.  Die  rather  than  be  ungrateful  to  our 
American  liberators.  The  Governor-General  calls  you  to  arms. 
Why  ?  To  defend  your  Spanish  tyrants  ?  To  defend  those  who 
have  despised  you  and  in  public  speeches  called  for  your  extermina- 
tion— those  who  have  treated  you  little  better  than  savages  ?  No ! 
no  !  a  thousand  times,  no  ! 

Glance  at  history  and  you  will  see  that  in  all  Spain's  wars 
undertaken  in  the  Far  East,  Philippine  blood  has  been  sacrificed ; 
we  were  sent  to  fight  for  the  French  in  Cochin  China  over  a  matter 
which  in  no  way  concerned  us;  we  were  forced  by  Simon  de  Anda 
to  spill  our  blood  against  the  English,  who,  in  any  case,  would 
have  been  better  rulers  than  the  Spaniards  ;  every  year  our  sons 
are  taken  away  to  be  sacrificed  in  Mindanao  and  Sulu  against  those 
who,  we  are  led  to  believe,  are  our  enemies  when,  in  reality,  they 
are  our  brothers,  fighting,  like  us,  for  their  liberty.  After  such  a 
sacrifice  of  blood  against  the  English,  the  Annamites,  the  Mindanaos, 
etc.,  what  reward  or  thanks  have  we  received  from  the  Spanish 
Government  ?  Obscurity,  poverty,  the  slaughter  of  our  dear  ones. 
Enough,  brothers,  of  this  Spanish  tutelage  ! 

Note  that  the  Americans  will  attack  by  sea  and  prevent  any 
reinforcements  coming  from  Spain,  therefore  the  insurgents  must 
attack  by  land. 

You  will,  probably,  have  more  than  sufficient  arms,  because 
the  Americans,  having  arms,  will  find  means  to  help  us.  Wherever 
you  see  the  American  flag,  there  flock  in  numbers.  They  are  our 
redeemers. 

28 


434  In   the   beleaguered  city — German   attitude 


Our  unworthy  names  are  nothing,  but  we  all  invoke  the  name 
of  the  greatest  patriot  our  country  has  seen,  certain  in  the  hope 
that  his  spirit  will  be  with  us  and  guide  us  to  victory,  our  immortal 
Jose  Rizal. 

Cavite  being  occupied  by  the  American  forces,  foreign  Manila 
residents  were  permitted  to  take  refuge  there,  for  no  one  could  tell  when 
the  Spaniards  would  be  forced  to  capitulate,  or  what  might  happen  if 
they  did.  Meantime  the  rebels  had  cut  off,  to  a  considerable  extent, 
but  not  entirely,  supplies  of  food  to  the  capital,  which  was,  however, 
well  stored  ;  and  at  no  time  during  the  three  and  a  half  months1  siege 
was  there  a  danger  of  famine  among  the  civilian  population,  although 
prices  of  commodities  gradually  advanced  to  about  double  the  normal 
rates.  Even  the  hotels  in  the  city  only  charged  double  prices.  The 
Spanish  troops  fared  far  worse ;  their  condition  became  more  and 
more  deplorable.  All  were  badly  and  insufficiently  fed,  as  much 
from  disorganized  commissariat  arrangements  as  from  actual  want 
of  supplies.  The  latest  arrivals  of  youthful  raw  recruits  particularly 
felt  the  pangs  of  hunger,  and  as  the  swarming  rebels  took  one 
outpost  after  another  from  its  emaciated  defenders  and  raided  the 
adjacent  provinces,  the  Spanish  prisoners  in  their  hands  (soldiers, 
friars,  and  civil  servants)  reached  the  figure  of  thousands.  Among 
them  was  Brig.-General  Garcia  Pena  (lately  in  command  of  Cavite), 
a  colonel,  several  other  officers,  a  civil  governor,  etc.,  and  some 
hundreds  of  volunteers. 

Of  the  neutral  warships  in  the  bay,  Germany  had  sent  the  largest 
number,  and  the  actions  of  their  commanders  caused  much  anxiety  to 
the  blockading  forces.  In  the  city  the  German  Consul  made  little 
secret  of  his  sympathies  for  Spain,  and  was  in  frequent  consultation  with 
the  Captain-General.  German  and  Spanish  officers  fraternized  freely  in 
the  streets  and  cafes.  On  May  18  a  German  steamer,  with  cargo  and 
provisions,  was  reported  outside  Manila  Bay,  but  her  entry  into  the 
port  was  forbidden  by  the  Americans.  Later  on  the  commander  of 
a  German  man-of-war  and  his  staff  were  received  and  feted  by  the 
Captain-General.  These  German  officers  were  invited  to  a  picnic  at  San 
Juan  del  Monte  accompanied  by  several  general  and  other  high  Spanish 
military  officers.  The  German  commander's  post-prandial  oration  at 
the  feast  was  much  commented  upon,  for  he  is  said  to  have  declared 
(presumably  on  his  own  responsibility)  that  so  long  as  William  II.  was 
Emperor  of  Germany  the  Philippines  should  never  come  under  American 
sway.  The  party  then  rode  back  to  Manila,  watched  by  the  rebels,  who 
were  too  wise  to  intercept  them  and  so  jeopardize  their  own  cause  by 
creating  international  complications.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the 
attitude  taken  up  by  the  Germans  nurtured  the  hope  entertained  by 
Spaniards   all   over   the   world,   that   at   the  last  hour  some   political 


Money-making — Run  on   the   Spanish   Bank        435 


entanglement    between    the    other    Powers    might    operate   beneficially 
for  Spain's  interests. 

The  city  and  commercial  suburb  of  Binondo  wore  their  usual  aspect, 
although  trade  was  almost  at  a  standstill.  The  undisguised  sympathies 
of  Great  Britain  for  America  revived  the  long  dormant  feeling  of  distrust 
and  ill-will  towards  the  British  residents,  which  now  became  so  marked  that 
the  Captain-General  issued  a  proclamation  commanding  due  respect  to  be 
paid  to  neutral  foreigners.  Even  this  did  not  prevent  a  Spanish  officer 
spitting  in  the  face  of  an  Englishman.  Indeed,  at  any  time,  there 
was  far  more  danger  to  all  civilian  classes  from  the  Spanish  soldiery 
than  from  the  rebels,  who  were  strictly  enjoined  by  Admiral  Dewey  not 
to  attempt  to  enter  the  city.  Had  they  done  so,  certainly  their  choicest 
prize  would  have  been  the  Archbishop  Nozaleda,  who,  well  aware  of 
this,  escaped,  long  before  the  capitulation  of  the  city,  to  Shanghai  on 
board  the  German  warship  Darmstadt. 

The  volunteers,  too,  were  constantly  giving  trouble  to  the  Spanish 
authorities,  from  whom  they  demanded  their  pay,  and  once  when  this 
was  refused  they  threatened  to  seize  the  stores. 

Although  trade  in  and  with  Manila  had  been  more  or  less  suspended, 
and  at  intervals  absolutely  so,  since  the  great  naval  engagement,  just 
a  few  profited  by  the  circumstances  of  war.  One  British  firm  there, 
figuratively  speaking,  "coined11  money.  They  were  able  frequently 
to  run  a  steamer,  well  known  in  Chinese  waters  (in  which  I  have 
travelled  myself),  betweeen  Manila  and  Hong-Kong  carrying  refugees, 
who  were  willing  to  pay  abnormally  high  rates  of  passage.  In  ordinary 
times  fares  ranged  from  P.50  saloon  accommodation  to  P.8  a  deck 
passage.  On  one  trip,  for  instance,  this  steamer,  with  the  cabins  filled 
at  P.125  each,  carried  1,200  deck  passengers  (no  food)  at  P.20,  and  30 
deck  passengers  (with  food)  at  P.30.  Their  unsold  cargoes  on  the  way  in 
steamers  when  Manila  was  blockaded  came  in  for  enormously  advanced 
prices.  Shiploads  of  produce  which  planters  and  native  middlemen 
were  glad  to  convert  into  pesos  at  panic  rates  were  picked  up  "  dirt 
cheap,11  leaving  rich  profits  to  the  buyers.     When  steamers  could  not 

leave  Manila,  a  Britisher,  Mr.  B ,  walked  for  several  days  under  the 

tropical  sun  to  embark  for  Yloilo  with  trade  news,  and  steamers  were  run 
at  high  war  rates  in  and  out  of  Borneo,  Hong-Kong,  and  the  Philippine 
southern  ports.  One  British  firm  obtained  a  special  licence  to  run  a 
steamer  between  Hong-Kong  and  the  port  of  Dagiipan,  hitherto  closed 
to  foreign  traffic.  These  were,  naturally,  the  exceptions,  for,  upon  the 
whole,  the  dislocation  and  stoppage  of  trade  entailed  very  serious  losses 
to  the  general  body  of  merchants.  A  few  days  after  the  bombardment 
of  Cavite  the  natives  refused  to  accept  the  notes  of  the  Banco  Espanol- 
Filipino  (the  Spanish  bank),  and  a  run  was  made  on  the  bank  to  convert 
them  into  silver.  However,  the  managers  of  the  Hong-Kong  and 
Shanghai    Banking   Corporation,    and    the    Chartered    Bank    of  India, 


436  General  Aguinaldo   becomes   Dictator 

Australia,  and  China,  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  Banco  Espahol- Filipino 
and  agreed  to  honour  the  paper  issue  in  order  to  check  the  scare.  The 
three  banks  thereupon  opened  their  doors  and  satisfied  the  note-holders, 
ordinary  business  being,  meanwhile,  suspended. 

Aguinaldo  had  not  only  been  busy  organizing  his  forces,  but  had,  in 
several  engagements  with  the  Spaniards,  driven  them  back  with  loss, 
made  prisoners,  and  replenished  his  own  armouries.  He  then  assumed 
the  Dictatorship  and  issued  the  following  proclamation  : — 

Filipinos  : — 

The  Great  North  American  nation,  example  of  true  liberty, 
and,  as  such,  the  friend  of  freedom  for  our  country  oppressed  and 
subjugated  by  the  tyranny  and  despotism  of  its  rulers,  has  come  to 
offer  its  inhabitants  protection  as  decisive  as  it  is  disinterested, 
regarding  our  unfortunate  country  as  gifted  with  sufficient  civiliza- 
tion and  aptitude  for  self-government.  In  order  to  justify  this  high 
conception  formed  of  us  by  the  great  American  nation,  we  ought 
to  abstain  from  all  acts  which  would  destroy  that  opinion,  such  as 
pillage,  robbery  and  every  kind  of  outrage  against  persons  or 
property.  So  as  to  avoid  international  conflicts  during  the  period 
of  our  campaign  I  order  as  follows  :— 

Article  1. — The  lives  and  properties  of  all  foreigners  shall  be 
respected,  including  in  this  denomination  the  Chinese  and  all 
Spaniards  who  have  not  directly  or  indirectly  contributed  to  the 
bearing  of  arms  against  us. 

Article  2. — Those  of  the  enemy  who  shall  surrender  their  arms 
shall  be,  in  like  manner,  respected. 

Article  3. — Medical  establishments  and  ambulances  shall  also 
be  respected  as  well  as  the  persons  and  effects  connected  therewith, 
provided  they  show  no  hostility. 

Article  4. — Persons  disobeying  the  above  three  articles  shall  be 
summarily  tried  and  executed  if  their  disobedience  should  lead  to 
assassination,  incendiarism,  robbery  or  rape. 

Given  at  Cavite,  May  24,  1898. 

Emiuo  Aguixaldo. 

On  June  8,  at  5  p.m.,  a  Philippine  deputation,  headed  by  Dr.  Santos, 
waited  on  the  American  Consul-General  in  Singapore  and  delivered  to 
him  a  congratulatory  address  on  the  American  successes  in  the  war  with 
Spain.  In  reply  to  this  address,  the  Consul-General  made  some 
pleasing  remarks  which  were  received  with  vociferous  cheers  by  the 
Filipinos  for  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  all  sympathizers 
with  their  welfare.  At  the  close  of  the  reception  a  band  of  Philippine 
musicians  played  a  selection  of  graceful  airs  of  their  native  isles. 

With  his  despatch  No.  229,  dated  Singapore,  June  9,  the  Consul- 


Singapore   Filipinos  congratulate   America  437 

General  sent  press  reports  of  these  proceedings  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
in  Washington,  who  replied  as  follows  l  :  — 

No.  87. 

Department  of  State, 

Washington,  July  20,  1898. 
Sir, — 

Your  No.  229  of  the  9th  ultimo,  inclosing  printed  copies  of 
a  report  from  the  Straits  Times  of  the  same  day  .  .  .  with  a  view 
to  its  communication  to  the  Press,  has  been  received  and  considered. 
By  Department's  telegram  of  the  17th  of  June  you  were  instructed 
to  avoid  unauthorized  negotiations  with  the  Philippine  insurgents. 
The  reasons  for  this  instruction  were  conveyed  to  you  in  my  No.  78 
of  the  16th  of  June,  by  which  the  President's  views  on  the  subject 
of  your  relations  with  General  Aguinaldo  were  fully  expressed.  The 
extract  now  communicated  by  you  from  the  Straits  Times  of  the  9th 
of  June,  has  occasioned  a  feeling  of  disquietude  and  a  doubt  as  to 
whether  some  of  your  acts  may  not  have  borne  a  significance  and 
produced  an  impression  which  this  Government  would  be  compelled 
to  regret.  The  address  presented  to  you  by  the  25  or  30  Filipinos 
who  gathered  about  the  consulate  discloses  an  understanding  on 
their  part  that  the  object  of  Admiral  Dewey  was  to  support  the 
cause  of  General  Aguinaldo,  and  that  the  ultimate  object  of  our 
action  is  to  secure  the  independence  of  the  Philippines  "  under  the 
protection  of  the  United  States."  Your  address  does  not  repel 
this  implication,  and  it  moreover  represents  that  General  Aguinaldo 
was  "  sought  out  by  you,"  whereas  it  had  been  the  understanding  of 
the  Department  that  you  received  him  only  upon  the  request  of  a 
British  subject  .  .  .  who  formerly  lived  in  the  Philippines.  Your 
further  reference  to  General  Aguinaldo  as  "  the  man  for  the 
occasion "  and  to  your  "  bringing  about "  the  "  arrangement " 
between  "  General  Aguinaldo  and  Admiral  Dewey  which  has 
resulted  so  happily"  also  represents  the  matter  in  a  light  which 
causes  apprehension  lest  your  action  may  have  laid  the  ground  of 
future  misunderstandings  and  complications.  For  these  reasons  the 
Department  has  not  caused  the  article  to  be  given  to  the  Press, 
lest  it  might  seem  thereby  to  lend  a  sanction  to  views,  the  ex- 
pression of  which  it  had  not  authorized. 

Respectfully  yours, 

William  R.  Day. 

During  the  first  few  weeks  following  the  Cavite  naval  battle  nothing 
remarkable  occurred  between  the  belligerents.  The  British  Consul 
and   Y'ice-Consul  were  indefatigable  in  the  services  they  rendered   as 

1  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  G2,  Part  II.,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  pp.  350-6. 
Published  by  the  Government  Printing  Office,  Washington,  1899. 


438  Conditions   in    and  around   Manila 

intermediaries  between  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Augusti.  The 
American  fleet  was  well  supplied  with  coal  from  British  vessels. 
The  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  was  in  working  order,  and  bringing 
supplies  into  the  city.  The  Spanish  authorities  issued  a  decree  regu- 
lating the  price  of  meat  and  other  commodities.  American  vessels  made 
occasional  trips  outside  the  Bay,  and  brought  in  captive  sailing-vessels. 
Neutral  passenger-steamers  were  allowed  to  take  away  refugees  other 
than  Spanish  subjects.  The  rebels  outside  Manila  were  very  active 
in  the  work  of  burning  and  pillaging  churches  and  other  property. 
Streams  of  smoke  were  daily  seen  rising  from  the  valleys.  In  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city,  skirmishes  between  Spanish  troops  and  rebels  were  of 
frequent  occurrence.  The  Spaniards  still  managed  to  preserve  routes 
of  communication  with  the  country  districts,  although,  little  by  little, 
the  rebels  were  closing  in  upon  them.  Aguinaldo  and  his  subordinate 
leaders  were  making  strenuous  efforts  effectually  to  cut  off'  all  supplies 
to  the  city,  with  the  view  of  co-operating  with  the  Americans  to  starve 
the  Spaniards  into  capitulation.  The  hospitals  in  the  capital  were 
crowded  with  wounded  soldiers,  brought  in  at  great  risk  from  the 
rural  districts.  Spanish  soldiers  sauntered  about  the  city  and  Binondo 
— sad  spectacles  of  emaciation  in  which  body  and  soul  were  only 
kept  together  by  small  doles  of  rice  and  dried  fish.  The  volunteers 
who  had  enlisted  on  the  conditions  of  pay,  food,  and  clothing,  raised  an 
unheeded  cry  of  protest,  and  threatened  revolt,  whilst  the  officers 
whiled  away  the  time  in  the  cafes  with  resigned  indifference.  The 
Archbishop  issued  his  Pastoral  Letter,  in  which  he  told  the  natives  that 
if  the  foreigners  obtained  possession  of  the  Islands  there  would  be  an 
end  to  all  they  most  dearly  cherished.  Their  altars  would  be  desecrated  ; 
the  churches  would  become  temples  of  heresy  ;  christian  morality  would 
be  banished,  and  vice  would  become  rampant.  He  reminded  them  (with 
the  proviso  "circumstances  permitting ,1)  that  he  had  appointed  June  17 
as  the  day  on  which  the  consecration  of  these  Islands  to  the  "  Heart 
of  Jesus  "  would  be  solemnly  confirmed. 

To  draw  the  remnant  of  loyalty  to  his  side,  the  Gov.-General 
instituted  a  reformed  "Consulting  Assembly r>  composed  of  15  half- 
castes  and  natives,  under  the  nominal  presidency  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno, 
the  mediator  in  the  Biac-na-bato  negotiations.  Serior  Paterno,  whose 
sympathy  for  Spain  was  still  unalienated,  issued  a  Man'ifiesto  of  which 
the  following  is  a  translation  (published  in  El  Comercio  of  Manila  on 
June  2,  1898)  :— 

Filipinos  :     Beloved  Brethren. 

I  love  our  country  as  none  other  does.  I  want  it  to  be 
great,  free,  and  happy,  and  to  shape  its  own  destinies  according 
to  its  desires  and  aspirations.  Therefoi-e,  I  respect  all  the  vital 
forces  in  it  at  the  cost  of  my  life  and  my  fortune.     A  long  time 


Sehor  Paternd's  pro-Spanish  Manifesto  439 

ago  I  risked  my  existence  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
Philippine  people,  who  were  sorely  agitated,  by  bringing  the 
majority  together,  and  directing  the  salvation  of  their  interests 
based  on  liberty  and  justice.  My  ideas  are  neither  strange  nor 
new  ;  they  are  the  result  of  study  and  political  experience,  and 
not  recently  conceived  under  the  existing  circumstances.  I  desire, 
with  all  the  vehemence  of  my  soul,  to  see  my  country  strong  and 
great — its  honour  and  dignity  respected  and  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  greatest  happiness.  But  however  great  our  efforts  may  be 
we  need  an  ally.  Let  us  imitate  the  example  of  the  Great 
Powers ;  they  cannot  exist  alone,  however  strong  and  great  they 
may  be.  They  need  help,  and  the  union  of  strength  increases  their 
power.  Russia  seeks  France ;  Germany  seeks  Italy  and  Austria. 
Unhappy  is  the  Power  that  isolates  itself!  And  what  better 
ally  can  we  have  than  Spain,  a  nation  with  which  we  are  united 
for  nearly  four  centuries  in  religion,  laws,  morals,  and  customs, 
understanding  full  well  her  virtues  and  her  defects  ?  The  evil 
days  of  Spanish  colonization  are  over,  and  by  dint  of  experience 
and  the  sacrifice  of  blood  Spain  has  understood  that  we  are 
already  of  age,  and  require  reforms  in  our  territory  such  as  the 
formation  of  Philippine  Militia,  which  gives  us  the  force  of  arms, 
and  the  Consulting  Assembly,  which  gives  us  the  power  of  speech, 
participation  in  the  higher  public  employments,  and  the  ability  to 
control  the  peaceful  development  and  progress  of  society.  Spain 
is  at  war  with  the  United  States  ;  we  neither  know  that  nation 
nor  its  language.  The  Americans  will  endeavour  by  all  imagin- 
able means  to  induce  us  to  help  them  against  Spain.  And  then, 
alas !  they,  the  all-powerful,  will  absorb  us  and  reward  our 
treachery  to  Spain  by  betraying  us,  making  us  slaves  and  im- 
posing upon  us  all  the  evils  of  a  new  colonization.  On  the  other 
hand,  by  helping  Spain,  if  we  die,  we  do  so  in  the  fulfilment  of 
our  duty  ;  if  we  live,  we  shall  obtain  the  triumph  of  our  aspirations 
without  the  dangers  and  risks  of  a  civil  war.  We  shall  not 
die  !  No  !  Under  the  flag  which  shields  us  and  our  garrisons, 
fighting  with  faith,  decision,  and  ardour,  as  a  country  does  which 
yearns  to  be  free  and  great,  the  enemy  will  disappear  like  the  wave 
which  washes  the  seashore.  Let  us  hope  to  obtain  from  Spain  all 
the  good  that  the  American  stranger  can  offer  to  us.  Let  us  help 
our  old  ally,  our  old  friend  Spain,  and  realize,  with  her,  more 
quickly  our  aspirations.  These  are  they : — With  the  greatest 
decentralization  possible  consistent  with  national  unity,  the  organi- 
zation and  attributions  of  public  powers  must  be  based  on  three 
principles  : — (1)  Spanish  sovereignty.  (2)  Local  representation. 
(3)  Colonial  Government  responsibility.  Three  institutions  cor- 
respond   to    these    three    principles,   viz.  :    (1)  The    institution    of 


440  The  rebels   refute   Paterno's  Manifesto 


the  General  Government  of  the  Philippines.  (2)  The  Insular 
Deputation  or  Philippine  Assembly.  (3)  The  Governative  Council. 
In  this  way  the  rights  of  the  Government  and  those  of  the  Colony 
are  harmonized.  Let  us  shun  the  policy  of  suspicion  and  doubt. 
With  these  firm  and  solid  guarantees  let  us  establish  civil  and 
political  liberty.  The  Assembly,  representing  the  will  of  the 
people,  deliberates  and  resolves  as  one  would  treat  one's  own 
affairs  in  private  life,  and  thus  constitutes  the  legislative  power 
of  the  Archipelago.  Its  resolution  will  be  put  into  practice 
with  all  fidelity  by  the  executive  power  in  its  character  of 
responsible  government.  There  are  only  Spaniards  in  the  Archi- 
pelago ;  we  are  all  Filipinos  and  all  European  Spaniards.  Such 
is  the  programme  of  the  part?/  who  want  home  rule  for  the 
Philippines — ever  Spanish !  Thus  shall  we  see  the  destinies  of 
this  country  guided  under  the  orange  and  red  flag.  Thus  will  my 
beloved  country  be  governed,  without  detriment  to  the  integrity 
of  Spain.  Finallv,  under  Spain  our  future  is  clear,  and  with  all 
certainty  we  shall  be  free  and  rule.  Under  the  Americans  our 
future  is  cloudy ;  we  shall  certainly  be  sold  and  lose  our  unity  ; 
some  provinces  Avill  become  English,  others  German,  others 
French,  others  Russian  or  Chinese.  Let  us  struggle,  therefore, 
side  by  side  with  Spain,  we  who  love  the  Philippines  united  and 
free.     Long  live  Spain  ! 

Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno. 
Manila,  31st  of  May,  1898. 

This  Manifesto  was  replied    to    a  week  later  by  the  rebel   party, 
who  published  a  Refutation,  of  which  the  following  is  a  translation  : — 

Refutation  of  the  Manifesto  of  Senor  Paterno. 
"  Actions  speak  louder  than  words." 

A  better  phrase,  or  idea,  could  not  be  found  with  which  to 
reply  to  the  Manifesto  of  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  published  in 
El  Comercio  of  the  2nd  instant,  than  the  epigraph  which  heads 
these  lines. 

Senor  Paterno  begins  by  saying  that  he  loves  his  country  as 
none  other  does ;  he  wants  it  to  be  great,  free,  and  happy,  and 
to  shape  its  own  destinies  according  to  its  own  desires  and 
aspirations.  Would  to  God  such  beautiful  language  represented 
the  truth,  for  it  is  just  what  we  wish  and  what  we  have,  long  ago, 
been  aiming  at,  at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and  property,  as  proved 
by  our  actions  and  our  arguments,  especially  since  the  middle 
of  the  glorious  year  of  1896,  the  period  in  which  we  commenced 
the  conquest,  by  force  of  arms,    of  our  most  cherished   liberties. 


They   denounce   Spanish    administration  441 

May  Senor  Paterno  forgive  us  if  we  cite  a  little  of  the  history 
of  this  movement,  so  that  he  may  see  that  neither  are  we  un- 
grateful, nor  are  we  acting  with  precipitation,  but  as  a  logical 
and  undeniable  consequence  of  the  vile  conduct  and  bad  faith  of 
the  Spanish  Government. 

For  over  300  years  the  country  slumbered  in  ignorance  of  all 
that  referred  to  its  rights  and  political  liberties.  It  was  resigned 
to  the  Spanish  governmental  system  of  spoliation,  and  no  one 
thought  of  reforms.  But  when  the  Revolution  of  September,  1868, 
broke  out  in  Spain  and  overthrew  the  throne  of  Isabella  II.,  the 
first  revolutionary  leaders,  inspired  by  ideas  of  humanity  and 
justice,  caused  an  Assembly  of  Reformists  to  be  established  here, 
one  of  the  members  of  which,  if  we  remember  rightly,  was  Don 
Maximo  Molo  Paterno,  father  of  Don  Pedro.  The  Assembly 
agreed  to  and  proposed  good  and  appropriate  reforms,  amongst  which 
was  that  relating  to  the  incumbencies  which  were  monopolized  by 
the  friars.  What  did  the  Spanish  Government  do  with  these 
reforms  ?  What  did  the  friars  do  ?  Ah  !  though  it  may  appear 
cruel  to  Senor  Paterno,  historical  facts  oblige  us  to  remind  him 
that  the  Government,  in  agreement  with  the  friars,  engineered 
the  military  rising  of  the  City  of  Cavite  in  January,  1872,  and  at 
the  instigation  of  its  authors  and  accomplices,  sentenced  the 
secular  priests  Father  Jose  Burgos,  Father  Jacinto  Zamora, 
Father  Mariano  Gomez,  parish  priests  of  Manila,  Santa  Cruz 
(suburb),  and  Bacoor  (Cavite)  respectively,  to  be  garotted. 
Moreover,  another  secular  priest,  Father  Agustin,  the  Philippine 
lawyers  and  landed  proprietors,  Don  Joaquin  Pardo  de  Tavera, 
Don  Antonio  Regidor,  Don  Pedro  Carrillo,  Don  Jose  Basa,  and 
others,  amongst  whom  was  Don  Maximo  Molo  Paterno,  the  father 
of  Don  Pedro,  were  banished  to  the  Ladrone  Islands.  This 
virtuous  grand  old  man  (Don  Maximo  Paterno)  did  indeed  (and 
we  proclaim  it  with  pride)  make  sacrifices  of  health  and  fortune 
for  the  advancement  of  the  liberties  of  his  native  country.  From 
the  year  1872  the  Spanish  Government  carried  on  a  persistent 
persecution  of  all  the  Philippine  reformers  by  unjust  imprisonment 
and  banishment.  In  1888  the  authorities  went  so  far  as  to 
prosecute  700  representative  men  of  the  suburbs  of  Manila,  simply 
for  having  presented  a  petition  of  rights  and  aspirations  to  the 
Gov.-General  Don  Emilio  Terrero.  There  is  not  a  single  in- 
salubrious island  or  gloomy  corner  in  the  country  which  has  not 
been  the  forced  home  of  some  banished  Filipino.  No  one  was 
sure  of  his  personal  liberty  ;  none  were  safe  in  their  homes,  and  if 
three  or  four  Filipinos  met  together  for  an  innocent  purpose,  they 
were  spied,  arrested,  and  banished.  Calumny  has  brought  about 
enough   banishments  to  Fernando  Po,  Chafarinas  Islands,  Ceuta, 


442  The   rebels   refute   Paternd's   Manifesto 

and  other  African  and  Spanish  places  to  demonstrate  the  bad  faith, 
cruelty,  and  injustice  of  the  Spanish  Government  with  respect  to 
the  Philippine  people.  This  virile,  intelligent  people  received 
the  supreme  decree  of  reforms  with  joy  and  enthusiasm,  sharing 
the  feelings  of  those  who  felt  in  their  souls  the  flame  of  liberty. 
This  people  worked,  through  legitimate  channels,  to  advance  its 
ideal,  inspired  by  the  purest  loyalty  to  Spain.  How  did  the 
Spanish  Government  fulfil,  on  its  part,  the  decree  spontaneously 
issued  in  1868  ?  By  prosecuting  and  banishing  the  reformists, 
and  employing  a  system  of  terror  to  damp  the  courage  of  the 
Filipinos.  Vain,  ridiculous  fallacy ! — for  it  ought  to  have  known 
better  after  three  centuries  of  rule  of  that  country  of  intelligence, 
birthplace  of  Rizal,  Luna,  Rosario  and  other  living  examples  of 
Philippine  energy.  The  Filipinos,  lovers  of  their  liberty  and 
independence,  had  no  other  recourse  open  to  them  than  an  appeal 
to  arms,  to  bring  force  against  force,  terror  against  terror,  death  for 
death,  resolute  and  sworn  to  practise  the  system  of  fire  and  blood, 
until  they  should  attain  for  the  whole  Philippine  Archipelago 
absolute  freedom  from  the  ignominious  sovereignty  of  Spain. 
Now  let  us  continue  our  comments  on  the  Manrfiesto. 

Senor  Paterno  says  that  a  long  time  ago  he  risked  his  existence 
for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Philippine  people,  even  at  the 
cost  of  his  health  and  his  fortune.  We,  however,  do  not  see  how 
he  put  into  practice  such  magnificent  ideas,  for  what  we  do  know 
is  that  Senor  Paterno  passed  his  younger  days  in  Madrid,  where, 
by  dint  of  lavish  expenditure,  he  was  very  well  treated  by  the 
foremost  men  in  Spanish  politics,  without  gaining  from  Spain 
anything  whereby  the  Philippine  people  were  made  free  and  happy 
during  that  long  period  of  his  brilliant  existence.  On  the  contrary, 
the  very  epoch  of  the  persecutions  narrated  above  coincided  with 
the  period  of  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno,s  brilliant  position  and  easy 
life  in  Madrid,  where,  because  he  published  a  collection  of  poems 
under  the  title  of  "  Sampaguitas,11  he  became  distinguished  bv 
the  nickname  of  Sampaguitero.  We  know,  also,  that  Senor 
Paterno  came  back  to  this,  his  native  soil,  appointed  director 
of  a  Philippine  Library  and  Museum  not  yet  established,  with- 
out salary,  but  with  the  decoration  of  the  Grand  Cross  of  Isabella 
the  Catholic.  This  was  no  gain  to  us,  no  distinction  to  him, 
seeing  that  the  same  decoration  was  given  to  the  Chinaman 
Palanca  and  two  others,  without  their  leaving  their  homes  to 
obtain  them. 

How  are  we  then  to  understand  those  generous  sacrifices  of 
health  and  fortune  for  the  cause  of  Philippine  liberty  ?  Perhaps 
he  refers  to  the  recently  created  Philippine  Militia  and  Consulting 
Assembly.       Well,  admitting  for  argument  sake,   that  with  such 


They   doubt   Spain's  honest   intention  443 

Militia  and  Consulting  Assembly  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  the 
Philippines  were  assured  (a  doubtful  hypothesis,  Senor  Paterno), 
this  happiness  is  not  due  to  Senor  Paterno's  efforts,  but  simply  to 
the  circumstances.  Spain  is  at  war  with  North  America,  and  now 
offers  us  this  sugar-plum  to  draw  us  to  her  side  to  defend  her 
against  invasion. 

We  ask  you  again,  Senor  Paterno,  where  are  those  sacrifices  ? 

We  do  not  see  them,  although  we  seek  them  with  the  light  of 
impartiality,  for,  as  the  splendour  of  justice  shines  on  our  flag,  we 
should  not  fail  to  do  this  even  for  our  greatest  enemies,  amongst 
whom  we  do  not  count  you. 

Do  you  allude  to  the  Peace  of  Biac-na-batd  ?  If  so,  we  ask, 
what  have  you  done  with  that  peace  to  which  we  subscribed  in  good 
faith,  and  which  you  and  General  Primo  de  Rivera  together  have 
stupidly  and  scandalously  torn  into  shreds  ?  You  have,  indeed, 
bungled  the  amnesty  when  many  of  the  banished  are,  up  to  now, 
suffering  the  miseries  of  their  sad  and  unjust  fate. 

You  have  put  off  the  promised  reforms  which,  even  yet,  have 
not  come. 

You  have  delayed  the  payment  of  the  P. 400,000  for  the  second 
and  third  instalments  of  the  agreed  sum. 

You  have  not  delivered  into  the  hands  of  our  chief,  Don  Emilio 
Aguinaldo,  the  money  as  agreed  upon. 

Ah  !  You  thought  that  when  we  had  surrendered  to  you  our 
arms  and  our  garrisoned  strongholds — when  our  forces  were  dis- 
persed and  we  were  absent — you  could  turn  back  to  the  Government 
of  iniquity  without  reflecting  that  Divine  Providence  could  permit, 
in  the  hour  of  great  injustice,  her  emissary  Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
to  return  resolved  to  chastise  energetically  the  immoral  and  impotent 
Spanish  Government. 

Then  comes  Senor  Paterno,  telling  us  that  however  great  our 
efforts  may  be  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  we  cannot  live  without  an 
ally,  and  that  we  can  find  no  better  alliance  than  the  sovereignty 
of  Spain.  Frankly,  we  must  say  that  this  is  inconceivably  incom- 
patible with  Senor  Paterno's  clear  intelligence.  How  do  you 
understand  an  alliance  with  sovereignty  ?  How  can  you  imagine 
a  people  great,  free  and  happy  under  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  ? 
Senor  Paterno  cites,  as  examples,  the  alliances  between  Russia  and 
France,  Germany  and  Italy  and  Austria,  but,  so  far,  we  do  not 
know  that  Russia  is  the  sovereign  power  of  the  French,  nor  the 
Germans  that  of  the  Italians  and  Austrians.  Senor  Paterno  further 
says  that  by  helping  Spain  in  the  war  with  the  United  States,  if 
we  die,  we  do  so  in  the  fulfilment  of  our  duty ;  if  we  live,  we  shall 
obtain  the  triumph  of  our  aspirations  without  the  dangers  and  risks 
of  a  civil  war.     Know,  Senor  Paterno,  and  let  all  know,  that  in  less 


444  The  rebels  refute   Pater-no's  Manifesto 

than  six  days1  operations  in  several  provinces  we  have  already  taken 
1,500  prisoners,  amongst  whom  is  the  Brigadier-General  Garcia 
Peiia,  one  Colonel,  several  Lieutenant-Colonels,  Majors  and  officers, 
besides  the  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Bnlacan,  his  wife  and  all 
the  civil  service  staff  of  that  province.  We  also  have  about 
500  Philippine  volunteers  as  prisoners,  of  whom  10  have  died  and 
40  are  wounded,  whilst  among  the  European  prisoners  there  is 
only  one  wounded.  This  goes  to  prove  that  the  Europeans  were 
too  cowardly  to  defend  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  in  these  Islands, 
therefore  we  do  not  understand  the  appeal  you  make  to  the  Filipinos 
to  defend  Spain  as  a  duty,  when  the  Spaniards  themselves  are 
heedless  of  that  which  ought  to  be  a  more  rigorous  and  strict 
obligation  with  them,  seeing  that  they  defend  their  own  possession 
which  brings  them  so  much  lucre  and  profit.  This  does  not  say 
much  for  the  duty  when  the  favoured  ones  themselves  forget  it  and 
trample  upon  it.  To  die  to-day  for  cowardly  Spain  !  This  implies 
not  only  want  of  dignity  and  delicate  feeling,  but  also  gross 
stupidity  in  weaving  a  sovereignty  of  frightened  Spaniards  over  the 
heads  of  brave  Filipinos.  It  is  astonishing  that  in  the  face  of  such 
an  eloquent  example  of  impotence  there  should  still  be  a  Filipino 
who  defends  the  sovereignty  of  Spain. 

Remember,  Senor  Paterno,  that  we  make  war  without  the  help 
of  any  one,  not  even  the  North  Americans  ;  but  no  !  we  have  the 
help  of  God,  who  is  the  eternal  ally  of  the  great  and  just  causes 
such  as  that  which  we  defend  against  Spain — our  own  beloved 
independence !   !  ! 

Senor  Paterno  concludes  by  explaining  his  political  and 
administrative  principles  on  the  basis  of  Spanish  sovereignty, 
but,  as  we  have  charged  that  sovereignty  with  cowardice  and 
immorality,  we  dismiss  this  detail. 

To  conclude,  we  will  draw  the  attention  of  Senor  Paterno  to 
two  things,  viz.  : 

1.  That  he  commits  an  injustice  in  imputing  to  the  North 
Americans  the  intention  of  talcing  possession  of  these  Islands  as 
soon  as  we  have  conquered  the  Spaniards,  for,  besides  having  no 
grounds  on  which  to  make  such  an  allegation  against  a  nation 
distinguished  for  its  humanity  like  the  Federal  Republic,  there  is 
the  fact  that  its  own  constitidion  prohibits  the  absorption  of 
territory  otdside  America,  in  accordance  with  that  principle  laid 
down  by  the  immortal  Monroe,  of  America  for  the  Americans. 
There  is,  moreover,  the  historical  antecedent  that  the  independence 
of  South  America,  once  under  Spanish  dominion,  is  largely  due  to 
the  protection  of  the  United  States  ;  and 

2.  That  Senor  Paterno  should  reflect  on  the  fact  that  the 
Spaniards  would  never  have  allowed  him  to  publish  his  Manifiesto 


Monet's   terrible   southward  march  445 

had  it  not  been  for  the  existence  and  attitude  of  our  Dictator, 
Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo.  This  ought  to  serve  Senor  Paterno  as 
further  proof  of  the  cowardice  of  the  Spaniards,  who,  notwith- 
standing all  that  has  been  shown,  insist  on  creating  discord  by 
provoking  civil  war  :  on  their  heads  will  fall  the  responsibilities 
of  the  moment  and  of  the  historical  past. 
Cavite,  9th  of  June,  1898. 

The  Revolutionists. 

The  feeling  against  Don  Pedro  .A.  Paterno  in  the  rebel  camp  was 
very  strong  for  the  time  being,  because  of  his  supposed  complicity  in 
the  alleged  Biac-na-bato  fraud. 

The  rebels  stopped  all  the  traffic  on  the  Tondo-Malabon  steam 
tramway  line,  and  shortly  afterwards  the  Manila-Dagupan  railway  trains 
had  temporarily  to  cease  running. 

On  June  10,  1898,  General  Monet  received,  through  a  Chinaman, 
a  message  from  the  Gov.-General  to  hasten  to  Manila  with  all  the 
force  he  could  bring.  Monet  had  been  so  long  in  the  northern 
provinces  unsuccessfully  trying  to  hold  them  against  the  rebels  that 
his  fate  was,  for  a  time,  despaired  of  in  the  capital.  Hemmed  in  on 
all  sides  by  the  enemy,  concentration  of  all  his  detachments  for  general 
retreat  was  impossible.  The  forces  spread  over  Tarlac,  North  Pan- 
gasinan  and  Nueva  Ecija  had  to  be  left  to  their  fate;  their  junction 
was  quite  impracticable,  for,  surrounded  everywhere  by  the  enemy, 
each  group  was  then  only  just  able  to  defend  itself,  and  subsequently 
most  of  them  fell  prisoners.  With  only  600  fighting  men,  escorting 
80  wounded,  General  Monet  set  out  on  his  terrible  southward  march 
amidst  recurring  scenes  of  woe  and  despair.  At  every  few  miles 
between  San  Fernando  and  Macabebe  his  progress  was  hampered  by 
an  ever-increasing  terror-stricken,  weeping  crowd  of  European  women 
and  children  who  besought  him  not  to  let  them  fall  into  the  hands 
of  a  revengeful  enemy.  In  the  course  of  his  inarch  at  most  another 
hundred  fighting  men,  a  few  of  whom  were  natives,  were  able  to  join 
the  retreating  column.  Their  ammunition  was  scarce ;  they  had  no 
artillery  waggons ;  every  carromata  (gig)  of  the  districts  traversed 
had  been  seized  by  the  enemy.  Near  San  Fernando  his  passage  was 
disputed,  but  he  entered  the  town,  nevertheless,  and  evacuated  it 
immediately  after,  having  secured  only  12  carts  for  the  transport  of 
the  sick  and  the  wounded  and  what  little  remained  of  the  war-material. 
The  greatest  difficulty  was  how  to  feed  the  swelling  mob  of  refugees. 
At  6  a.m.  on  June  14  a  start  was  made  for  Santo  Tomas,  but  they 
were  so  fiercely  attacked  on  the  road  that,  for  the  moment,  annihilation 
seemed  inevitable.  Concentrated  between  Apalit,  Santo  Tomas,  Bacolor, 
and  Mexico  the  rebel  forces  were  estimated  at  9,000  well-armed  men, 
between  whom  Monet's  column  had  to  pass  or  die.     The  sobs  of  the 


446  Terror-stricken   refugees  flight  for   life 

children,  the  lamentations  of  the  women,  the  invocation  of  the  saints 
by  the  helpless  were  drowned  in  the  united  yelling  of  half-starved 
troopers  in  their  almost  superhuman  struggle  for  existence.  Fortunately 
the  best  order  possible,  under  such  distressing  circumstances,  was  main- 
tained by  the  splendid  officers  supporting  Monet.  They  were  men 
personally  known  to  many  of  us  years  before.  Lieut. -Colonel  Dujiols 
commanded  the  vanguard;  the  rearguard  was  under  Major  Roberto 
White  ;  the  refugee  families  were  in  charge  of  Lieut. -Colonel  Oyarzabal, 
all  under  the  superior  orders  of  Colonel  Perez  Escotado.  At  length 
they  cut  their  way  through  to  Apalit,  where  the  railway  station  served 
them  as  a  stronghold,  which  they  were  able  to  defend  whilst  food  was 
served  out  and  some  attention  could  be  bestowed  on  the  sick  and 
wounded.  On  leaving  Apalit  a  group  of  rebels  approached  the  column 
with  a  white  flag  saying  they  were  friendly  Macabebes,  but  when  they 
were  close  enough  they  opened  fire.  Nearly  the  whole  town  turned 
out  against  the  fugitives,  and  Monet  had  to  hasten  the  march  by 
deploying  his  troops  to  keep  the  road  clear.  Understanding  well  that 
Monet  was  acting  only  on  the  defensive  to  cover  his  retreat,  the  rebels 
sent  him  an  audacious  message  offering  to  spare  the  lives  of  his 
people  if  he  would  surrender  their  arms.  The  general's  reply  was  in 
the  negative,  adding  that  if  he  once  reached  Santo  Tomas  not  a  stick 
or  stone  of  it  would  he  leave  to  mark  its  site.  This  defiant  answer 
nonplussed  the  rebels,  who  had  private  interests  to  consider.  To  save 
their  property  they  sent  another  message  to  General  Monet,  assuring 
him  that  he  would  not  be  further  molested ;  and  to  guarantee  their 
promise  they  sent  him  the  son  of  a  headman  as  hostage,  whose  life 
they  said  he  could  take  if  they  broke  their  word.  That  night  was, 
therefore,  passed,  without  attack,  at  Mandaling,  around  which 
outposts  were  established  and  trenches  occupied.  The  following  day 
the  retreating  column  and  the  refugees  reached  Macabebe  safely,1  but 
what  became  of  their  leader  at  this  crisis  we  must  leave  to  future 
historians  to  explain.  Some  nine  months  afterwards  the  acts  of  two 
generals   were  inquired  into  by  a  court  of  honour  in   Spain  ;   one  of 

1  The  Macabebes  who  came  so  conspicuously  into  prominence  during  the  Rebellion 
of  1896  are  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Macabebe  and  its  dependent  wards, 
situated  in  Lower  Pampanga,  near  the  Hagonoy  River.  They  are  the  only 
Filipinos  who  have  persistently  and  systematically  opposed  the  revolutionary 
faction  of  their  own  free  will,  without  bribe  or  extraneous  influence.  No  one 
seems  to  be  able  to  explain  exactly  why  they  should  have  adopted  this  course. 
They  aided  the  Spaniards  against  the  rebels,  and  also  the  Americans  against  the 
insurgents.  All  1  have  been  able  to  learn  of  them  in  the  locality  is  that  they 
keep  exclusively  to  themselves,  and  have  little  sympathy  for,  and  no  cordial 
intercourse  with,  the  natives  of  other  towns,  either  in  their  own  province  or 
elsewhere.  A  generation  ago  the  Macabebes  had  a  bad  reputation  for  their  petty 
piratical  depredations  around  the  north  shore  of  Manila  Bay  and  the  several 
mouths  of  the  Hagonoy  River,  and  it  is  possible  that  their  exclusiveness  results 
from  their  consciousness  of  having  been  shunned  by  the  more  reputable  inhabitants. 
The  total  population  of  Macabebe  is  about  14,000. 


Reinforcements   arrive — Rebel  successes  447 


them  was  disgraced,1  and  the  other,  who  was  accused  of  having  aban- 
doned his  whole  party  to  escape  alone  in  disguise,  was  acquitted. 

General  Augustus  wife  and  family  were  chivalrously  escorted  from 
Macabebe,  where  they  were  quite  safe,  by  a  loyal  Philippine  volunteer 
named  Blanco  (the  son  of  a  planter  in  Pampanga),  who  was  afterwards 
promoted  to  effective  rank  of  colonel  in  Spain.  They  were  conducted 
from  the  Hagonoy  marshes  to  the  Bay  of  Manila  and  found  generous 
protection  from  the  Americans,  who  allowed  them  to  quit  the  Islands. 
The  Spanish  garrisons  in  the  whole  of  La  Laguna  and  Pampanga  had 
surrendered  to  the  rebels,  who  were  in  practical  possession  of  two-thirds 
of  Luzon  Island.  General  Augusti  was  personally  inclined  to  capitulate, 
but  was  dissuaded  from  doing  so  by  his  officers. 

Several  American  generals  arrived  with  reinforcements,  more  wrere 
en  route,  and  about  the  middle  of  July  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
Maj. -General  Wesley  Merritt,  reached  the  Islands  and  remained  there 
until  the  end  of  the  following  month,  that  is  to  say,  for  about  10  or  12 
days  after  the  Spanish  surrender  and  the  American  military  occupation 
of  Manila  were  accomplished  facts.  On  the  way  out  from  San  Francisco 
to  Manila  some  American  ships  called  at  the  Ladrone  Islands  and 
brought  the  Spanish  garrison  of  about  40  men  prisoners.  The  surrender 
of  the  capital  had  been  again  demanded  and  refused,  for  the  Spaniards 
were  far  from  being  starved  out,  and  the  American  commander  had 
strictly  forbidden  Aguinaldo  to  make  an  attack  on  the  city.  Aguinaldo, 
however,  had  been  wonderfully  active  elsewhere.  In  several  engage- 
ments the  Spaniards  were  completely  routed,  and  in  one  encounter 
the  rebel  party  took  over  350  prisoners,  including  28  officers ;  in 
another,  250  prisoners  and  four  guns ;  and  150  Spaniards  who 
fled  to  Cavite  Viejo  church  were  quietly  starved  into  surrender. 
Amongst  the  prisoners  were  several  provincial  governors,  one  of  whom 
attempted  to  commit  suicide.  At  Bacoor  a  hotly-contested  battle  was 
fought  which  lasted  about  nine  hours.  The  Spaniards  were  surprised 
very  early  one  morning,  and  by  the  afternoon  they  were  forced  to  retreat 
along  the  Cavite-Manila  road  to  Las  Pinas.  The  Spanish  loss  amounted 
approximately  to  250  troops  wounded,  300  dead,  and  35  officers 
wounded  or  dead.  The  rebels  are  said  to  have  lost  more  than  double 
this  number,  but  whatever  may  have  been  the  sacrifice,  the  victory  was 
theirs.  The  Spaniards  would  probably  have  come  better  out  of  this 
combat  but  for  the  fact  that  a  native  regiment,  hitherto  loyal,  suddenly 
murdered  their  officers  and  went  over  to  the .  rebels.  The  Spaniards 
undoubtedly  suffered  much  from  unexpected  mutinies  of  native 
auxiliaries   and  volunteers  at  critical  moments,   whilst  in  no  case  did 

1  The  finding  of  the  court  says :  "  Pasara  a  la  seccion  de  reserva  del  Estado 
Mayor  General  del  Eje'rcito  con  incapacidad  para  obtener  destinos  y  sin  figurar 
en  la  escala  de  los  de  dicha  categoria."  Signed  by  Canuto  Garcia  de  Polavieja, 
dated  April  28,  1899;  and  published  in  the  Gaceta  de  Madrid. 


448         The   Revolutionary    Government  proclaimed 

rebels  pass  over  to  the  Spanish  side.1  They  were  not  long  left  in 
possession  of  Las  Pifias,  where  a  subsequent  attack  in  overwhelming 
numbers  drove  the  survivors  still  nearer  to  the  capital. 

Long  before  the  capitulation  of  Manila  the  rebels  were  as  well 
armed  as  they  could  wish  from  three  sources, — that  is  to  say,  the 
Americans,  the  Spanish  arms  seized  in  warfare,  and  consignments  from 
China.  They  also  made  good  use  of  their  field-pieces,  and  ever  and 
anon  the  booming  of  cannon  was  heard  in  the  streets  of  Manila.  The 
Spaniards,  hard  pressed  on  all  sides,  seemed  determined  to  make  their 
last  stand  in  the  old  citadel.  The  British  banks  shipped  away  their 
specie  to  China,  and  the  British  community,  whose  members  were  never 
united  as  to  the  course  they  should  adopt  for  general  safety,  was  much 
relieved  when  several  steamers  were  allowed,  by  the  mutual  consent  of 
Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Augusti,  to  lie  in  the  bay  to  take 
foreigners  on  board  in  case  of  bombardment.  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  on  his 
return  to  the  Islands,  had  declared  himself  Dictator.  The  Dictatorial 
Government  administered  the  provinces  as  they  were  conquered  from 
the  Spaniards,  collected  taxes,  and  enacted  laws.  In  a  month's  time 
the  management  of  these  rural  districts  had  so  far  assumed  shape  that 
Aguinaldo  convened  deputies  therefrom  and  summoned  a  Congress  on 
June  18.  He  changed  the  name  of  Dictatorial  to  Revolutionary 
Government,  and  on  June  23  proclaimed  the  Constitution  of  that 
provisional  government,  of  which  the  statutes  are  as  follows  : — 

(Translation) 
Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo  y  Famy, 

President  of  the  Philippine  Revolutionary  Government  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  its  army 

This  Government,  desirous  of  demonstrating  to  the  Philippine 
people  that  one  of  its  objects  is  to  abolish  with  a  firm  hand  the 
inveterate  vices  of  Spanish  administration,  substituting  a  more 
simple  and  expeditious  system  of  public  administration  for  that 
superfluity  of  civil  service  and  ponderous,  tardy  and  ostentatious 
official  routine,  I  hereby  declare  as  follows,  viz  : — 

Chai'ter  I 
Of  the  Revolutionary  Government 
Article  1. — The  Dictatorial  Government  shall  be  henceforth 
called  the  Revolutionary  Government,  whose  object  is  to  struggle 
for  the  independence  of  the  Philippines,  until  all  nations,  including 
Spain,  shall  expressly  recognize  it,  and  to  prepare  the  country  for 
the  establishment  of  a  real  Republic.  The  Dictator  shall  be  hence- 
forth styled  the  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government. 

1  It  seems  almost  incredible  that,  even  at  this  crisis,  the  Spaniards  still  counted 
on  native  auxiliaries  to  fight  against  their  Own  kith  and  kin. 


Statutes  of  its  Constitution  449 

Article  % — Four  Government  Secretaryships  are  created :  (1)  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  Navy  and  Trade ;  (2)  of  War  and  Public  Works  ; 

(3)  of  Police,  Public  Order,  Justice,  Public  Education  and  Health  ; 

(4)  of  Finance,  Agriculture,  and  Manufactures.  The  Government 
has  power  to  increase  the  number  of  secretaryships  when  experience 
has  shown  that  the  above  distribution  of  public  offices  is  insufficient 
to  meet  public  requirements. 

Article  3. — Each  Secretary  shall  assist  the  President  in  the 
administration  of  affairs  concerning  his  particular  branch.  The 
Secretary  at  the  head  of  each  respective  department  shall  not  be 
responsible  for  the  Presidential  Decrees,  but  shall  sign  the  same  to 
give  them  authenticity.  But  if  it  should  appear  that  the  decree 
has  been  issued  on  the  proposal  of  the  Secretary  of  the  corresponding 
branch,  then  the  Secretary  shall  be  jointly  responsible  with  the 
President. 

Article  4. — The  Secretaryship  of  Foreign  Affairs  shall  be  divided 
into  three  centres,  one  of  Diplomacy,  one  of  Navy,  and  another  of 
Trade.  The  first  centre  shall  study  and  execute  all  affairs  which 
concern  the  direction  of  diplomatic  negotiations  with  other  Powers 
and  the  correspondence  of  this  Government  connected  therewith. 
The  second  shall  study  all  that  relates  to  the  formation  and 
organization  of  our  Navy,  and  the  fitting  out  of  whatever  expedi- 
tions the  circumstances  of  the  Revolution  may  require  ;  and  the 
third  shall  attend  to  all  matters  concerning  home  and  foreign 
trade  and  the  preliminary  work  in  connection  with  the  Treaties  of 
Commerce  to  be  made  with  other  nations. 

Article  5. — The  Secretaryship  of  War  shall  be  divided  into  two 
centres,  the  one  exclusively  of  War  and  the  other  exclusively  of 
Public  Works.  The  first  centre  shall  be  divided  into  four  sections, 
one  of  Campaign,  one  of  Military  Justice,  one  of  Military  Adminis- 
tration, and  the  other  of  Military  Health. 

The  Campaign  section  shall  draw  up  and  attend  to  all  matters 
concerning  the  service  and  enlistment  of  the  Revolutionary  Militia, 
the  direction  of  campaigns,  the  making  of  plans,  fortifications,  and 
the  editing  of  the  announcements  of  battles,  the  study  of  military 
tactics  for  the  Army,  and  organization  of  the  respective  staffs, 
artillery,  and  cavalry  corps,  and  all  other  matters  concerning 
campaigns  and  military  operations. 

The  section  of  Military  Justice  shall  attend  to  all  matters 
concerning  courts-martial  and  military  sentences,  the  appointment 
of  judges  and  assistant  judges  in  all  military- judicial  affairs.  The 
military  administrator  shall  take  charge  of  the  commissariat 
department  and  all  Army  equipment,  and  the  Military  Health 
department  shall  take  charge  of  matters  concerning  the  health  and 
salubrity  of  the  Militia. 

29 


450  The  Revolutionary  Government 

Article  6. — The  other  secretaryships  shall  be  divided  into  so 
many  centres  corresponding  to  their  functions,  and  each  centre 
shall  be  sub-divided  into  sections  as  the  nature  and  importance  of 
the  work  requires. 

Article  7. — The  Secretary  of  each  department  shall  inspect  and 
watch  over  the  work  therein  and  be  responsible  to  the  President 
of  the  Government.  At  the  head  of  each  section  there  shall  be  a 
director,  and  in  each  section  there  shall  be  an  official  in  charge 
assisted  by  the  necessary  staff. 

Article  8. — The  President  shall  have  the  sole  right  to  appoint 
the  secretaries,  and  in  agreement  with  them  he  shall  appoint  all 
the  staff  subordinate  to  the  respective  departments.  Nevertheless, 
in  the  election  of  individuals  favouritism  must  be  avoided  on  the 
understanding  that  the  good  name  of  the  Fatherland  and  the 
triumph  of  the  Revolution  need  the  services  of  the  most  really 
capable  persons. 

Article  9. — The  secretaries  can  take  part  in  the  sessions  of  the 
Revolutionary  Congress,  whenever  they  have  a  motion  to  present 
in  the  name  of  the  President,  or  on  the  interpellation  of  any  deputy, 
but  when  the  question  under  debate,  or  the  motion  on  which  they 
have  been  summoned  is  put  to  the  vote,  they  shall  retire  and  not 
take  part  in  that  voting. 

Article  10. — The  President  of  the  Government  is  the  personifica- 
tion of  the  Philippine  people,  and  as  such  he  cannot  be  held  respon- 
sible for  any  act  whilst  he  holds  that  position.  His  position  is 
irrevocable  until  the  Revolution  shall  triumph,  unless  extraordinary 
circumstances  should  compel  him  to  tender  his  resignation  to 
Congress,  in  which  case  only  Congress  shall  elect  whomsoever  is 
esteemed  most  fit. 

Chapter  II 
Of  the  Revolutionary  Congress 

Article  11. — The  Revolutionary  Congress  is  the  assembly  of 
those  deputies  from  the  Philippine  provinces,  elected  in  due  form, 
as  prescribed  in  the  Decree  of  the  18th  inst.  Nevertheless,  if  any 
province  could  not  elect  deputies  because  the  majority  of  its  towns 
had  not  yet  been  able  to  free  themselves  from  Spanish  dominion, 
the  Government  can  nominate  provisional  deputies  chosen  from  the 
persons  of  highest  consideration  by  reason  of  their  education  and 
social  position  up  to  the  number  fixed  by  the  said  Decree,  always 
provided  that  such  persons  shall  have  been  born  or  have  resided  for 
a  long  time  in  the  provinces  to  be  represented. 

Article  12. — When  the  deputies  shall  have  met  in  the  town  and 
in  the  building  to  be  provided  by  the  Revolutionary  Government 
the  preliminary  act  shall  be  the  election  by  majority  of  votes  of  a 


Statutes  of  its  Constitution  451 

commission  of  five  persons  who  shall  examine  the  documents 
accrediting  the  personality  of  each  person,  and  another  commission 
of  three  persons  who  shall  examine  the  documents  exhibited  by  the 
first  commission  of  five. 

Article  13. — The  next  day  the  said  deputies  shall  again  meet 
and  the  two  commissions  shall  read  their  respective  reports  on  the 
validity  of  the  said  documents,  all  doubts  on  the  same  to  be  resolved 
by  an  absolute  majority  of  votes.  They  shall  then  at  once  proceed  to 
the  election,  by  absolute  majority,  of  a  president,  a  vice-president, 
and  two  secretaries,  to  be  chosen  from  among  the  same  deputies, 
after  which  the  Congress  shall  be  held  to  be  constituted,  and  notice 
of  the  same  shall  be  given  to  the  Government. 

Article  14. — The  meeting-place  of  Congress  is  sacred  and  in- 
violable, and  no  armed  force  can  enter  therein  except  on  the 
summons  of  the  President  of  the  Congress  for  the  purpose  of 
restoring  order,  should  the  same  have  been  disturbed  by  those  who 
know  not  how  to  honour  themselves  and  their  solemn  functions. 

Article  15. — The  powers  of  Congress  are  : — To  look  after  the 
general  interests  of  the  Philippine  people  and  the  fulfilment  of  the 
revolutionary  laws ;  to  discuss  and  vote  laws ;  to  discuss  and 
approve,  before  ratification,  all  treaties  and  loans ;  to  examine  and 
approve  the  accounts  of  the  general  expenses  which  shall  be 
presented  annually  by  the  Finance  Secretary  and  to  fix  the 
extraordinary  taxes,  and  others  which,  in  future,  may  be  imposed. 

Article  16. — The  voice  of  Congress  shall  also  be  heard  in  all 
matters  of  grave  importance  the  resolution  of  which  will  admit  of 
delay,  but  the  President  of  the  Government  can  resolve  questions 
of  an  urgent  character,  rendering  an  account  of  his  acts  to  Congress 
by  means  of  a  message. 

Article  17. — Any  Deputy  can  present  a  bill  in  Congress,  and  any 
Secretary  can  do  so  by  order  of  the  President  of  the  Government. 

Article  18. — The  sessions  of  Congress  shall  be  public,  and  only 
in  cases  where  reserve  is  necessary  shall  secret  sessions  be  held. 

Article  19. — The  order  of  debate  and  parliamentary  usages  shall 
be  determined  by  instructions  to  be  formulated  by  Congress.  The 
President  shall  lead  the  debate,  but  shall  not  vote,  unless  there 
fail  to  be  a  majority,  in  which  case  he  shall  give  his  casting  vote. 

Article  20. — The  President  of  the  Government  cannot,  in  any 
manner,  impede  the  meeting  of  Congress,  nor  interfere  with  the 
sessions  of  the  same. 

Article  21. — Congress  shall  appoint  a  permanent  judicial  com- 
mission, to  be  presided  over  by  the  Vice-President,  assisted  by  one 
of  the  Secretaries  and  composed  of  these  persons  and  seven 
assessors,  elected  by  majority  of  votes,  from  among  the  deputies. 
This  commission  shall  revise  the  sentences  given  in  criminal  cases 


452  The  Revolutionary  Government 

by  the  provincial  councils,  and  shall  judge  and  sentence,  without 
right  of  further  appeal,  cases  brought  against  the  Government 
Secretaries,  Provincial  Chiefs  and  Provincial  Councillors. 

Article  22. — In  the  office  of  the  Secretary  to  Congress  there 
shall  be  a  Book  of  Honour,  in  which  shall  be  noted  the  great 
services  rendered  to  the  Fatherland  and  esteemed  as  such  by 
Congress.  Any  Filipino,  military  or  civil,  can  solicit  of  Congress 
inscription  in  the  said  book  on  producing  the  documents  which 
prove  the  praiseworthy  acts  performed  by  him  for  the  good  of  the 
Fatherland  since  the  present  Revolution  began.  For  extraordinary 
services  which  may,  in  future,  be  rendered,  the  Government  will 
propose  the  inscription,  the  proposal  being  accompanied  by  the 
necessary  justification. 

Article  23. — Congress  shall  determine,  on  the  proposal  of  the 
Government,  the  money  rewards  to  be  paid,  once  for  all,  to  the 
families  of  those  who  were  victims  to  duty  and  patriotism  in 
the  execution  of  heroic  acts. 

Article  24. — The  resolutions  of  Congress  shall  not  be  binding 
until  they  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  President  of  the 
Government.  When  the  said  President  shall  consider  any  reso- 
lution undesirable,  or  impracticable,  or  pernicious,  he  shall  state 
his  reasons  to  Congress  for  opposing  its  execution,  and  if  Congress 
still  insist  on  the  resolution  the  said  President  can  outvote  it  on 
his  own  responsibility. 

Chapter  III 
Of  Military  Justice 

Article  25. — When  any  commandant  of  a  detachment  shall 
receive  notice  of  an  individual  in  the  service  having  committed  a 
fault  or  having  performed  any  act  reputed  to  be  a  military  mis- 
demeanour, he  shall  inform  the  Commandant  of  the  District  of  the 
same,  and  this  officer  shall  appoint  a  judge  and  secretary  to  con- 
stitute a  Court  of  Inquiry  in  the  form  prescribed  in  the  instructions 
dated  20th  instant.  If  the  accused  held  the  rank  of  lieutenant,  or 
a  higher  one,  the  same  Commandant  shall  be  the  judge,  and  if  the 
Commandant  himself  were  the  accused  the  Superior  Commandant 
of  the  Province  shall  appoint  as  judge  an  officer  of  a  higher  rank, 
and  if  there  were  none  such  the  same  Commandant  of  the  Province 
shall  open  the  inquiry.  The  judge  shall  always  hold  the  rank  of 
chief. 

Article  26. — When  the  Court  of  Inquiry  has  finished  its  labours, 
the  Superior  Commandant  shall  appoint  three  assistant  judges  of 
equal  or  superior  rank  to  the  judge,  and  a  Court-Martial  shall  be 
composed  of  the  three  assistant  judges,  the  judge,  the  assessor, 
and  the  president.     The  Commandant  of  the  District  shall  be  the 


Statutes  of  its  Constitution  453 

judge  if  the  accused  held  the  rank  of  sergeant,  or  a  lower  one,  and 
the  Superior  Commandant  shall  be  judge  if  the  accused  held  the 
rank  of  lieutenant,  or  a  higher  one.  This  court  shall  pass  sentence 
in  the  same  form  as  the  Provincial  Courts,  but  the  sentence  can  be 
appealed  against  before  the  Superior  Council  of  War. 

Article  27. — The  Superior  Council  of  War  shall  be  composed  of 
six  assistant  judges,  who  shall  hold  the  minimum  rank  of  Brigadier- 
General,  and  the  War  Office  adviser.  If  the  number  of  generals 
residing  in  the  capital  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  be 
insufficient,  the  number  shall  be  made  up  by  deputies  to  be 
appointed  on  commission  by  Congress.  The  President  of  this 
Council  shall  be  the  general  of  the  highest  rank  amongst  them, 
and  if  there  were  more  than  one  of  the  same  rank,  one  shall  be 
elected  by  themselves  by  majority  of  votes. 

Article  28. — The  Superior  Council  shall  judge  and  sentence, 
without  right  of  further  appeal,  Superior  Commandants,  Com- 
mandants of  Districts,  and  all  officers  who  hold  rank  of  Commandant, 
or  a  higher  one. 

Article  29. — Military  misdemeanours  are  the  following  : — 

(1)  Violation  of  the  immunity  due  to  foreigners,  both  as  to 
their  persons  and  their  goods,  and  violation  of  the  privileges 
appertaining  to  sanitary  establishments  and  ambulances,  as  well 
as  the  persons  and  effects  in,  or  belonging  to,  one  or  the  other,  and 
persons  employed  in  the  service  of  the  same  so  long  as  they 
commit  no  hostile  act.  (2)  Want  of  respect  for  the  lives,  money, 
and  jewellery  of  the  enemy  who  surrenders  his  arms,  and  for 
prisoners  of  war.  (3)  The  entry  of  Filipinos  into  the  service  of 
the  enemy  as  spies,  or  to  discover  war  secrets,  make  plans  of  the 
revolutionists1  positions  and  fortifications,  or  present  themselves 
to  parley  without  proving  their  mission  or  their  individuality. 
(4)  Violation  of  the  immunity  due  to  those  who  come  with  this 
mission,  duly  accredited,  in  the  form  prescribed  by  international  law. 

The  following  persons  also  commit  military  misdemeanours : — 

(1)  Those  who  endeavour  to  break  up  the  union  of  the 
revolutionists,  fomenting  rivalry  between  the  chiefs,  and  forming 
divisions  and  armed  bands.  (2)  Those  who  collect  taxes  without 
being  duly  authorized  by  Government,  or  misappropriate  public 
funds.  (3)  Those  who,  being  armed,  surrender  to  the  enemy  or 
commit  any  act  of  cowardice  before  the  same ;  and  (4)  Those 
who  sequester  any  person  who  has  done  no  harm  to  the  Revolution, 
or  violate  women,  or  assassinate,  or  seriously  wound  any  undefended 
persons,  or  commit  robbery  or  arson. 

Article  30. — Those  who  commit  any  of  the  above-named  mis- 
demeanours shall  be  considered  declared  enemies  of  the  Revolution 
and  shall  be  punished  on  the  highest  scale  of  punishment  provided 


454  Message  of  the  Revolutionary  President 

for  in  the  Spanish  Penal  Code.  If  the  misdemeanour  be  not 
provided  for  in  the  said  code,  the  culprit  shall  be  confined  until  the 
Revolution  has  triumphed,  unless  his  crime  shall  have  caused  an 
irreparable  injury  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  court,  would  justify 
the  imposition  of  capital  punishment. 

Additional  Clauses 

Article  31. — The  Government  shall  establish  abroad  a  Revolu- 
tionary Committee,  composed  of  an  indefinite  number  of  the  most 
competent  persons  in  the  Philippine  Archipelago.  This  Com- 
mittee shall  be  divided  into  three  sections,  viz.  : — Of  diplomacy ; 
of  the  navy ;  and  of  the  army.  The  diplomatic  section  shall 
negotiate  with  the  foreign  cabinets  the  recognition  of  belligerency 
and  Philippine  independence.  The  naval  section  shall  be  intrusted 
with  the  study  and  organization  of  a  Philippine  navy  and  prepare 
the  expeditions  which  the  circumstances  of  the  Revolution  may 
require.  The  army  section  shall  study  military  tactics  and  the 
best  form  of  organizing  staff,  artillery  and  engineer  corps,  and  all 
that  is  necessary  to  put  the  Philippine  army  on  a  footing  of 
modern  advancement. 

Article  32. — The  Government  shall  dictate  the  necessary  in- 
structions for  the  execution  of  the  present  decree. 

Article  33. — All  decrees  of  the  Dictatorial  Government  which 
may  be  in  opposition  to  the  present  one  are  hereby  rescinded. 

Given  at  Cavite,  June  23,  1898. 

Emilio  Aguinaldo. 

The  Promulgation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Revolutionary 
Government  was  accompanied  by  a  Message  from  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation  : — 

Message  of  the  President  of  the  Philippine  Revolution 

It  is  an  established  fact  that  a  political  Revolution,  judiciously 
carried  out,  is  the  violent  means  employed  by  nations  to  recover 
the  sovereignty  which  naturally  belongs  to  them,  when  the  same 
has  been  usurped  and  trodden  under  foot  by  tyrannical  and  arbitrary 
government.  Therefore,  the  Philippine  Revolution  cannot  be 
more  justifiable  than  it  is,  because  the  country  has  only  resorted  to 
it  after  having  exhausted  all  peaceful  means  which  reason  and 
experience  dictated. 

The  old  Kings  of  Castile  were  obliged  to  regard  the  Philippines 
as  a  sister  nation  united  to  Spain  by  a  perfect  similarity  of  aims 
and  interests,  so  much  so  that  in  the  Constitution  of  1812, 
promulgated  at  Cadiz,  as  a  consequence  of  the  Spanish  War  of 
Independence,    these    Islands    were    represented    in    the    Spanish 


Message  of  the  Revolutionary  President  455 

Parliament.  But  the  monastic  communities,  always  unconditionally 
propped  up  by  the  Spanish  Government,  stepped  in  to  oppose  the 
sacred  obligation,  and  the  Philippine  Islands  were  excluded  from 
the  Spanish  Constitution,  and  the  country  placed  at  the  mercy  of 
the  discretional  or  arbitrary  powers  of  the  Gov.-General. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  country  clamoured  for  justice, 
and  demanded  of  the  Peninsular  Government  the  recognition  and 
restitution  of  its  secular  rights,  through  reforms  which  should 
gradually  assimilate  it  to  Spain.  But  its  voice  was  soon  stifled, 
and  its  children  were  rewarded  for  their  abnegation  by  punish- 
ment, martyrdom  and  death.  The  religious  corporations,  whose 
interests  were  always  at  variance  with  those  of  the  Filipinos  and 
identified  with  the  Spanish  Government,  ridiculed  these  pretensions, 
calmly  and  persistently  replying  that  liberty  in  Spain  had  only 
been  gained  by  the  sacrifice  of  blood. 

What  other  channel,  then,  was  open  to  the  country  through 
which  to  insist  upon  the  recovery  of  its  lawful  rights  ?  No  other 
remedy  remained  but  the  application  of  force,  and  convinced  of 
this,  it  had  recourse  to  revolution. 

Now  its  demands  are  no  longer  limited  to  assimilation  with  the 
Spanish  Constitution.  It  asks  for  a  definite  separation  therefrom  ; 
it  struggles  for  its  independence,  with  the  certainty  that  the  time 
has  arrived  when  it  is  able  and  ought  to  rule  itself. 

Hence,  it  has  constituted  a  Revolutionary  Government,  based 
on  wise  and  just  laws,  suited  to  the  abnormal  circumstances  it  is 
passing  through,  preparatory  to  the  founding  of  a  real  Republic. 
Accepting  Right  as  the  only  standard  of  its  acts,  Justice  as  its 
sole  aim,  and  honourable  Labour  as  its  sole  means,  it  calls  upon  all 
Filipinos,  without  distinction  of  birth,  and  invites  them  to  unite 
firmly  with  the  object  of  forming  a  noble  society,  not  by  bloodshed, 
nor  by  pompous  titles,  but  by  labour  and  the  personal  merit  of 
each  one ;  a  free  society  where  no  egoism  shall  exist — where  no 
personal  politics  shall  overflow  and  crush,  nor  envy  nor  partiality 
debase,  nor  vain  boasting  nor  charlatanry  throw  it  into  ridicule. 

Nothing  else  could  be  expected  from  a  country  which  has 
proved  by  its  long  suffering  and  courage  in  tribulation  and  danger, 
and  industry  and  studiousness  in  peace,  that  it  is  not  made  for 
slavery.  That  country  is  destined  to  become  great  ;  to  become 
one  of  the  most  solid  instruments  of  Providence  for  ruling  the 
destinies  of  humanity.  That  country  has  resources  and  energy 
sufficient  to  free  itself  from  the  ruin  and  abasement  into  which  the 
Spanish  Government  has  drawn  it,  and  to  claim  a  modest,  though 
worthy,  place  in  the  concert  of  free  nations. 

Given  at  Cavite,  June  23,  1898. 

Emilio  Aguinaldo. 


456  Relations  betiveen  the  rival  parties 

These  public  documents  were  supplemented  by  the  issue,  on  June  27, 
of  "  Instructions,"  signed  by  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  which,  as  they  relate 
solely  to  working  details  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  offices,  are 
of  minor  interest  to  the  general  reader. 

Since  June  30  the  rebels  were  in  possession  of  Coloocan  (the  first 
station — beyond  Manila — on  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway)  and  the 
Manila  suburbs  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Tondo.  The  rebels  purchased  four 
vessels  in  Singapore  and  armed  them,  but,  later  on,  Admiral  Dewey 
forbade  them  to  fly  their  flag  pending  the  ultimate  settlement  of  the 
whole  Philippine  problem.  They  also  took  possession  of  the  waterworks 
of  Santdlan  (near  San  Juan  del  Monte),  but  did  not  cut  off  the  water- 
supply  to  the  capital.  Dissensions  arose  in  the  rebel  camp  between 
Emilio  Aguinaldo  and  the  leaders  Yocson  and  Sandico.  Yocson  was  the 
chief  who  carried  on  the  war  in  the  northern  provinces  during  the  absence 
of  Aguinaldo  and  his  companions  (vide  pp.  399,  407).  The  Americans 
had  no  less  difficulty  in  dealing  with  the  natives  than  with  the  Spaniards. 
There  were  frequent  altercations  between  individual  rebels  and  American 
soldiers  which,  in  one  case  at  least,  near  Cavite,  resulted  very  seriously. 
The  rebels  were  irritated  because  they  considered  themselves  slighted, 
and  that  their  importance  as  a  factor  in  the  hostilities  was  not  duly 
recognized ;  in  reality,  there  was  nothing  for  them  to  do  in  co-operation 
with  the  Americans,  who  at  any  time  could  have  brought  matters  to  a 
crisis  without  them  (by  shelling  the  city)  but  for  considerations  of 
humanity.  Aguinaldo's  enemies  were  naturally  the  Spaniards,  and  he 
kept  his  forces  actively  employed  in  harassing  them  in  the  outlying 
districts;  his  troops  had  just  gained  a  great  victory  in  Dagupan 
(Pangasinan),  where,  on  July  22,  the  whole  Spanish  garrison  and  a 
number  of  civilian  Spaniards  had  to  capitulate  in  due  written  form. 
But  experience  had  taught  him  that  any  day  an  attempt  might  be 
made  to  create  a  rival  faction.  Such  a  contingency  had  been  actually 
provided  for  in  Article  29  of  the  Statutes  of  the  Revolutionary 
Government  already  cited.  Presumably  with  a  view  to  maintaining 
his  prestige  and  keeping  his  individuality  Avell  before  the  people,  he  was 
constantly  issuing  edicts  and  proclamations.  He  was  wise  enough  to 
understand  the  proverbs,  "  L 'union  fait  la  force?  and  "A  house  divided 
against  itself  shall  surely  fall.'"  Not  the  least  of  his  talents  was  that  of 
being  able  to  keep  united  a  force  of  30,000  to  40,000  Filipinos  for  any 
object.  His  proclamation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Revolutionary 
Government  on  June  23  implied  a  declaration  of  independence.  He 
really  sought  to  draw  the  American  authorities  into  a  recognition  of  it ; 
but  he  did  not  seem  to  see,  what  others  saw,  the  inopportunity  of  their 
doing  so  at  that  stage  of  America^  relations  with  Spain.  The  generals 
were  not  the  arbiters  of  the  political  situation.  Then  Aguinaldo 
adopted  a  course  quite  independently  of  the  Great  Power  which  had 
undertaken  the  solution   of  the  Philippine  question,  and  addressed  a 


Appeal  to  the  Powers  for  recognition  457 

Memorandum  to  the  foreign  Governments,  with  a  copy  of  an  Act  of 
Independence.  The  result  was  altogether  negative  ;  not  a  single  Power 
chose  to  embarrass  America,  at  that  critical  period,  by  a  recognition  of 
Aguinaldo's  party.     The  Memorandum  read  as  follows  : — 

{Translation) 
To  the  Powers  : — 

The  Revolutionary  Government  of  the  Philippines,  on  being 
constituted,  explained,  by  means  of  a  message  of  the  23rd  June 
last,  the  real  causes  of  the  Philippine  Revolution,  and  went  on 
to  show  that  this  popular  movement  is  the  result  of  those 
laws  which  regulate  the  life  of  a  nation  ardently  desiring 
progress,  and  the  attainment  of  perfection  by  the  only  possible 
road  of  liberty. 

The  Revolution,  at  the  present  moment,  is  predominant  in 
the  provinces  of  Cavite,  Batangas,  Mindoro,  Tayabas,  La  Laguna, 
Mdrong,  Bulacan,  Bataan,  Pampanga,  Nueva  Ecija,  Tarlac, 
Pangasinan,  La  Union,  La  Infanta,  and  Zambales,  and  is  besieging 
the  capital,  Manila.  In  these  provinces  the  most  perfect  order  and 
tranquillity  reign ;  they  are  administered  by  the  authorities  elected 
by  themselves  in  conformity  with  the  decrees  of  the  18th  and 
23rd  of  June  last. 

Moreover,  the  Revolution  has  about  9,000  prisoners  of  war, 
who  are  treated  with  the  same  consideration  observed  by  cultured 
nations,  agreeably  with  the  sentiments  of  humanity,  and  a  regular 
organized  army  of  more  than  30,000  men  fully  equipped  on  a 
war  footing. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  representatives  of  the  townships 
comprised  within  the  provinces  above  mentioned,  interpreting  the 
popular  will  of  those  who  have  elected  them,  have  proclaimed 
the  Independence  of  the  Philippines,  and  requested  the  Revolu- 
tionary Government  to  petition  and  solicit  of  the  foreign  Powers 
an  acknowledgment  of  their  belligerency  and  independence,  under 
the  conviction  that  the  Philippine  nation  has  arrived  at  that  state 
in  which  it  can  and  ought  to  govern  itself.  As  a  consequence,  the 
annexed  document  has  been  signed  by  the  said  representatives. 
Wherefore  the  undersigned,  using  the  faculties  reserved  to  him 
as  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  of  the  Philippines, 
and  in  the  name  and  representation  of  the  Philippine  nation, 
implores  the  protection  of  all  the  Powers  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  beseeches  them  formally  to  recognize  the  belligerency,  the 
Revolutionary  Government,  and  the  Independence  of  the  Philip- 
pines, because  these  Powers  are  the  bulwarks  designated  by 
Providence  to  maintain  the  equilibrium  amongst  nations  by 
sustaining    the  weak  and    restraining  the   ambitions   of  the   more 


458  Spain  makes  peace  overtures  to  America 

powerful^  in  order  that  the  most  faultless  justice  may  illuminate 
and  render  effective  indefinitely  the  progress  of  humanity. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  in  Bacoor,  in  the  Province  of 
Cavite,  this  6th  day  of  August  1898. 

Emilto  Aguinaldo, 
The  President  of  the  Revolutionary 
Government. 

The  accompanying  Act  of  Independence,  dated  August  1,  1898, 
and  couched  in  the  flowery  language  of  the  preceding  edicts  and 
proclamations,  was  signed  by  those  Filipinos  who  had  been  appointed 
local  presidents  of  the  townships  in  the  provinces  referred  to.  The 
allusion  to  "the  ambitions  of  the  more  powerful'"  could  well  be 
understood  to  signify  an  invitation  to  intervene  in  and  counteract 
America's  projects,  which  might,  hereafter,  clash  with  the  Aguinaldo 
party's  aspirations.  At  the  same  time  a  group  of  agitators,  financed 
by  the  priests  in  and  out  of  the  Islands,  was  straining  every  nerve 
to  disseminate  false  reports  and  create  discord  between  the  rebels 
and  the  Americans,  in  the  hope  of  frustrating  their  coalition.  But, 
even  then,  with  a  hostile  host  before  Manila,  and  the  city  inevitably 
doomed  to  fall,  the  fate  of  Spanish  sovereignty  depended  more  on 
politicians  than  on  warriors. 

In  the  absence  of  a  Spanish  Ambassador  at  Washington  the  French 
and  Austro-Hungarian  Governments  had  accepted,  conjointly,  the  pro- 
tection of  Spanish  subjects  and  interests  in  the  United  States  on  terms 
set  forth  in  the  French  Ambassadors  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
in  Washington,  dated  April  22,  1898.  In  August  the  city  of  Santiago 
de  Cuba  was  beleaguered  by  the  Americans  under  General  Shaffer ; 
the  forts  had  been  destroyed  by  Admirals  Schley  and  Sampson  ;  General 
Linares,  in  command  there,  had  been  wounded  and  placed  hors  de 
combat ;  the  large  force  of  Spanish  troops  within  the  walls  was  well 
armed  and  munitioned,  but  being  half-starved,  the  morale  of  the  rank- 
and-file  was  at  a  low  ebb,  and  General  Toral,  who  succeeded  General 
Linares,  capitulated.  The  final  blow  to  Spanish  power  and  hopes  in 
Cuba  was  the  destruction  of  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet  outside  the  port 
of  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Cuba  was  lost  to  Spain.  No  material  advantage 
could  then  possibly  accrue  to  any  of  the  parties  by  a  prolongation  of 
hostilities,  and  on  July  22  the  Spanish  Government  addressed  a  Message 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States  (Mr.  William  McKinley)  to 
inquire  on  what  terms  peace  might  be  re-established  between  the  two 
countries.  In  reply  to  this  inquiry  the  U.S.  Secretary  of  State  sent 
a  despatch,  dated  July  30,  conveying  an  outline  of  the  terms  to  be 
stipulated.  The  French  Ambassador  at  Washington,  M.  Jules  Cambon, 
having  been  specially  appointed  "  plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  and 
sign,1'  by  decree  of  the  Queen-Regent  of  Spain,  dated  August  11,  1898? 


Spanish- American  Protocol  of  Peace  459 

peace  negotiations  were  entered  into,  and  a  Protocol  was  signed  by 
him  and  the  U.S.  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  William  R.  Day,  for  their 
respective  Governments  at  4.25  p.m.  on  August  12,  1898.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  the  exact  hour  and  date,  in  view  of  subsequent 
events. 

PROTOCOL  OF   PEACE 

The  English  Text l 

Article  1. — Spain  will  relinquish  all  claim  of  sovereignty  over 
and  title  to  Cuba. 

Article  2. — Spain  will  cede  to  the  United  States  the  Island 
of  Porto  Rico  and  other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty 
in  the  West  Indies,  and  also  an  island  in  the  Ladrones  to  be 
selected  by  the  United  States. 

Article  3. — The  United  States  7cill  occupy  and  hold  the  city, 
bay,  and  harbour  of  Manila,  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty 
of  peace  xvhich  shall  determine  the  control,  disposition,  and  govern- 
ment of  the  Philippines. 

Article  4. — Spain  will  immediately  evacuate  Cuba,  Porto  Rico, 
and  other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  West 
Indies ;  and  to  this  end  each  Government  will,  within  ten  days 
after  the  signing  of  this  protocol,  appoint  Commissioners,  and 
the  Commissioners  so  appointed  shall,  within  30  days  after  the 
signing  of  this  protocol,  meet  at  Havana  for  the  purpose  of 
arranging  and  carrying  out  the  details  of  the  aforesaid  evacuation 
of  Cuba  and  the  adjacent  Spanish  islands  ;  and  each  Government 
will,  within  ten  days  after  the  signing  of  this  protocol,  also  appoint 
other  Commissioners,  who  shall,  within  30  days  after  the  signing 
of  this  protocol,  meet  at  San  Juan,  in  Porto  Rico,  for  the  purpose 
of  arranging  and  carrying  out  the  details  of  the  aforesaid  evacua- 
tion of  Porto  Rico  and  other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty 
in  the  West  Indies. 

Article  5. — The  United  States  and  Spain  will  each  appoint  not 
more  than  five  Commissioners  to  treat  of  peace,  and  the  Com- 
missioners so  appointed  shall  meet  at  Paris  not  later  than  October 
1,  1898,  and  proceed  to  the  negotiation  and  conclusion  of  a  treaty 
of  peace,  which  treaty  shall  be  subject  to  ratification  according  to 
the  respective  constitutional  forms  of  the  two  countries. 

Article  6. — Upon  the  conclusion  and  signing  of  this  protocol, 
hostilities  between  the  two  countries  shall  be  suspended,  and  notice 
to  that  effect  shall  be  given  as  soon  as  possible  by  each  Government 
to  the  commanders  of  its  military  and  naval  forces. 

1   Vide  Senate  Document  No.  62,  Part  II.,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  282. 
Published  by  the  Government  Printing  Office,  Ayashington,  1899. 


460  Preparations  for  the  attack  on  Manila 

Done  at  Washington  in  duplicate,  in  English  and  in  French,  by 
the  undersigned,  who  have  hereunto  set  their  hands  and  seals,  the 
12th  day  of  August,  1898. 

William  R.  Day. 

Jules  Cambon. 

For  a  month  before  the  Protocol  was  signed  the  relations  between 
Spaniards  and  Americans  were  verging  towards  a  crisis.  The  respective 
land  forces  were  ever  on  the  point  of  precipitating  the  end.  General 
F.  V.  Greene  had  his  brigade  encamped  along  the  Cavite-Manila  road, 
about  %\  miles  from  the  Spanish  fort  at  Malate,  with  outposts  thrown 
forward  to  protect  the  camp.  The  rebel  lines  were  situated  nearer  to 
Manila,  between  the  Americans  and  Spaniards.  On  July  28  General 
Greene  took  possession  of  a  line,  from  the  road  already  occupied  by  his 
forces,  in  front  of  the  rebels'  advanced  position,  to  be  ready  to  start 
operations  for  the  reduction  of  Manila.  The  American  soldiers  worked 
for  three  days  at  making  trenches,  almost  unmolested  by  the  Spaniards, 
who  had  a  strong  line  of  breastworks  not  more  than  1,000  yards  in 
front.     No  Americans  were  killed  or  wounded  whilst  so  working. 

On  July  31,  at  11  p.m.,  the  Spaniards  opened  a  furious  infantry  and 
artillery  fire  upon  the  American  lines  and  kept  it  up  for  two  hours. 
Fort  San  Antonio  Abad  (Malate)  with  five  guns,  Blockhouse  No.  14 
with  two  guns,  and  connecting  infantry  trenches,  concentrated  fire  upon 
the  American  breastworks,  which  caused  considerable  annoyance  to  the 
Americans.  The  night  was  pitch-dark,  it  rained  in  torrents,  there  was 
mud  and  water  everywhere,  and  the  ground  was  too  flat  to  drain.  The 
10th  Pennsylvania  Regiment  and  four  guns  of  the  Utah  Batteries 
occupied  the  American  line,  with  two  batteries  of  the  3rd  Foot 
Artillery  in  reserve.  The  last  was  brought  up  under  a  heavy  fire,  and 
taking  up  a  position  on  the  right,  silenced  the  Spaniards,  who  were 
pouring  in  a  flanking  fire.  The  whole  camp  was  under  arms,  and 
ammunition  and  reinforcements  were  sent.  The  regiments  were  stand- 
ing expectantly  in  the  rain.  The  1st  California  was  ordered  forward, 
the  bugle  sounded  the  advance,  the  whole  camp  cheered,  and  the  men 
were  delighted  at  the  idea  of  meeting  the  enemy.  Over  a  flat  ground 
the  American  troops  advanced  under  a  heavy  Spanish  fire  of  shell  and 
Mauser  rifles,  but  they  were  steady  and  checked  the  Spaniards'  attack. 

General  Greene  went  fonvard  to  the  trenches,  firing  was  exchanged, 
and  the  wounded  were  being  brought  back  from  the  front  in  carromatas. 
The  contending  parties  were  separated  by  bamboo  thickets  and 
swamp.  The  Americans  lost  that  night  10  killed  and  30  wounded. 
The  Spanish  loss  was  much  heavier.  Most  of  the  Americans  killed 
were  shot  in  the  head.  The  Mauser  bullet  has  great  penetrating  power, 
but  does  not  kill  well ;  in  fact  it  often  makes  a  small  wound  which 
hardly  bleeds.     As  pointed  out  at  p.  369,  four  Mauser  bullets  passed 


Surrender  of  the  City  is   again  demanded  461 

right  through  Sancho  Valenzuela  at  his  execution  and  left  him  still 
alive.  Captain  Hobbs,  of  the  3rd  Artillery,  was  shot  through  the  thigh 
at  night,  and  only  the  next  morning  saw  the  nature  of  the  wound. 

During  the  following  week  the  Spaniards  made  three  more  night- 
attacks,  the  total  killed  and  wounded  Americans  amounting  to  10  men. 
The  American  soldiers  were  not  allowed  to  return  the  fire,  unless  the 
Spaniards  were  evidently  about  to  rush  the  breastworks.  There  was 
some  grumbling  in  the  camp.  The  Spaniards,  however,  got  tired  of 
firing  to  so  little  purpose,  and  after  the  third  night  there  was  silence. 
Meanwhile,  in  the  daytime  the  Americans  went  on  strengthening  their 
line  without  being  molested. 

On  August  7  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  sent  a  joint 
note  to  the  Captain-General  in  Manila,  giving  him  48  hours  to  remove 
women  and  children,  as,  at  any  time  after  that,  the  city  might  be 
bombarded.  The  Captain-General  replied  thanking  the  Admiral  and 
General  for  their  kind  consideration,  but  pointed  out  that  he  had  no 
ships,  and  to  send  the  women  and  children  inland  would  be  to  place 
them  at  the  mercy  of  the  rebels.  On  the  expiration  of  the  48  hours1 
notice,  i.e.,  at  noon  on  August  9,  another  joint  note  was  addressed  to 
General  Augusti,  pointing  out  the  hopelessness  of  his  holding  out  and 
formally  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  city,  so  that  life  and  property 
of  defenceless  persons  might  be  spared.  The  Captain-General  replied 
requesting  the  American  commanders  to  apply  to  Madrid  ;  but  this 
proposal  being  rejected,  the  correspondence  ceased. 

On  August  11a  Council  of  War  was  held  between  Generals  Merritt, 
Anderson,  Mc Arthur,  and  Greene,  and  the  plan  of  combined  attack 
arranged  between  General  Merritt  and  Admiral  Dewey  was  explained. 
For  some  hours  a  storm  prevented  the  landing  of  more  American  troops 
with  supplies,  but  these  were  later  on  landed  at  Paranaque  when  the 
weather  cleared  up,  and  were  hurriedly  sent  on  to  the  camp,  where 
preparations  were  being  made  for  the  assault  on  the  city. 

Whilst  the  Protocol  was  being  signed  in  Washington  the  American 
troops  were  entrenched  about  350  yards  from  the  Spaniards,  who  were 
prepared  to  make  their  last  stand  at  the  Fort  San  Antonio  Abad 
(Malate).  From  the  morning  of  that  day  there  were  apparent  signs 
of  an  intended  sortie  by  the  Spaniards,  and,  in  view  of  this,  the  rebels 
marched  towards  the  American  lines,  but  were  requested  to  withdraw. 
Indeed,  the  native  forces  were  only  too  anxious  to  co-operate  with  the 
American  troops,  or  at  least,  to  have  the  semblance  of  doing  so,  in 
order  to  justify  their  claim  to  enter  the  beleaguered  city  as  allies  of 
the  invaders.  General  Merritt,  however,  discouraged  any  such  alliance, 
and  issued  precise  orders  to  his  subordinate  officers  to  avoid,  as  much  as 
possible,  all  negotiation  with  the  Aguinaldo  party. 

Why  the  Spaniards  were  still  holding  the  city  of  Manila  at  this  date 
is  perhaps  best  understood  by  the  Americans.     To  the  casual  observer 


462  The  attack  on  Manila  {Aug.   13,  1898) 

it  would  have  appeared  expedient  to  have  made  the  possession  of 
Manila  a  fait  accompli  before  the  Protocol  of  Peace  was  signed.  The 
Americans  had  a  large  and  powerful  fleet  in  Manila  Bay ;  they  were  in 
possession  of  Cavite,  the  arsenal  and  forts,  and  they  had  a  large  army 
under  Maj. -General  Merritt  and  his  staff.  General  Augusti  was,  for 
weeks  previous,  personally  disposed  to  surrender,  and  only  refused  to 
do  so  as  a  matter  of  form,  hence  the  same  means  as  were  finally 
employed  could  apparently  have  brought  about  the  same  result  at 
an  earlier  date.1  The  only  hope  the  Spaniards  could  entertain  was  a 
possible  benefit  to  be  derived  from  international  complication.  From 
the  tone  of  several  of  the  Captain-General's  despatches,  published  in 
Madrid,  one  may  deduce  that  capitulation  to  a  recognized  Power  would 
have  relieved  him  of  the  tremendous  anxiety  as  to  what  would  befall 
the  city  if  the  rebels  did  enter.  It  is  known  that,  before  the  bombard- 
ment, Admiral  Dewey  and  his  colleagues  had  given  the  humane  and 
considerate  assurance  that  the  city  should  not  be  left  to  the  mercy  of 
the  revolutionary  forces. 

The  next  day,  Saturday,  August  13,  the  Americans  again  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  city  within  an  hour,  which  was  refused,  according 
to  Spanish  custom.  Without  the  slenderest  hope  of  holding  the  city 
against  the  invaders,  the  Spaniards  preconcerted  a  human  sacrifice,2 
under  the  fallacious  impression  that  the  salvation  of  their  honour 
demanded  it,  and  operations  commenced  at  9.45  a.m.  The  ships 
present  at  the  attack  were  the  Olympia  (flagship),  Monterey,  Raleigh, 
McCulloch,  Petrel,  Charleston,  Baltimore,  Boston,  and  Concord,  with  the 
little  gunboat  Rapido,  and  the  captured  (Spanish)  gunboat  Callao,  and 
the  armed  steam-launch  Barcelo.  The  Concord  watched  the  Fort 
Santiago  at  the  Pasig;  River  entrance.  The  American  commanders 
confined  the  bombardment  to  the  forts  and  trenches  situated  to  the 
south  of  the  city.  The  whole  of  the  walled  city  and  the  trading  quarter 
of  Binondo  were  undamaged.  The  fighting-line  was  led  by  the  Olympia, 
which  sent  4-inch  shells  in  the  direction  of  the  fort  at  Malate  (San 
Antonio  de  Abad).  A  heavy  shower  of  rain  made  it  difficult  to  get 
the  range,  and  every  shell  fell  short.  The  Petrel  then  took  up  position 
and  shelled  the  fort  with  varying  result,  followed  by  the  Raleigh.  The 
Rapido  and  the  Callao,  being  of  light  draught,  were  able  to  lie  close  in 
shore  and  pour  in  a  raking  fire  from  their  small-calibre  guns  with 
considerable  effect.  The  distance  between  the  ships  and  the  fort  was 
about  3,500  yards,  and,  as  soon  as  this  was  correctly  ascertained,  the 

1  Captain  T.  Bentley  Mott,  A.D.C.  to  General  Merritt,  writing  in  Seribner'x 
Magazine  (December,  1898)  says :— "  Neither  the  fleet  nor  the  army  was,  at 
"  this  time,  ready  for  a  general  engagement.  The  army  did  not  have,  all  told, 
"  enough  ammunition  for  more  than  one  day  of  hard  fighting,  and  only  a  part  of 
"  this  was  in  the  camp."  Admiral  Dewey  had  then  been  in  possession  of  Manila 
bay  and  port  three  months  and  12  days. 

-  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  G2,  Part  II.,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  491. 


Combined  military  and  naval  action  463 

projectiles  had  a  telling  effect  on  the  enemy's  battery  and  earthworks. 
The  Olympia  hurled  about  70  5-inch  shells  and  16  8-inch  shells,  and 
the  Petrel  and  the  Raleigh  about  the  same  number  each.  There  was 
rather  a  heavy  wash  in  the  bay  for  the  little  Callao  and  the  Barcelo, 
but  they  were  all  the  time  capering  about,  pouring  a  hail  of  small  shell 
whenever  they  had  a  chance.  The  Spaniards  at  Malate  returned  the 
fire  and  struck  the  Callao  without  doing  any  damage.  The  transport 
Zajiro  lay  between  the  fighting-line  and  the  shore,  having  on  board 
General  Merritt,  his  staff',  and  a  volunteer  regiment.  The  transport 
Kiconghoi  was  also  in  readiness  with  a  landing-party  of  troops  on  board. 
In  another  steamer  were  the  correspondents  of  the  London  Times  and 
New  York  Herald,  and  the  special  artists  of  the  Century  Magazine 
and  the  Herald.  The  field  artillery  took  no  part  in  the  operations. 
The  shelling  of  the  Fort  San  Antonio  Abad  from  the  ships  lasted  until 
about  11  a.m.,  when  the  general  signal  was  given  to  cease  firing.  One 
shell,  from  Malate,  reached  the  American  camp.  The  firing  from  the 
ships  had  caused  the  Spaniards  to  fall  back.  General  Greene  then 
ordered  the  1st  Colorado  to  advance.  Two  companies  deployed  over 
a  swamp  and  went  along  the  beach  under  cover  of  the  Utah  Batterv. 
Two  other  companies  advanced  in  column  towards  the  Spanish  entrench- 
ments with  colours  flying  and  bands  of  music  playing  lively  tunes. 
The  first  and  second  companies  fired  volleys  to  cover  the  advance  of 
the  other  columns.  They  crossed  the  little  creek,  near  Malate,  in  front 
of  the  fort ;  then,  by  rushes,  they  reached  the  fort,  which  they  entered, 
followed  by  the  other  troops,  only  to  find  it  deserted.  The  Spaniards 
had  retreated  to  a  breastwork  at  the  rear  of  the  fort,  where  they  kept 
up  a  desultory  fire  at  the  Colorado  troops,  killing  one  man  and  wound- 
ing several.  Fort  San  Antonio  Abad  was  now  in  possession  of  the 
1st  Colorado  under  Lieut. -Colonel  McCoy,  who  climbed  up  the  flag- 
staff, hauled  down  the  Spanish  flag,  and  hoisted  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
amidst  cheers  from  the  army  and  fleet. 

Four  companies  of  the  1st  Colorado  advanced  across  the  fields, 
entered  the  Spanish  trenches,  crossed  the  bridge,  and  moved  up  the 
road,  the  Spaniards  still  keeping  up  an  ineffective  fire  from  long  range. 

The  3rd  Colorado  came  up  with  a  band  of  music,  and  then  the  whole 
regiment  deployed  in  skirmishing  order  and  maintained  a  continual  rifle 
fire  until  they  halted  on  the  Luneta  Esplanade.  The  band  took  up 
a  position  in  an  old  Spanish  trench  and  played  as  the  troops  filed  past 
along  the  beach.  The  Spaniards  were  gradually  falling  back  on  the  city, 
and  the  rebels  who  were  located  near  the  Spanish  lines  continued  the 
attack  ;  but  the  Americans  gave  them  the  order  to  cease  firing,  which  they 
would  not  heed.  The  Americans  thereupon  turned  their  guns  upon  the 
rebels,  who  showed  an  inclination  to  fight.  Neither,  however,  cared  to  fire 
the  first  shot ;  so  the  rebels,  taking  another  road,  drove  the  Spaniards, 
in  confusion,  as  far  as  Ermita,  when  Emilio  Aguinaldo  ordered  his  men 


464  Spain's  blood-sacrifice  to  honour 

to  cease  firing  as  they  were  just  outside  the  city  walls.  The  rebel 
commander  had  received  strict  orders  not  to  let  his  forces  enter  Manila. 
The  American  troops  then  developed  the  attack,  the  Spaniards  making, 
at  first,  a  stubborn  resistance,  apparently  for  appearance1  sake,  for  the 
fight  soon  ended  when  the  Spaniards  in  the  city  hoisted  the  white  flag 
on  a  bastion  of  the  old  walls.  Orders  were  then  given  to  cease  firing, 
and  by  one  o'clock  the  terms  of  capitulation  were  being  negotiated. 
General  F.  V.  Greene  then  sent  an  order  to  the  troops  for  the  rear  regi- 
ments to  muster  on  the  Luneta  Esplanade,  and  there  half  the  American 
army  waited  in  silent  expectation.  The  Spanish  entrenchments  extended 
out  from  the  city  walls  in  different  directions  as  far  as  three  miles. 
The  defenders  were  about  2,500  in  number,  composed  of  Spanish  regular 
troops,  volunteers,  and  native  auxiliaries  ;  about  the  same  number  of 
troops  being  in  the  hospitals  inside  the  city.  The  opponent  force 
amounted  to  about  15,000  rebels  and  10,000  Americans  ashore  and 
afloat.  The  attacking  guns  threw  heavier  shot  and  had  a  longer  range 
than  the  Spanish  artillery.  The  Americans  were  also  better  marksmen 
than  the  Spaniards.  They  were,  moreover,  better  fed  and  in  a  superior 
condition  generally.  The  Americans  were  buoyed  up  with  the  moral 
certainty  of  gaining  an  easy  victory,  whereas  the  wearied  Spaniards 
had  long  ago  despaired  of  reinforcements  coming  to  their  aid  ;  hence  their 
defence  in  this  hopeless  struggle  was  merely  nominal  for  "  the  honour 
of  the  country." 

For  some  time  after  the  white  flag  was  hoisted  there  was  street- 
fighting  between  the  rebels  and  the  loyals.  The  rattle  of  musketry 
was  heard  all  round  the  outskirts.  The  rebels  had  taken  300  to 
400  Spanish  prisoners  and  seized  a  large  quantity  of  stores.  General 
Basilio  Augusti,  who  was  personally  averse  to  useless  bloodshed, 
relinquished  his  command  of  the  Colony  about  a  week  prior  to  the 
capitulation.  Just  before  the  attack  on  the  city  he  went  on  board  a 
German  steam-launch  which  was  waiting  for  him  and  was  conveyed  to 
the  German  cruiser  Kaiserin  Atigiista,  which  at  once  steamed  out  of  the 
bay  northwards.  General  Fermin  Jaudenes  remained  as  acting-Captain- 
General.1  Brig. -General  of  Volunteers  and  Insp. -General  Charles  A. 
Whittier  and  Lieutenant  Brumby  then  went  ashore  in  the  Belgian 
Consul's  launch,  and  on  landing  they  were  met  by  an  interpreter,  Carlos 
Casademunt,  and  two  officers,  who  accompanied  them  to  the  house  of 
the  acting-Captain-General,  with  whom  the  draft  terms  of  capitulation 
were  agreed  upon.  In  his  evidence  before  the  Peace  Commission  at 
Paris,  General  Whittier  said  :  "  I  think  the  Captain-General  was  much 
"  frightened.  He  reported  in  great  trepidation  that  the  insurgents 
"  were  coming  into  the  city,  and  I  said  that  I  knew  that  that  was 
"  impossible  because  such  precautions  had  been  taken  as  rendered  it  so. 

1  "The  Spanish  Commander-in-Chief  fled  from  the  city  shortly  hefore  it  was 
attacked."     Senate  Document  62,  Part  II.,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  146. 


Capitulation  of  Manila  {Aug.  14,   1898)  465 

"  His  fear  and  solicitude  about  the  natives  entering  the  city  when  I 
"  received  the  surrender  of  Manila  were  almost  painful  to  witness.11 
Lieutenant  Brumby  returned  to  Admiral  Dewey  to  report,  and  again 
went  ashore  with  General  Merritt.  In  the  meantime  General  Jaudenes 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  sacristy  of  a  church  which  was  filled  with  women 
and  children,  presumably  with  the  wise  object  of  keeping  clear  of  the 
unrestrained  mobs  fighting  in  the  suburbs.  For  some  time  the  Spanish 
officers  refused  to  reveal  his  whereabouts,  but  eventually  he  and  General 
Merritt  met,  and  on  August  14  the  terms  of  the  Capitulation  were 
signed  between  General  Nicolas  de  la  Peila  y  Cuellas  and  Colonels  Jose 
Maria  Olaguer  Tellin  and  Carlos  Rey  y  Rich,  as  Commissioners  for 
Spain,  and  Generals  F.  V.  Greene  and  Charles  A.  Whittier,  Colonel 
Crowder,  and  Captain  Lamberton,  U.S.N. ,  as  Commissioners  for  the 
United  States.  The  most  important  conditions  embodied  in  the 
Capitulation  are  as  follows,  viz. : — 

1.  The  surrender  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago. 

2.  Officers  to  be  allowed  to  retain  their  swords  and  personal 
effects,  but  not  their  horses. 

3.  Officers  to  be  prisoners  of  war  on  parole. 

4.  The  troops  to  be  prisoners  of  war  and  to  deposit  their  arms 
at  a  place  to  be  appointed  by  General  Merritt. 

5.  All  necessary  supplies  for  their  maintenance  to  be  provided 
from  the  public  Treasury  funds,  and  after  they  are  exhausted,  by 
the  United  States. 

6.  All  public  property  to  be  surrendered. 

7.  The  disposal  of  the  troops  to  be  negotiated,  later  on,  by  the 
United  States  and  Spanish  Governments. 

8.  Arms  to  be  returned  to  the  troops  at  General  Merritfs 
discretion. 

The  Capitulation  having  been  signed,  Lieutenant  Brumby  immedi- 
ately went  to  Fort  Santiago  with  two  signalmen  from  the  Olympia  and 
lowered  the  Spanish  flag,  which  had  been  flying  there  all  day.  Many 
Spanish  officers  and  a  general  crowd  from  the  streets  stood  around,  and 
as  he  drew  near  to  the  flagstaff  he  was  hissed  by  the  onlookers.  When 
the  orange-and-red  banner  was  actually  replaced  by  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  many  in  the  crowd  shed  tears.  The  symbol  of  Spanish  sovereignty 
had  disappeared  for  ever.  The  attitude  of  the  mob  was  not  reassuring, 
so  Lieutenant  Brumby  asked  an  infantry  officer  who  was  present  to 
bring  his  detachment  as  a  guard.  A  company  of  infantry  happened  to 
be  coming  along,  and  presented  arms,  whilst  the  band,  playing  "  The 
Star-spangled  Banner,"  enlivened  this  dramatic  ceremony.  Whilst  this 
was  going  on  the  Spaniards  hoisted  the  Spanish  flag  on  the  transport 
Cebd  and  brought  it  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig  River,  where  they 
set  fire  to  it.     A  party  of  American  marines  boarded  her,  hauled  down 

30 


466  Americans  in  possession  of  Manila 

the  Spanish  flag,  and  tried  to  save  the  hull,  but  it  was  too  far  consumed. 
The  Spaniards  also  destroyed  barges  and  other  Government  property 
lying  in  the  river. 

In  the  official  reports  furnished  by  Generals  T.  M.  Anderson  and 
A.  McArthur  and  published  in  America,  the  total  casualties  on  the 
American  side  are  stated  to  be  as  folloAvs,  viz. : — On  August  13,  five 
killed  and  43  wounded.  Previous  to  this  in  the  trenches  there  were 
14  killed  and  60  wounded,  making  a  total  of  122. 

The  approximate  number  of  European  Spanish  troops  in  the 
Archipelago  during  the  year  1898  would  stand  thus  : — 

Total  of  troops  under  Gen.  Primo  de  Rivera  in  January,  1898,  say     25,000 

Shipped  back  to  Spain  by  Gen.  Primo  de  Rivera  after  Aguinaldo's 

withdrawal  to  Hong-Kong  {vide  p.  400) 7,000 

At  the  date  of  the  Capitulation  of  Manila 

Prisoners  (regular  troops)  in  hands  of  the  rebels  .  .  .  8,000 

Detachments  in  the  Luzon  Provinces  (subsequently  surrendered  to, 

or  killed  by,  the  rebels) 1,000 

Killed  or  mortally  wounded  in  general  combat       ....  1,000 

Wounded  and  diseased  in  Manila  hospitals 2,600 

Approximate  total  in  Visayas  and  Mindanao  Island  (General  Rios' 

jurisdiction) 3,000 

Approximate  total  of  able-bodied  troops  in   Manila,   prisoners  of 

war  (to  America),  up  to  December  10,  1898    ....  2,400 

25,000 


General  F.  V.  Greene  marched  his  troops  down  the  Calzada  and 
entered  the  walled  city,  where  he  massed  his  forces.  Sentinels  were 
placed  at  all  the  city  gates  ;  some  rebels  got  inside  the  city,  but  were 
disarmed  and  sent  out  again.  At  7  p.m.  the  American  troops  took  up 
their  quarters  in  public  buildings,  porches,  and  even  on  the  streets,  for 
they  were  tired  out.  One  might  have  imagined  it  to  be  a  great  British 
festival,  for  the  streets  were  bedecked  everywhere  with  the  British 
colours  displayed  by  the  Chinese  who  were  under  British  protection. 
That  night  General  Merritt,  General  Greene  and  the  staff  officers  were 
served  at  dinner  by  the  late  Captain-General's  servants  in  the  Town 
Hall  (Ptoza  de  la  Catedral),  the  splendid  marble  entrance  of  which 
became  temporarily  a  depot  for  captured  arms,  ammunition,  and 
accoutrements  of  war. 

No  hostile  feeling  was  shown  by  Spaniards  of  any  class.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  city  looked  remarkably  well  after  the  105  days'  siege. 
Trade  was  absolutely  at  a  standstill,  and  American  troops  were  drafted 
out  of  the  walled  city  to  occupy  the  commercial  quarter  of  Binondo  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  government  of  the  city  was  at  once 
taken  over  by  Maj. -General  Wesley  Merritt,  appointments  being  made 
by  him  to  the  principal  departments  as  follows,  viz. : — 


First  measures  of  administration  467 

By  General  Order  dated  August  15,  Brig. -General  T.  M.  Anderson 
became  Commandant  of  the  Cavite  district,  the  garrison  of  which  would 
be  increased  on  the  arrival  of  the  transports  on  the  way.  Brig. -General 
Arthur  McArthur  became  Military  Commandant  of  the  walled  city  of 
Manila  and  Provost-Marshal  of  the  city  of  Manila,  including  all  the 
suburbs,  his  barracks  and  staff-quarters  to  be  within  the  walled  city. 
The  Commandant  was  to  take  over  the  offices,  staff,  and  functions  of 
the  late  Civil  Governor.  Colonel  Ovenshine  became  Deputy  Provost- 
Marshal  of  the  walled  city  south  of  the  river ;  Colonel  James  S.  Smith 
was  appointed  Deputy  Provost- Marshal  of  Binondo  and  all  districts 
situated  north  of  the  river. 

By  General  Order  dated  August  16,  Brig.-General  F.  V.  Greene 
became  Treasurer-General ;  Brig.-General  of  Volunteers  C.  A.  Whittier 
was  nominated  Commissioner  of  Customs. 

By  General  Order  dated  August  15,  it  was  provided  that  within  10 
days  a  complete  list  should  be  sent  to  Washington  of  all  public 
establishments  and  properties  of  every  description,  including  horses ; 
that  all  private  property,  including  horses,  would  be  respected,  and 
that  lodging  for  the  prisoners  of  war  would  be  provided  by  the  Military 
Commandant  of  the  city  in  the  public  buildings  and  barracks  not 
required  for  the  American  troops.  Colonel  C.  M.  C.  Reeve  was  appointed 
Chief  of  Police,  with  the  13th  Regiment  of  Volunteer  Minnesota 
Infantry  for  this  service. 

On  August  16  a  notice  was  placarded  outside  the  General  Post  Office 
to  the  effect  that,  as  all  the  Spanish  staff  had  refused  to  work  for  the 
Americans,  the  local  and  provincial  correspondence  could  not  be 
attended  to.     This  was,  however,  soon  remedied. 

In  an  order  issued  on  August  22  it  was  enacted  that  all  natives  and 
all  Spanish  soldiers  were  to  be  disarmed  before  they  were  admitted  into 
the  walled  city.  The  insurgent  troops  were  included  in  the  above 
category,  but  their  arms  were  restored  to  them  on  their  leaving  the  city. 
An  exception  was  made  in  favour  of  the  insurgent  officers,  from  the 
grade  of  lieutenant  upwards,  who  were  permitted  to  enter  and  leave 
Manila  with  their  swords  and  revolvers. 

On  August  25  a  provisional  agreement  was  entered  into  between 
the  American  authorities  and  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  to  remain  in  force 
pending  the  result  of  the  Paris  Peace  Commission,  whereby  their 
respective  spheres  were  defined.  The  Americans  retained  jurisdiction 
over  Manila  City,  Binondo,  the  right  bank  of  the  Pasig  River  up  to  the 
Calzada  de  Iris  and  thence  to  Malacanan,  which  was  included.  The 
remaining  districts  were  necessarily  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  there 
being  no  recognized  independent  government  in  Luzon  other  than  the 
American  military  occupation  of  the  capital  and  environs. 

Towards  the  end  of  August,  the  American  Commander-in-Chief, 
Maj. -General    Wesley    Merritt,  quitted  the    Islands  in    order   to  give 


468  Trade  resumed — Liberty  of  the  P?~ess 

evidence  before  the  Peace  Commission  at  Paris,  after  having  appointed 
General  E.  S.  Otis  to  be  the  first  Military  Governor  of  Manila. 

The  British  Consul,  Mr.  E.  A.  Rawson  Walker,  who  had  rendered 
such  excellent  service  to  both  the  contending  parties,  died  of  dysentery 
in  the  month  of  August,  and  was  buried  at  Paco  cemetery. 

Philippine  refugees  returned  to  the  Islands  in  large  numbers,  but  the 
American  authorities  notified  the  Consul  in  Hong-Kong  that  only  those 
Chinese  who  could  prove  to  his  satisfaction  previous  residence  in  Manila 
would  be  allowed  to  return  there. 

Trading  operations  were  resumed  immediately  after  the  capitulation, 
and  the  first  shipment  of  cigars  made  after  that  date  was  a  parcel 
of  140,000  exported  to  Singapore  in  the  first  week  of  September  and 
consigned  to  the  Tabaqueria  Universal.  Business  in  Manila,  little  bv 
little,  resumed  its  usual  aspect.  The  old  Spanish  newspapers  continued 
to  be  published,  and  some  of  them,  especially  El  Comereio,  were 
enterprising  enough  to  print  alternate  columns  of  English  and  Spanish, 
and,  occasionally,  a  few  advertisements  in  very  amusing  broken  English. 
Two  rebel  organs,  La  Independencia  and  La  Republica  Filipina,  soon 
appeared.  They  were  shortly  followed  by  a  number  of  periodicals  of 
minor  importance,  such  as  El  Soldado  Espauol,  La  Restauracion  (a 
Carlist  organ),  The  Kon  Leche,  El  Corneta  and  El  Motin  (satirical 
papers)  and  two  American  papers,  viz.,  The  Manila  American  and  The 
Manila  Times.  Liberty  of  the  press  was  such  a  novelty  in  Manila  that 
La  Voz  Espanola  over-stepped  the  bounds  of  prudence  and  started  a 
press  campaign  against  the  Americans.  Delgado,  the  editor,  after 
repeated  Avarnings  from  the  Provost-Marshal,  was  at  length  arrested. 
The  paper  was  suppressed  for  abusing  the  Americans  from  the  President 
downwards,  and  publishing  matter  calculated  to  incite  the  Spanish 
inhabitants  to  riot.  The  capital  was  seething  with  opposition  to  the 
new  conditions  ;  many  were  arrested,  but  few  lamented  the  incarceration, 
for  the  prison  was  the  porch  which  led  to  fame,  and  through  it  all  who 
were  ambitious  to  rise  from  obscurity  had  to  pass.  Moreover,  imprison- 
ment (for  mere  trifles)  was  such  a  commonplace  event  in  Spanish  times 
that  no  native  lost  caste  by  the  experience  of  it,  unless  it  were  for  a 
heinous  crime  which  shocked  his  fellows.  Meanwhile,  in  the  public 
ways  and  the  cafes  and  saloons,  altercations  between  the  three  parties, 
Spanish,  native,  and  American,  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 

For  some  Aveeks  before  the  capitulation  there  had  been  a  certain 
amount  of  friction  between  the  American  soldiery  and  the  rebels,  Avho 
resented  being  held  in  check  by  the  American  authorities.  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  had  his  headquarters  at  Bacoor,  on  the  Cavite  coast,  situated 
betAveen  tAvo  divisions  of  the  American  army,  one  at  Cavite  and  the 
other  at  Manila,  and  within  easy  shelling  distance  from  the  American 
fleet.  For  obvious  reasons  he  decided  to  remove  his  centre  of  operations, 
for  it  was  becoming  doubtful  how  long  peace  between  the  tAvo  parties 


Foiled  rebels  make  Malolos  their  capital  469 

would  continue.  The  rebels  had  been  sorely  disappointed  that  they  were 
not  allowed  to  enter  Manila  with  the  Americans,  or  even  before,  for  since 
the  first  few  months  of  the  rebellion  they  had  pictured  to  themselves 
the  delights  of  a  free  raid  on  the  city.  Aguinaldo  therefore  removed 
his  headquarters  to  a  place  three  miles  north  of  Manila,  but  General  Otis 
requested  him  to  go  farther  away  from  the  capital.  As  he  hesitated 
to  do  so  the  General  sent  him  an  ultimatum  on  September  13  ordering 
him  to  evacuate  that  place  by  the  afternoon  of  the  15th,  so  during  the 
night  of  the  14th  Aguinaldo  moved  on  with  his  troops  to  Malolos. 
From  this  town,  situate  about  20  miles  from  Manila,  he  could  better 
unite  and  control  the  rebel  factions  here  and  there  over  the  northern 
provinces  ;  he  could,  moreover,  either  make  use  of  the  line  of  railway 
or  cut  off  the  connection  with  Manila,  or  he  could  divert  supplies 
from  the  rich  rice  districts  and  Pangasinan  ports,  whilst  the  almost 
impregnable  mountains  were  of  easy  access  in  case  of  need. 

Aguinaldo  declared  Malolos  to  be  the  provisional  capital  of  his 
Revolutionary  Government,  and  convened  a  Congress  to  meet  there  on 
September  15  in  the  church  of  Barasoain.1  Fifty-four  deputies  responded 
to  the  summons,  and  in  conformity  with  Aguinaldo's  proclamation  of 
June  23  they  proceeded  to  elect  a  President  of  Congress,  Vice-President, 
Secretaries,  etc.  The  result  of  the  voting  was  a  remarkable  event  of 
the  revolution.  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno  was  elected  President  of 
Congress !  The  man  whom  the  revolutionists  had,  less  than  four 
months  before,  so  satirically  .  admonished  for  his  leaning  towards 
Spanish  sovereignty,  was  chosen  to  guide  the  political  destinies  of 
this  budding  democracy  and  preside  over  their  republican  legislative 
body  !  Deputies  Benito  Legarda  and  Ocampo  were  chosen  to  be 
Vice-President  and  Secretary  respectively.  Congress  voted  for  Aguinaldo 
a  salary  of  P.50,000  and  P.25,000  for  representation  expenses.  These 
figures  were  afterwards  reversed,  i.e.,  P.25,000  salary,  and  P.50,000  for 
expenses  ;  but  Aguinaldo,  who  never  showed  any  desire  for  personal 
gain,  was  quite  willing  to  set  aside  the  vote.  A  decree  in  Congress, 
dated  September  21,  imposed  compulsory  military  service  on  every 
able-bodied  Philippine  male  over  18  years  of  age,  except  those  holding 
office  under  the  Revolutionary  Government.  At  an  early  session  of 
Congress  Deputy  Tomas  del  Rosario  made  a  long  speech  advocating 
Church  Disestablishment.2 

The  night  before  Congress  met  to  announce  the  election  of  President, 
etc.,  an  attempt  was  made  to  poison  Emilio  Aguinaldo.  Dinner  was 
about  to  be  served  to  him  ;  the  soup  was  in  the  tureen,  when  one  of  the 
three  Spanish  prisoners  who  were  allowed  to  be  about  the  kitchen  tasted 

1  Barasoain  is  another  parish,  but  it  is  only  separated  from  Malolos  by  a  bridged 
river.  It  is  only  five  minutes'  walk  from  Malolos  Church  to  Barasoain  Church. 
Since  the  American  advent  the  two  parishes  have  been  united. 

2  For  want  of  space  I  am  obliged  to  omit  the  summary  of  all  the  debates  in  the 
Revolutionary  Congress  of  1898,  printed  reports  of  which  I  have  before  me. 


470  Aguinaldo  s  triumphal  entry  into  Malolos 

the  soup  in  a  manner  to  arouse  suspicion.  The  steward  at  once  took 
a  spoonful  of  it  and  fell  dead  on  the  spot.  The  three  prisoners  in 
question,  as  well  as  11  Franciscan  friars,  were  consequently  placed  in 
close  confinement.  At  the  next  sitting  of  Congress  the  incident  was 
mentioned  and  it  was  resolved  to  go  en  masse  to  congratulate  Aguinaldo 
on  his  lucky  escape.  At  5  p.m.  the  same  day  a  Te  Deum  was  sung  in 
Malolos  Church  anent  this  occurrence. 

On  October  1  the  Ratification  of  Philippine  Independence  was  pro- 
claimed at  Malolos  with  imposing  ceremony.  From  6  a.m.  the  Manila 
(Tondo)  railway-station  was  besieged  by  the  crowd  of  sightseers  on  their 
way  to  the  insurgent  capital  (Malolos),  which  was  en  fete  and  gaily 
decorated  with  flags  for  the  triumphal  entry  of  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo, 
who  walked  to  the  Congress  House  attired  in  a  dress  suit,  with  Don 
Pedro  A.  Paterno  on  his  right  and  Don  Benito  Legarda  on  his  left, 
followed  by  other  representative  men  of  the  Revolutionary  Party,  amidst 
the  vociferous  acclamations  of  the  people  and  the  strains  of  music. 
After  the  formal  proclamation  was  issued  the  function  terminated  with 
a  banquet  given  to  200  insurgent  notabilities.  This  day  was  declared 
by  the  Malolos  Congress  to  be  a  public  holiday  in  perpetuity. 

By  virtue  of  Article  3  of  the  Protocol  of  Peace  the  Americans  were 
in  possession  of  the  city,  bay,  and  harbour  of  Manila  pending  the 
conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace.  The  terms  of  peace  were  referred  to 
a  Spanish-American  Commission,  which  met  in  Paris  on  October  1,  five 
commissioners  and  a  secretary  being  appointed  by  each  of  the  High 
Contracting  Parties.  The  representatives  of  the  United  States  were  the 
Hon.  William  R.  Day,  of  Ohio,  ex-Secretary  of  State,  President  of  the 
American  Commission;  Senator  Cushman  K.  Davis,  of  Minnesota;  Senator 
William  P.  Frye,  of  Maine  ;  Senator  George  Gray,  of  Delaware  ;  and  the 
Hon.  Whitelaw  Reid,  of  New  York,  ex-Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  in  France,  assisted  by  the  Secretary  and  Counsel  to  their 
Commission,  Mr.  John  Bassett  Moore,  an  eminent  professor  of  inter- 
national law.  The  Spanish  Commissioners  were  Don  Eugenio  Montero 
Rios,  Knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  President  of  the  Senate,  ex-Cabinet 
Minister,  etc.,  President  of  the  Spanish  Commission  ;  Senator  Don 
Buenaventura  Abarzuza,  ex-Ambassador,  ex-Minister,  etc. ;  Don  Jose 
de  Garnica  y  Diaz,  a  lawyer ;  Don  Wenceslao  Ramirez  de  Villa-Urrutia, 
Knight  of  the  Orders  of  Isabella  the  Catholic  and  of  Charles  III.,  etc., 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Belgian  Court ;  and  General  Don  Rafael 
Cerero  y  Saenz,  assisted  by  the  Secretary  to  their  Commission,  Don 
Emilio  de  Ojeda,  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Court  of  Morocco. 
The  conferences  were  held  in  a  suite  of  apartments  at  the  Ministry  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  placed  at  their  disposal  by  M.  Delcasse.  Among  other 
questions  to  be  agreed  upon  and  embodied  in  the  treaty  was  the  future 
of  the  Philippines.  For  Washington  officials  these  Islands  really 
constituted  a  terra  incognita.     Maj. -General  Merritt  and  a  number  of 


The  Paris  Peace  Commission  (Oct. — Dec,  1898)    471 

other  officials  went  to  Paris  to  give  evidence  before  the  Commission. 
At  their  request,  conveyed  to  me  through  the  American  Embassy,  I 
also  proceeded  to  Paris  in  October  and  expressed  my  views  before  the 
Commissioners,  who  examined  me  on  the  whole  question.  The  Cuban 
debts  and  the  future  of  the  Philippines  were  really  the  knotty  points  in 
the  entire  debate.  The  Spanish  Commissioners  argued  (1)  that  the 
single  article  in  the  Protocol  relating  to  the  Philippines  did  not  imply 
a  relinquishment  of  Spanish  sovereignty  over  those  Islands,  but  only  a 
temporary  occupation  of  the  city,  bay,  and  harbour  of  Manila  by  the 
Americans  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace.  (2)  That  the 
attack  on  Manila,  its  capitulation,  and  all  acts  of  force  consequent 
thereon,  committed  after  the  Protocol  was  signed,  were  unlawful  because 
the  Protocol  stipulated  an  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities  ;  therefore 
the  Commissioners  claimed  indemnity  for  those  acts,  a  restoration  to 
the  status  quo  ante,  and  "  the  immediate  delivery  of  the  place  (Manila) 
to  the  Spanish  Government "  (vide  Annex  to  Protocol  No.  12  of  the 
Paris  Peace  Commission  conference  of  November  3). 

The  American  Commissioners  replied:  (1)  "It  is  the  contention  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  that  this  article  leaves  to  the  determination 
of  the  treaty  of  peace  the  entire  subject  of  the  future  government  and 
sovereignty  of  the  Philippines  necessarily  embodied  in  the  terms  used 
in  the  Protocol."  (2)  It  is  erroneous  to  suggest  "that  the  ultimate 
demands  of  the  United  States  in  respect  of  the  Philippines  were 
embodied  in  the  Protocol.''''  (3)  That  there  was  no  cable  communication 
with  Manila,  hence  the  American  commanders  could  not  possibly  have 
been  informed  of  the  terms  of  the  Protocol  on  the  day  of  its  signature. 
The  Spanish  Commissioners,  nevertheless,  tenaciously  persisting  in  their 
contention,  brought  matters  to  the  verge  of  a  resumption  of  hostilities 
when  the  American  Commissioners  presented  what  was  practically  an 
ultimatum,  in  which  they  claimed  an  absolute  cession  of  the  Islands, 
offering,  however,  to  pay  to  Spain  $20,000,000  gold,  to  agree,  for  a 
term  of  years,  to  admit  Spanish  ships  and  merchandise  into  the  Islands 
on  the  same  terms  as  American  ships  and  merchandise,  and  to  mutually 
waive  all  claims  for  indemnity — (vide  Annex  to  Protocol  No.  15  of  the 
Paris  Peace  Commission  conference  of  November  21). 

For  a  few  days  the  Spaniards  still  held  out,  and  to  appease  public 
feeling  in  the  Peninsula  a  fleet  under  Admiral  Camara  was  despatched, 
ostensibly  to  the  Philippines.  It  was  probably  never  intended  that  the 
fleet  should  go  beyond  Port  Said,  for  on  its  arrival  there  it  was  ordered 
to  return,  the  official  explanation  to  the  indignant  Spanish  public  being 
that  America  was  preparing  to  seize  the  Archipelago  by  force,  if 
necessary,  and  send  a  fleet  to  Spanish  waters  under  the  command  of 
Admiral  Watson.  Sagasta's  Government  had  not  the  least  intention 
of  letting  matters  go  so  far  as  that,  but  it  suited  the  Spanish  Cabinet, 
already    extremely   unpopular,   to    make    an    appearance    of   resistance. 


472  Peace  concluded  in  Paris  {Dec.  10,  1898) 

Moreover,  Seilor  Sagasta  had  personal  motives  for  wishing  to  protract 
the  negotiations,  the  examination  of  which  would  lead  one  too  far  away 
from  the  present  subject  into  Spanish  politics. 

At  the  next  conference  of  the  Commission  the  demands  of  the 
Americans  were  reluctantly  conceded,  and  the  form  in  which  the  treaty 
was  to  be  drafted  was  finally  settled.  The  sitting  of  the  Commission 
was  terminated  by  the  reading  of  a  strongly- worded  protest  by  Seiior 
Montero  Rios  in  which  the  Spanish  Commissioner  declared  that  they 
had  been  compelled  to  yield  to  brute  force  and  abuse  of  international 
law  against  which  they  vehemently  protested.  The  secretaries  of  the 
respective  Commissions  were  then  instructed  to  draw  up  the  document 
of  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  which  was  signed  at  9  p.m.  on  Saturday, 
December  10,  1898,  in  the  Grand  Gallery  of  the  Ministry  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  Paris.  The  expenses  of  the  Spanish  Commission  amounted 
to  o(?8,400,  A  delay  of  six  months  was  agreed  upon  for  the  ratification 
by  the  two  Governments  of  the  treaty,  the  text  of  which  is  given  at  the 
end  of  this  chapter.  America  undertook  to  establish  equal  duties 
on  Spanish  and  American  goods  for  a  period  of  ten  years  ;  but  it 
subsequently  transpired  that  this  was  no  special  boon  to  Spain,  seeing 
that  America  declared  shortly  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  that  there 
would  be  no  preferential  tariff,  and  that  merchandise  of  all  nations 
could  enter  the  Islands  at  the  same  rate  of  duty  and  on  equal  terms 
with  America.  The  clauses  of  the  treaty  relating  to  the  Philippines 
met  with  determined  opposition  in  the  United  States,  where  politicians 
were  divided  into  three  parties  advocating  respectively  annexation, 
protection,  and  abandonment  of  the  Islands  to  the  natives. 

At  the  closing  conferences  of  the  Commission  several  additional 
clauses  to  the  treaty  were  proposed  by  the  one  party  and  the  other  and 
rejected.  Among  the  most  singular  are  the  following  : — The  Spaniards 
proposed  that  America  should  pay  annually  to  the  descendants  of 
Christopher  Columbus  $7,400  to  be  charged  to  the  treasuries  of  Porto 
Rico  and  Manila.  The  Americans  proposed  that  Spain  should  concede 
to  them  the  right  to  land  telegraph-cables  in  the  Canary  Islands,  or 
on  any  territory  owned  by  Spain  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  or  in  the 
Peninsula,  in  consideration  of  a  cash  payment  of  one  million  gold  dollars. 

We  must  now  go  back  to  September  to  follow  the  thread  of  events 
which  intervened  from  that  period  and  during  the  71  days'  sitting 
of  the  Peace  Commission  in  Paris.  My  old  acquaintance  Felipe 
Agoncillo  was  sent  to  Washington  in  September  by  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
to  solicit  permission  from  the  American  Government  to  represent 
the  rebels'  cause  on  the  Paris  Commission,  or,  failing  this,  to  be 
allowed  to  state  their  case.  The  Government,  however,  refused  to 
recognize  him  officially,  so  he  proceeded  to  Paris.  Having  unsuc- 
cessfully endeavoured  to  be  heard  before  the  Commission,  he  drew  up  a 
protest  in  duplicate,  handing  a  copy  to  the  Spanish  and  another  to  the 


Innovations  in  Manila  customs  473 

American  Commissioners.  The  purport  of  this  document  was  that 
whereas  the  Americans  had  supplied  the  Filipinos  with  war-material 
and  arms  to  gain  their  independence  and  not  to  fight  against  Spain 
in  the  interests  of  America,  and  whereas  America  now  insisted  on 
claiming  possession  of  the  Archipelago,  he  protested,  in  the  name  of 
Emilio  Aguinaldo,  against  what  he  considered  a  defraudment  of  his 
just  rights.  His  mission  led  to  nothing,  so  he  returned  to  Washington 
to  watch  events  for  Aguinaldo.  After  the  treaty  was  signed  in  Paris 
he  was  received  at  the  White  House,  where  an  opportunity  was  afforded 
him  of  stating  the  Filipinos''  views  ;  but  he  did  not  take  full  advantage 
of  it,  and  returned  to  Paris,  where  I  met  him  in  July,  1900,  holding  the 
position  of  "  High  Commissioner  for  the  Philippine  Republic.vi  His 
policy  was,  then,  "  absolute  independence,  free  of  all  foreign  control.11  In 
1904  we  met  again  in  Hong-Kong,  where  he  was  established  as  a  lawyer. 

In  this  interval,  too,  matters  in  Manila  remained  in  static  quo  so  far 
as  the  American  occupation  was  concerned.  General  E.  S.  Otis  was 
still  in  supreme  command  in  succession  to  General  Merritt,  and 
reinforcements  were  arriving  from  America  to  strengthen  the  position. 
General  Otis^  able  administration  wrought  a  wonderful  change  in 
the  city.  The  weary,  forlorn  look  of  those  who  had  great  interests 
at  stake  gradually  wore  off;  business  was  as  brisk  as  in  the  old 
times,  and  the  Custom-house  was  being  worked  with  a  promptitude 
hitherto  unknown  in  the  Islands.  There  were  no  more  sleepless  nights, 
fearing  an  attack  from  the  dreaded  rebel  or  the  volunteer.  The  large 
majority  of  foreign  (including  Spanish)  and  half-caste  Manila  merchants 
showed  a  higher  appreciation  of  American  protection  than  of  the 
prospect  of  sovereign  independence  under  a  Philippine  Republic.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  drunken  brawls  of  the  American  soldiers  in  the 
cafes,  drinking-shops,  and  the  open  streets  constituted  a  novelty  in  the 
Colony.  Drinking  "  saloons "  and  bars  monopolized  quite  a  fifth  of 
the  stores  in  the  principal  shopping  street,  La  Escolta,  where  such 
unruliness  obtained,  to  the  detriment  of  American  prestige,  that 
happily  the  Government  decided  to  exclude  those  establishments 
altogether  from  that  important  thoroughfare,  which  has  since  entirely 
regained  its  respectable  reputation.  The  innovation  was  all  the  more 
unfortunate  because  of  the  extremely  bad  impression  it  made  on  the 
natives  and  Spaniards,  who  are  remarkably  abstemious.  It  must  also 
have  been  the  cause  of  a  large  percentage  of  the  sickness  of  the 
American  troops  (wrongly  attributed  to  climate),  for  it  is  well  known 
that  inebriety  in  the  Philippines  is  the  road  to  death.  With  three 
distinct  classes  of  soldiers  in  Manila — the  Americans,  the  rebels,  and 
the  Spanish  prisoners — each  living  in  suspense,  awaiting  events  with 
divergent  interests,  there  were  naturally  frequent  disputes  and  collisions, 
sometimes  of  a  serious  nature,  which  needed  great  vigilance  to  suppress. 

The  German  trading  community  observed  that,  due  to  the  strange 


474       The  de  facto  Spanish  Government  in  Visayas 

conduct  of  the  commanders  of  the  German  fleet,  who  showed  such 
partiality  towards  the  Spaniards  up  to  the  capitulation  of  Manila,  the 
natives  treated  them  with  marked  reticence.  The  Germans  therefore 
addressed  a  more  than  ample  letter  of  apology  on  the  subject  to  the 
newspaper  La  Independencia  (October  17). 

As  revolutionary  steamers  were  again  cruising  in  Philippine  waters, 
all  vessels  formerly  flying  the  Spanish  flag  were  hastily  placed  on  the 
American  register  to  secure  the  protection  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and 
ex-Consul  Oscar  F.  Williams  was  deputed  to  attend  to  these  and  other 
matters  connected  with  the  shipping  trade  of  the  port. 

It  was  yet  theoretically  possible  that  the  Archipelago  might 
revert  to  Spain  ;  hence  pending  the  deliberations  of  the  Peace  Com- 
mission, no  movement  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  to 
overthrow  the  de  facto  Spanish  Government  still  subsisting  in  the 
southern  islands.  General  Fermin  Jaudenes,  the  vanquished  Com- 
mander-in-Chief of  the  Spanish  forces  in  Manila  (Sub-Inspector  until 
General  Augusti  left),  was  liberated  on  parole  in  the  capital  until  the 
first  week  of  October,  when  the  American  Government  allowed  him  to 
return  to  Spain.  He  left  in  the  s.s.  Esmeralda  for  Hong-Kong  on 
October  15.  Meanwhile,  a  month  before,  the  Spanish  Government 
appointed  General  Diego  de  los  Rios  Gov.-General  of  the  Philippines, 
with  residence  at  Yloilo.  Spaniards  of  all  classes  were  at  least  personally 
safe  in  Manila  under  American  protection.  All  who  could  reach  the 
capital  did  so,  for  Spanish  sway  in  the  provinces  was  practically  at 
an  end.  Affuinaldo  therefore  directed  his  attention  both  to  matters 
of  government  in  Luzon  and  to  the  control  of  the  southern  islands. 

Neither  the  Filipinos  nor  the  Spaniards  could  foresee  that  the 
evacuation  by  the  Spaniards  of  all  the  Islands  would  be  insisted  upon 
by  the  American  Commissioners  in  Paris.  Moreover,  it  was  no  easy 
task  for  Aguinaldo  to  maintain  his  own  personal  prestige  (an  indispen- 
sable condition  in  all  revolutions),  carry  out  his  own  plans  of  government, 
and  keep  together,  in  inactivity,  a  large  half-disciplined  fighting  force. 
Three  weeks  after  the  capitulation  of  Manila,  Aguinaldo  sent  several 
small  vessels  to  the  Island  of  Panay,  carrying  Luzon  rebels  to  effect  a 
landing  and  stir  up  rebellion  in  Visayas.  He  was  anxious  to  secure  all 
the  territory  he  could  before  the  conditions  of  peace  should  be  settled 
in  Paris,  in  the  hope  that  actual  possession  would  influence  the  final 
issue.  General  Rios  was  therefore  compelled  to  enter  on  a  new 
campaign,  assisted  by  the  small  gunboats  which  had  remained  south 
since  hostilities  commenced  north  in  May.  Spanish  troops  were  sent 
to  Singapore  en  route  for  Yloilo,  and  then  a  question  arose  between 
Madrid  and  Washington  as  to  whether  they  could  be  allowed  to  proceed 
to  their  destination  under  the  peace  Protocol.  The  Tagalog  rebels 
landed  in  the  province  of  Antique  (Panay  Is.),  and  a  few  natives  of 
the  locality  joined  them.     They  were  shortly  met  by  the  Spanish  troops, 


Rebels  and  Americans;  strained  relations         475 

and  severe  fighting  took  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bugason,  where 
the  rebels  were  ultimately  routed  with  great  loss  of  men  and  impedimenta. 

The  survivors  fled  to  their  vessels  and  landed  elsewhere  on  the 
same  coast.  In  several  places  on  the  Island  the  flag  of  rebellion  had 
been  unfurled,  and  General  Rios'  troops  showed  them  no  quarter.  At 
the  end  of  six  weeks  the  rebels  had  been  beaten  in  numerous  encounters, 
without  the  least  apparent  chance  of  gaining  their  objective  point — the 
seizure  of  Yloilo.  In  the  Concepcion  district  (East  Panay)  the  rebel 
chief  Perfecto  Poblado  took  the  command,  but  gained  no  victory  with 
his  following  of  4,000  men.  So  far,  what  was  happening  in  the  Islands, 
other  than  Luzon,  did  not  officially  concern  the  Americans. 

About  this  time,  in  Manila,  there  was  by  no  means  that  entente 
cordiale  which  should  have  existed  between  the  rebels  and  the 
Americans,  supposing  them  to  be  real  allies.  In  reality,  it  was  only 
in  the  minds  of  the  insurgents  that  there  existed  an  alliance,  which 
the  Americans  could  not,  with  good  grace,  have  frankly  repudiated, 
seeing  that  General  T.  M.  Anderson  was  frequently  soliciting  Aguinaldo's 
assistance  and  co-operation.1  Aguinaldo  was  naturally  uneasy  about 
the  possible  prospect  of  a  protracted  struggle  with  the  Spaniards,  if 
the  Islands  should  revert  to  them ;  he  was  none  the  less  irritated 
because  his  repeated  edicts  and  proclamations  of  independence  received 
no  recognition  from  the  Americans.  General  Anderson  had  already 
stated,  in  his  reply  (July  22)  to  a  letter  from  Aguinaldo,  that  he  had 
no  authority  to  recognize  Aguinaldo's  assumption  of  dictatorship.  The 
native  swaggering  soldiery,  with  the  air  of  conquerors,  were  ever  ready 
to  rush  to  arms  on  the  most  trivial  pretext,  and  became  a  growing 
menace  to  the  peaceful  inhabitants.  Therefore,  on  October  25, 
Aguinaldo  was  again  ordered  to  withdraw  his  troops  still  farther,  to 
distances  varying  from  five  to  eight  miles  off  Manila,  and  he  reluctantly 
complied.  When  this  order  was  sent  to  him  his  forces  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Manila  were  estimated  to  be  as  follows : — At  Coloocan, 
3,000  men,  with  two  guns  trained  on  Binondo ;  Santa  Mesa,  380 ; 
Pasig,  400  ;  Paco,  Santa  Ana,  Pandacan,  and  Pasay,  400  to  500  each  ; 
south  of  Malate,  1,200,  and  at  Santolan  waterworks  (on  which  the 
supply  of  potable  water  to  the  capital  depended),  380. 

In  Panay  Island  General  Rios  published  an  edict  offering  consider- 
able reforms,  but  the  flame  of  rebellion  was  too  widespread  for  it  to 
have  any  effect.  The  Island  of  Cebu  also  was  in  revolt ;  the  harsh 
measures  of  General  Montero  effected  nothing  to  Spain's  advantage, 
whilst  that  miserable  system  of  treating  suspects  as  proved  culprits 
created  rebels.  Neither  did  the  Moro  raid  on  the  Cebuanos,  referred  to 
at  p.  406,  serve  to  break  their  spirit ;  more  than  half  the  villages  defied 
Spanish  authority,  refused  to  pay  taxes,  and  forced  the  friars   to  take 

1  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  62,  Part  II.,  55th  Congress,  3rd  Session,  p.  371. 
Published  by  the  Government  Printing  Office,  Washington,  1899. 


476  Rebels  attack  the  Spaniards  in  Visayas 


refuge  in  Cebu  City,  which  was,  so  far,  safe.  Those  who  were  able, 
took  passage  to  ports  outside  the  Archipelago.  In  Leyte  Island  there 
were  risings  of  minor  importance,  instigated  by  Tagalogs,  and  chiefly 
directed  against  the  friars,  who  were  everywhere  obnoxious  to  the  people. 
At  Catbalogan  (Samar  Is.)  an  armed  mob  attacked  the  Spaniards, 
who  fled  to  the  house  of  an  American.  General  Rios  had  not  sufficient 
troops  to  dominate  several  islands  covering  such  a  large  area.  He  was 
so  hard  pressed  in  Panay  alone  that,  even  if  he  had  had  ample  means  of 
transport,  he  could  neither  divide  his  forces  nor  afford  to  spend  time  in 
carrying  them  from  one  island  to  another.  Towards  the  end  of  October 
he  ran  short  of  ammunition,  but,  opportunely,  the  Spanish  mail-steamer 
Buenos  Aires  brought  him  a  supply  with  which  he  could  continue  the 
struggle.  Fresh  Tagalog  expeditions  were  meanwhile  sent  south,  and 
coerced  or  persuaded  the  Panay  people  to  rise  in  greater  force  than 
ever,  until,  finally,  General  Rios  had  to  fall  back  on  Yloilo.  By  the 
middle  of  November  practically  the  whole  island,  except  the  towns  of 
Yloilo,  Molo,  Jaro  and  La  Paz,  was  under  rebel  dominion.  In 
December  General  Rios  held  only  the  town  and  port  of  Yloilo.  He 
had  ordered  the  bridge  of  Manduriao  to  be  destroyed,  so  as  to  establish 
a  dividing  line  between  him  and  the  rebels  who  were  entrenched  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  river,  neither  party  being  willing  to  make  a  bold 
onslaught  on  the  other,  although  frequent  skirmishing  took  place.  On 
receipt  of  the  news  of  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  General 
Rios  proposed  to  the  rebels  a  mutual  cessation  of  hostilities,  on  the 
ground  that  no  advantage  could  accrue  to  either  party  by  a  further 
sacrifice  of  blood  and  munitions  of  war,  seeing  that  within  a  few  days 
he  was  going  to  evacuate  the  town  and  embark  his  troops,  and  that, 
so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  they  could  then  take  his  place  without 
opposition.  But  the  rebels,  presumably  interpreting  his  humane 
suggestion  as  a  sign  of  weakness,  continued  to  fire  on  the  Spanish  troops. 
The  small  detachments  and  garrisons  in  Negros  Island  had  been 
unable  to  resist  the  tide  of  revolt ;  the  west  coast  of  that  island  was 
over-run  by  the  rebels  under  the  leadership  of  Aniceto  Lacson  and 
Juan  Araneta  (a  much  respected  planter  of  Bago,  personally  known  to 
me),  and  the  local  Spanish  Governor,  Don  Isidro  Castro,  was  forced  to 
capitulate,  in  due  written  form,  at  Bacolod,  on  November  6,  with  his 
troops  and  all  the  Spanish  civil  and  military  employees.  By  December  1 
it  was  evident  that,  although  Spanish  empire  in  Visayas  had  been 
definitely  broken,  there  was  absolute  discord  among  the  (southern) 
rebels  themselves.  They  split  up  into  rival  factions,  each  one  wanting 
to  set  up  a  government  of  its  own.  The  American  Peace  Commissioners 
had  made  their  formal  demand  for  the  cession  of  all  the  Islands,  and  it 
was  clear  to  the  Spanish  Government  that  General  Rios  would  sooner  or 
later  have  to  evacuate  under  the  treaty.  It  was  useless,  therefore,  to 
continue  to  shed  European  blood  and  waste  treasure  in  those   regions. 


The  Spaniards  evacuate  the  Visayas  477 

In  the  first  week  of  December  the  Madrid  Government  ordered  General 
Rios  to  suspend  hostilities  and  retire  to  Mindanao  Island  with  his  troops, 
pending  arrangements  for  their  return  to  the  Peninsula.  General  Rios 
replied  to  this  order,  saying  that  he  would  make  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions. Meanwhile,  on  December  11,  the  rebels  approached  the  fortifica- 
tions around  Yloilo  town,  and  the  Spaniards  kept  up  an  almost 
continuous  fusillade.  Before  daybreak  on  December  14  the  rebels, 
armed  with  bowie-knives,  attacked  the  Spanish  entrenchments  in  great 
force  and  drove  the  Spaniards  back  from  their  first  to  their  second 
redoubt.  The  Spaniards  rallied,  turned  their  four  field-pieces  on  the 
enemy,  and  opened  a  raking  artillery  and  rifle  fire  which  mowed 
down  the  rebels,  who  retired  in  great  disorder,  leaving  about  500  dead 
and  wounded.  The  Spaniards,  who  were  well  protected  behind  their 
stockades,  had  6  dead  and  17  wounded.  Notwithstanding  their  severe 
repulse,  the  rebels  again  fired  on  the  Spaniards  until  some  female 
relations  of  their  General  Araneta  and  others  went  out  to  the  rebel 
lines  and  harangued  and  expostulated  with  the  leaders,  and  so  put  them 
to  shame  with  their  tongues  that  thenceforth  the  rebels  ceased  to  molest 
the  Spaniards.  General  Rios  then  took  measures  for  evacution.  On 
December  23,  1898,  he  formally  handed  over  Yloilo  to  the  mayor  of 
the  town  in  the  presence  of  his  staff,  the  naval  commanders,  and  the 
foreign  consuls,  and  requested  the  German  Vice-Consul  to  look  after 
Spanish  interests.  On  the  following  day  the  Spanish  troops,  numbering 
between  five  and  six  hundred,  and  several  civilians  were  embarked  in 
perfect  order,  without  any  unfortunate  incident  occurring,  on  board  the 
s.s.  Isla  de  Luzon,  which  sailed  for  Zamboanga,  the  rallying-place  of  the 
Spaniards,  whilst  some  small  steamers  went  to  other  places  to  bring  the 
officials  to  the  same  centre. 

Before  leaving  Yloilo,  after  many  tedious  delays  respecting  the 
conditions,  an  exchange  of  prisoners  was  effected  with  the  rebels,  who 
at  the  outset  were  inclined  to  be  unduly  exacting. 

The  rebels  at  once  took  possession  of  Yloilo,  but  a  controlling 
American  force  arrived  in  the  roadstead  on  December  27,  under  the 
command  of  General  Miller,  and  was  afterwards  reinforced  up  to  a 
total  strength  of  about  3,000  troops. 

The  Caroline  Islands  (which  were  not  ceded  under  the  Treaty  of 
Paris)  wrere  provisioned  for  three  months,  and  the  Spanish  troops  in 
Cebu  Island  and  Yligan  (Mindanao  Is.)  had  been  already  ordered  to 
concentrate  and  prepare  for  embarkation  on  the  same  day  for 
Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Is.),  where  the  bulk  of  them  remained  until 
they  could  be  brought  back  to  Spain  on  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of 
peace.  In  a  few  days  General  Rios  left  Zamboanga  in  the  s.s. 
Leon  XIII.  for  Manila,  and  remained  there  until  June  3,  1899,  to 
endeavour  to  negotiate  the  liberation  of  the  Spanish  prisoners  detained 
by    Aguinaldo.      They     were    kept    under    guard    in    the    mountain 


478  The  end  of  Spanish  rule — Rebel  disputes 

districts,  far  away  from  the  capital,  in  groups  miles  distant  from  each 
other.  No  one  outside  the  rebel  camp  could  ever  ascertain  the  exact 
number  of  prisoners,  which  was  kept  secret.  The  strenuous  efforts  made 
by  the  Spaniards  to  secure  their  release  are  fully  referred  to  in  Chap.  xxvi. 

During  this  period  of  evacuation  the  natives  in  Balabac  Island 
assassinated  all  the  male  Europeans  resident  there,  the  Spanish 
Governor,  a  lieutenant,  and  a  doctor  being  among  the  victims.  The 
European  women  were  held  in  captivity  for  awhile,  notwithstanding  the 
peaceful  endeavours  to  obtain  their  release,  supported  by  the  Datto 
Harun  Narrasid,  Sultan  of  Paragua  and  ex-Sultan  of  Sulu  {vide  p.  142). 
The  place  was  then  attacked  by  an  armed  force,  without  result,  but 
eventually  the  natives  allowed  the  women  to  be  taken  away. 

Some  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  and  the  civil  servants  concentrated 
in  Zamboanga  were  carried  direct  to  the  Peninsula,  via  the  Straits  of 
Balabac,  in  the  steamers  Buenos  Aires,  Isla  dc  Luzon,  and  Cachemir, 
and  from  Manila  many  of  them  returned  to  their  country  in  the 
s.s.  Leon  XIII.  In  conformity  with  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (Art.  5),  little 
by  little  all  the  Spanish  troops,  temporarily  prisoners  of  the  United 
States  in  Manila,  were  repatriated. 

The  Philippine  Republican  Congress  at  Malolos  had  now  (December  26, 
1898)  adjourned  in  great  confusion.  The  deputies  could  not  agree 
upon  the  terms  of  a  Republican  Constitution.  They  were  already 
divided  into  two  distinct  parties,  the  Pacificos  and  the  Irreconcilables. 
The  latter  were  headed  by  a  certain  Apolinario  Mabini  (vide  p.  546), 
a  lawyer  hitherto  unknown,  and  a  notorious  opponent  of  Aguinaldo 
until  he  decided  to  take  the  field  against  the  Americans.  The  Cabinet 
having  resigned,  Aguinaldo  prudently  left  Malolos  on  a  visit  to  Pedro 
A.  Paterno,  at  Santa  Ana,  on  the  Pasig  River. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  1898,  after  327  years  of  sovereignty,  all  that 
remained  to  Spain  of  her  once  splendid  Far  Eastern  colonial  possessions 
were  the  Caroline,  the  Pelew,  and  the  Ladrone  Islands  (vide  p.  39),  minus 
the  Island  of  Guam.  Under  the  treaty  of  peace,  signed  in  Paris,  the 
Americans  became  nominal  owners  of  the  evacuated  territories,  but 
they  were  only  in  real  possession,  by  force  of  arms,  of  Cavite  and 
Manila.  The  rest  of  the  Archipelago,  excepting  Mindanao  and  the 
Sulu  Sultanate,  was  virtually  and  forcibly  held  by  the  natives  in  revolt. 
At  the  close  of  1898  the  Americans  and  the  rebels  had  become  rival 
parties,  and  the  differences  between  them  foreboded  either  frightful 
bloodshed  or  the  humiliation  of  the  one  or  the  other. 

TREATY   OF   PEACE 

concluded  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  Spain,  signed  in 
Paris  on  December  10,  1898,  and  ratified  in  Washington  on  February  6, 
1899.  The  original  documents  (in  duplicate)  are  drawn  up  in  Spanish 
and  in  English  respectively. 


Treaty  of  Peace  between  Spain  and  America      479 

The  English  Text l 

Article  1. — Spain  relinquishes  all  claim  of  sovereignty  over  and 
title  to  Cuba.  And  as  the  Island  is,  upon  its  evacuation  by  Spain, 
to  be  occupied  by  the  United  States,  the  United  States  will,  so 
long  as  such  occupation  shall  last,  assume  and  discharge  the 
obligations  that  may  under  international  law  result  from  the  fact 
of  its  occupation,  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property. 

Article  2. — Spain  cedes  to  the  United  States  the  Island  of 
Porto  Rico  and  other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty  in 
the  West  Indies,  and  the  Island  of  Guam  in  the  Marianas  or 
Ladrones. 

Article  3. — Spain  cedes  to  the  United  States  the  archipelago 
known  as  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  comprehending  the  islands 
lying  within  the  following  line  :  A  line  running  from  W.  to  E. 
along  or  near  the  20th  parallel  of  N.  latitude,  and  through  the 
middle  of  the  navigable  channel  of  Bachi,  from  the  II 8th  to 
the  127th  degree  meridian  of  longitude  E.  of  Greenwich,  thence 
along  the  127th  degree  meridian  of  longitude  E.  of  Greenwich 
to  the  parallel  of  4°  45'  N.  latitude,  thence  along  the  parallel  of 
4°  45'  N.  latitude  to  its  intersection  with  the  meridian  of  longitude 
119°  35'  E.  of  Greenwich,  thence  along  the  meridian  of  longitude 
119°  35'  E.  of  Greenwich  to  the  parallel  of  latitude  7°  40'  N., 
thence  along  the  parallel  of  latitude  of  7°  40'  N.  to  its  intersection 
with  the  116th  degree  meridian  of  longitude  E.  of  Greenwich, 
thence  by  a  direct  line  to  the  intersection  of  the  10th  degree 
parallel  of  N.  latitude  with  the  118th  degree  meridian  of  longitude 
E.  of  Greenwich,  and  thence  along  the  118th  degree  meridian  of 
longitude  E.  of  Greenwich  to  the  point  of  beginning. 

The  United  States  will  pay  to  Spain  the  sum  of  $.20,000,000 
within  three  months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the 
present  treaty. 

Article  4. — The  United  States  will,  for  the  term  of  10  years 
from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present 
treaty,  admit  Spanish  ships  and  merchandise  to  the  ports  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  on  the  same  terms  as  ships  and  merchandise  of 
the  United  States. 

Article  5. — The  United  States  will,  upon  the  signature  of  the 
present  treaty,  send  back  to  Spain,  at  its  own  cost,  the  Spanish 
soldiers  taken  as  prisoners  of  war  on  the  capture  of  Manila  by  the 
American  forces.  The  arms  of  the  soldiers  in  question  shall  be 
restored  to  them. 

Spain  will,  upon  the  exchange  of  the  ratification  of  the  present 
treaty,  proceed  to  evacuate  the  Philippines,  as  well  as  the  Island 

1   Vide  Senate  Document  No.  02,  Part  I.  of  the  55th  Congress.,  3rd  Session. 
Published  by  the  Government  Printing  Office,  Washington,  1899. 


480       Treaty  of  Peace  between  Spain  and  America 

of  Guam,  on  terms  similiar  to  those  agreed  upon  by  the  Com- 
missioners appointed  to  arrange  for  the  evacuation  of  Porto  Rico 
and  other  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  under  the  Protocol  of 
August  12,  1898,  which  is  to  continue  in  force  till  its  provisions 
are  completely  executed. 

The  time  within  which  the  evacuation  of  the  Philippine  Inlands 
and  Guam  shall  be  completed  shall  be  fixed  by  the  two  Govern- 
ments. Stands  of  colours,  uncaptured  war-vessels,  small  arms,  guns 
of  all  calibres,  with  their  carriages  and  accessories,  powder,  ammuni- 
tion, live-stock,  and  materials  and  supplies  of  all  kinds,  belonging 
to  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  Spain  in  the  Philippines  and  Guam, 
remain  the  property  of  Spain.  Pieces  of  heavy  ordnance,  exclusive 
of  field  artillery,  in  the  fortifications  and  coast  defences,  shall 
remain  in  their  emplacements  for  the  term  of  six  months,  to  be 
reckoned  from  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the  treaty  ;  and  the 
United  States  may,  in  the  meantime,  purchase  such  material  from 
Spain,  if  a  satisfactory  agreement  between  the  two  Governments 
on  the  subject  shall  be  reached. 

Article  6. — Spain  will,  upon  the  signature  of  the  present  treaty, 
release  all  prisoners  of  war,  and  all  persons  detained  or  imprisoned 
for  political  offences  in  connection  with  the  insurrections  in  Cuba 
and  the  Philippines  and  the  war  with  the  United  States. 

Reciprocally,  the  United  States  will  release  all  persons  made 
prisoners  of  war  by  the  American  forces,  and  will  undertake  to 
obtain  the  release  of  all  Spanish  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the 
insurgents  in  Cuba  and  the  Philippines. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  will  at  its  own  cost 
return  to  Spain  and  the  Government  of  Spain  will  at  its  own  cost 
return  to  the  United  States,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  the  Philippines, 
according  to  the  situation  of  their  respective  homes,  prisoners 
released  or  caused  to  be  released  by  them,  respectively,  under  this 
article. 

Article  7. — The  United  States  and  Spain  mutually  relinquish 
all  claims  for  indemnity,  national  and  individual,  of  every  kind,  of 
either  Government,  or  of  its  citizens  or  subjects,  against  the  other 
Government,  that  may  have  arisen  since  the  beginning  of  the  late 
insurrection  in  Cuba  and  prior  to  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of 
the  present  treaty,  including  all  claims  for  indemnity  for  the  cost 
of  the  war. 

The  United  States  will  adjudicate  and  settle  the  claims  of  its 
citizens  against  Spain  relinquished  in  this  article. 

Article  8. — In  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  Articles  1,  2 
and  3  of  this  treaty,  Spain  relinquishes  in  Cuba,  and  cedes  in  Porto 
Rico  and  other  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  in  the  Island  of  Guam, 
and   in   the   Philippine    Archipelago,  all   the    buildings,    wharves, 


Treaty  of  Peace  between  Spain  and  America       481 

barracks,  forts,  structures,  public  highways  and  other  immovable 
property  which,  in  conformity  with  law,  belong  to  the  public 
domain,  and  as  such  belong  to  the  Crown  of  Spain. 

And  it  is  hereby  declared  that  the  relinquishment  or  cession, 
as  the  case  may  be,  to  which  the  preceding  paragraph  refers,  cannot 
in  any  respect  impair  the  property  or  rights  which  by  law  belong 
to  the  peaceful  possession  of  property  of  all  kinds,  of  provinces, 
municipalities,  public  or  private  establishments,  ecclesiastical  or 
civic  bodies,  or  any  other  associations  having  legal  capacity  to 
acquire  and  possess  property  in  the  aforesaid  territories  renounced 
or  ceded,  or  of  private  individuals,  of  whatsoever  nationality  such 
individuals  may  be. 

The  aforesaid  relinquishment  or  cession,  as  the  case  may  be, 
includes  all  documents  exclusively  referring  to  the  sovereignty 
relinquished  or  ceded  that  may  exist  in  the  archives  of  the 
Peninsula.  Where  any  document  in  such  archives  only  in  part 
relates  to  said  sovereignty,  a  copy  of  such  part  will  be  furnished 
whenever  it  shall  be  requested.  Like  rules  shall  be  reciprocally 
observed  in  favour  of  Spain  in  respect  of  documents  in  the  archives 
of  the  islands  above  referred  to. 

In  the  aforesaid  relinquishment  or  cession,  as  the  case  may  be, 
are  also  included  such  rights  as  the  Crown  of  Spain  and  its 
authorities  possess  in  respect  of  the  official  archives  and  records, 
executive  as  well  as  judicial,  in  the  islands  above  referred  to,  which 
relate  to  the  said  islands  or  the  rights  and  property  of  their 
inhabitants.  Such  archives  and  records  shall  be  carefully  preserved, 
and  private  persons  shall  without  distinction  have  the  right  to 
require,  in  accordance  with  law,  authenticated  copies  of  the  con- 
tracts, wills  and  other  instruments  forming  part  of  notarial  protocols 
or  files,  or  which  may  be  contained  in  the  executive  or  judicial 
archives,  be  the  latter  in  Spain  or  in  the  islands  aforesaid. 

Article  9. — Spanish  subjects,  natives  of  the  Peninsula,  residing 
in  the  territory  over  which  Spain  by  the  present  treaty  relinquishes 
or  cedes  her  sovereignty,  may  remain  in  such  territory,  or  may 
remove  therefrom,  retaining  in  either  event  all  their  rights  of 
property,  including  the  right  to  sell  or  dispose  of  such  property  or 
of  its  proceeds  ;  and  they  shall  also  have  the  right  to  carry  on  their 
industry,  commerce  and  professions,  being  subject  in  respect  thereof 
to  such  laws  as  are  applicable  to  other  foreigners.  In  case  they 
remain  in  the  territory  they  may  preserve  their  allegiance  to  the 
Crown  of  Spain  by  making  before  a  court  of  record,  within  a  year 
from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  a 
declaration  of  their  decision  to  preserve  such  allegiance  ;  in  default 
of  which  declaration  they  shall  be  held  to  have  renounced  it  and  to 
have  adopted  the  nationality  of  the  territory  in  which  they  may  reside. 

31 


482       Treaty  of  Peace  between  Spain  and  America 

The  civil  rights  and  political  status  of  the  native  inhabitants  of 
the  territories  hereby  ceded  to  the  United  States  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  the  Congress. 

Article  10. — The  inhabitants  of  the  territories  over  which  Spain 
relinquishes  or  cedes  her  sovereignty  shall  be  secured  in  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religion. 

Article  11. — The  Spaniards  residing  in  the  territories  over 
which  Spain  by  this  treaty  cedes  or  relinquishes  her  sovereignty 
shall  be  subject  in  matters  civil  as  well  as  criminal  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  courts  of  the  country  wherein  they  reside,  pursuant 
to  the  ordinary  laws  governing  the  same  ;  and  they  shall  have  the 
right  to  appear  before  such  courts,  and  to  pursue  the  same  course 
as  citizens  of  the  country  to  which  the  courts  belong. 

Article  12. — Judicial  proceedings  pending  at  the  time  of  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  treaty  in  the  territories  over  which 
Spain  relinquishes  or  cedes  her  sovereignty  shall  be  determined 
according  to  the  following  rules  :  (1)  Judgements  rendered  either  in 
civil  suits  between  private  individuals,  or  in  criminal  matters, 
before  the  date  mentioned,  and  with  respect  to  which  there  is  no 
recourse,  or  right  of  review  under  the  Spanish  law,  shall  be  deemed 
to  be  final,  and  shall  be  executed  in  due  form  by  competent 
authority  in  the  territory  within  which  such  judgements  shall  be 
carried  out :  (2)  Civil  suits  between  private  individuals  which  may 
on  the  date  mentioned  be  undetermined  shall  be  prosecuted  to 
judgement  before  the  court  in  which  they  may  then  be  pending  or 
in  the  court  that  may  be  substituted  therefor :  (3)  Criminal  actions 
pending  on  the  date  mentioned  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  Spain, 
against  citizens  of  the  territory  which  by  this  treaty  ceases  to  be 
Spanish,  shall  continue  under  its  jurisdiction  until  final  judgement ; 
but,  such  judgement  having  been  rendered,  the  execution  thereof 
shall  be  committed  to  the  competent  authority  of  the  place  in 
which  the  case  arose. 

Article  13. — The  rights  of  property  secured  by  copyrights  and 
patents  acquired  by  Spaniards  in  the  Island  of  Cuba  and  in  Porto 
Rico,  the  Philippines  and  other  ceded  territories,  at  the  time  of 
the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  shall  continue  to  be 
respected.  Spanish  scientific,  literary  and  artistic  works,  not 
subversive  of  public  order  in  the  territories  in  question,  shall 
continue  to  be  admitted  free  of  duty  into  such  territories,  for  the 
period  of  ten  years,  to  be  reckoned  from  the  date  of  the  exchange 
of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty. 

Article  14. — Spain  will  have  the  power  to  establish  Consular 
officers  in  the  ports  and  places  of  the  territories,  the  sovereignty 
over  which  has  been  either  relinquished  or  ceded  by  the  present 
treaty. 


Treaty  of  Peace  between  Spain  and  America       483 

Article  15. — The  Government  of  each  country  will,  for  the 
term  of  ten  years,  accord  to  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  other 
country  the  same  treatment  in  respect  of  all  port  charges,  including 
entrance  and  clearance  dues,  light  dues,  and  tonnage  duties,  as  it 
accords  to  its  own  merchant  vessels,  not  engaged  in  the  coastwise 
trade.  This  article  may  at  any  time  be  terminated  on  six  months1 
notice  given  by  either  Government  to  the  other. 

Article  16. — It  is  understood  that  any  obligations  assumed  in 
this  treaty  by  the  United  States  with  respect  to  Cuba  are  limited 
to  the  time  of  its  occupancy  thereof;  but  it  will,  upon  the 
termination  of  such  occupancy,  advise  any  Government  established 
in  the  Island  to  assume  the  same  obligations. 

Article  17. — The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate  thereof,  and  by  Her  Majesty  the  Queen-Regent  of  Spain ; 
and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  at  Washington  within  six 
months  from  the  date  hereof,  or  earlier  if  possible. 

In  faith  whereof,  we,  the  respective  Plenipotentiaries,  have 
signed  this  treaty  and  have  hereunto  affixed  our  seals. 

Done  in  duplicate  at  Paris,  the  10th  day  of  December,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1 898. 

William  R.  Day. 

Cushman  K.  Davis. 

William  P.  Frye. 

Geo.  Gray. 

Whitelaw  Reid. 

EuGENIO    MONTERO    RlOS. 

B.  de  Abarzuza. 

J.    DE    GaRNICA. 

W.  R.  de  Villa-Urrutia. 
Rafael  Cerero. 

Two  years  afterwards  a  supplementary  treaty  was  made  between  the 
United  States  and  Spain,  whereby  the  Islands  of  Cagayan  de  Jold, 
Sibutu,  and  other  islets  not  comprised  in  the  demarcation  set  forth  in 
the  Treaty  of  Paris,  were  ceded  to  the  United  States  for  the  sum  of 
$100,000  gold.  These  small  islands  had,  apparently,  been  overlooked 
when  the  Treaty  of  Paris  was  concluded. 


484 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

AN   OUTLINE   OF  THE   WAR   OF   INDEPENDENCE, 
PERIOD   1899—1901 

"  I  speak  not  of  forcible  annexation  because  that  is  not  to  be  thought  of,  and 
under  our  code  of  morality  that  would  be  criminal  aggression." — President  McKinky's 
Message  to  Congress  ;  December,  1897. 

"  The  Philippines  are  ours  as  much  as  Louisiana  by  purchase,  or  Texas 
or  Alaska." — President  McKinley's  Speech  to  the  10th  Pennsylvania  Regiment ; 
August  28,   1899. 

Ignorance  of  the  world's  ways,  beyond  the  Philippine  shores,  was  the 
cause  of  the  Aguinaldo  party's  first  disappointment.  A  score  of 
pamphlets  has  been  published  to  show  how  thoroughly  the  Filipinos 
believed  America's  mission  to  these  Islands  to  be  solely  prompted  by 
a  compassionate  desire  to  aid  them  in  their  struggle  for  immediate 
sovereign  independence.  Laudatory  and  congratulatory  speeches,  uttered 
in  British  colonies,  in  the  presence  of  American  officials,  and  hope- 
inspiring  expressions  which  fell  from  their  lips  before  Aguinaldo's 
return  to  Cavite  from  exile,  strengthened  that  conviction.  Sympathetic 
avowals  and  grandiloquent  phrases,  such  as  "  for  the  sake  of  humanity," 
and  "  the  cause  of  civilization,"  which  were  so  freely  bandied  about  at 
the  time  by  unauthorized  Americans,  drew  Aguinaldo  into  the  error 
of  believing  that  some  sort  of  bond  really  existed  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Philippine  Revolutionary  Party.  In  truth,  there  was 
no  agreement  between  America  and  the  Filipinos.  There  was  no 
American  plenipotentiary  empowered  to  make  any  political  compact 
with  the  Islanders.  At  that  date  there  was  neither  a  Philippine  policy 
nor  any  fixed  programme  regarding  the  future  disposal  of  the  Islands, 
and  whatever  naval,  military,  or  other  officers  might  have  said  to 
Aguinaldo  was  said  on  their  own  private  responsibility,  and  could 
in  no  way  affect  the  action  of  the  American  Government.  Without 
any  training  in  or  natural  bent  for  diplomacy,  Aguinaldo  had  not  the 
faintest  idea  of  what  foreign  "  protection "  signified.  He  thought 
that  after  the  capture  of  Manila  the  Americans  would  sail  away 
and  leave  the  Filipinos  to  themselves,  and  only  reappear  if  any  other 
Power  interfered  with  their  native  government. 


BOWIE-KNIVES    AND    WEAPONS    OF    THE    CHRISTIAN    NATIVES. 
Central  figure— "  Talibon."    The  others— Bowie-knives  (Sp.  Bolo,  Tag.  Giiloc). 


Insurgents  prepare  for  the  conflict  485 

Admiral  Dewey  had  a  double  task  to  perform.  He  had  to  destroy 
the  Spanish  fleet,  and  to  co-operate  in  the  taking  of  Manila.  In  the 
destruction  of  the  fleet  the  attitude  of  the  natives  was  of  little  concern 
to  him.  In  the  taking  of  the  capital  it  was  important  to  know  what 
part  the  natives  would  play.  It  was  certain  they  would  not  be  placid 
spectators  of  the  struggle,  wherever  Aguinaldo  might  be.  If  they 
must  enter  into  it,  it  was  desirable  to  have  them  led  by  one  who  could 
control  them  and  repress  excesses.  It  would  have  been  better  for  the 
Americans  if,  pending  the  issue  with  the  Spaniards,  no  third  party  had 
existed ;  but,  as  it  did  exist,  both  contending  nations  were  anxious  for 
its  goodwill  or  its  control.  Therefore  Admiral  Dewey's  recognition  of 
Aguinaldo  as  a  factor  in  the  hostilities  was  nothing  more  nor  less  than 
a  legitimate  stratagem  to  facilitate  his  operations  against  the  Spaniards. 
Dewey  simply  neutralized  a  possible  adverse  force  by  admissible  military 
artifice,  and  Aguinaldo  was  too  ingenuous  to  see  that  he  was  being 
outwitted.  The  fighting  section  of  the  Filipinos  was  intensely  irritated 
at  not  having  been  allowed  to  enter  and  sack  the  capital.  They  had 
looked  forward  to  it  as  the  crowning  act  of  victory.  The  general  mass 
of  the  christianized  Islanders  hoped  that  Philippine  independence 
would  immediately  follow  the  capitulation  of  Manila,  although,  in 
the  capital  itself,  natives  of  position  and  property  evinced  little 
enthusiasm  for  the  insurgents1  triumph,  whilst  some  inwardly  doubted 
it.  ^In  September  a  native  lawyer,  Felipe  Agoncillo,  was  sent  to 
Washington  to  lay  the  Filipinos"'  case  before  the  President  in  the 
hope  of  gaining  his  personal  support  of  their  claims  {vide  p.  472). 
The  first  fear  was  that  the  Colony  might  revert  to  Spain,  but  that 
idea  was  soon  dispelled  by  the  news  of  the  stipulations  of  the 
Treaty  of  Paris.  Simultaneously  Aguinaldo's  revolutionary  army  was 
being  pushed  farther  and  farther  away  from  the  capital,  and  it  was 
evident,  from  the  mood  of  his  fighting-men,  that  if  the  Americans 
remained  in  possession  of  the  Colony,  hostilities,  sooner  or  later,  must 
break  out.  The  Americans  officially  ignored  the  Aguinaldo  party  as 
a  factor  in  public  affairs,  but  they  were  not  unaware  of  the  warlike 
preparations  being  made.  Secret  anti-American  meetings  were  held 
at  places  called  clubs,  where  it  was  agreed  to  attack  simultaneously 
the  Americans  inside  and  outside  the  capital.  General  Pio  del  Pilar 
slept  in  the  city  every  night,  ready  to  give  the  rocket-signal  for  revolt. 
Natives  between  18  and  40  years  of  age  were  being  recruited  for  military 
service,  according  to  a  Malolos  Government  decree  dated  September  21, 
1898.  In  every  smithy  and  factory  bowie-knives  were  being  forged 
with  all  speed,  and  10,000  men  were  already  armed  with  them.  General 
E.  S.  Otis  was  willing  to  confer  with  Aguinaldo,  and  six  sessions  were 
held,  the  last  taking  place  on  January  29,  six  days  before  the  outbreak. 
Nothing  resulted  from  these  conferences,  the  Americans  alleging  that 
Aguinaldo  would  make  no  definite  statement  of  his  people's  aims,  whilst 


486  Anti- American  Manifesto— The  Republic 

the  Filipinos  declare  that  their  intentions  were  so  well  understood  by 
the  American  general  that  he  would  listen  to  nothing  short  of  un- 
conditional submission. 

The  following  manifesto,  dated  January  5,  signed  by  Emilio 
Aguinaldo,  clearly  shows  the  attitude  of  the  Revolutionary  Party  at 
this  period : — 

To  my  Brethren  the  Filipinos,  and  to  all  the  respected 
Consuls  and  other  Foreigners  : — 

General  Otis  styles  himself  Military  Governor  of  these  Islands, 
and  I  protest  one  and  a  thousand  times  and  with  all  the  energy  of 
my  soul  against  such  authority.  I  proclaim  solemnly  that  I  have 
not  recognized  either  in  Singapore  or  in  Hong-Kong  or  in  the 
Philippines,  by  word  or  in  writing,  the  sovereignty  of  America 
over  this  beloved  soil.  On  the  contrary,  I  say  that  I  returned  to 
these  Islands  on  an  American  warship  on  the  19th  of  May  last  for 
the  express  purpose  of  making  war  on  the  Spaniards  to  regain  our 
liberty  and  independence.  I  stated  this  in  my  proclamation  of  the 
24th  of  May  last,  and  I  published  it  in  my  Manifesto  addressed  to 
the  Philippine  people  on  the  12th  of  June.  Lastly,  all  this  was 
confirmed  by  the  American  General  Merritt  himself,  predecessor  of 
General  Otis,  in  his  Manifesto  to  the  Philippine  people  some  days 
before  he  demanded  the  surrender  of  Manila  from  the  Spanish 
General  Jaudenes.  In  that  Manifesto  it  is  distinctly  stated  that 
the  naval  and  field  forces  of  the  United  States  had  come  to  give 
us  our  liberty,  by  subverting  the  bad  Spanish  Government.  And 
I  hereby  protest  against  this  unexpected  act  of  the  United  States 
claiming  sovereignty  over  these  Islands  My  relations  with  the 
American  authorities  prove  undeniably  that  the  United  States  did 
not  bring  me  over  here  from  Hong-Kong  to  make  war  on  the 
Spaniards  for  their  benefit,  but  for  the  purpose  of  our  own  liberty 
and  independence.  .  .  . 

Emilio  Aguinaldo. 

Aguinaldo  having  been  successively  Dictator  and  President  of  the 
Revolutionary  Government  (vide  p.  448),  now  assumed  the  new  title  of 
President  of  the  Philippine  Republic,  the  Articles  of  Constitution  of 
which  (drawn  up  by  his  Prime  Minister  Apolinario  Mabini)  were  dated 
January  21,  1899,  and  promulgated  by  him  on  the  following  day.  In 
due  course  the  news  came  that  the  date  of  voting  in  the  Senate  for  or 
against  the  retention  of  the  Islands  was  fixed.  The  Americans  already 
in  the  Colony  were  practically  unanimous  in  their  desire  for  its 
retention,  and  every  effort  was  made  by  them  to  that  end.  The 
question  of  the  treaty  ratification  was  warmly  discussed  in  Washington. 
A  week  before  the  vote  was  taken  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  necessary 
two-thirds  majority  could  be  obtained.     It  was  a  remarkable  coincidence 


The  opening  shot — Battle  of  Paco  487 

that  just  when  the  Republican  Party  was  straining  every  nerve  to  secure 
the  two  or  three  wavering  votes,  the  first  shots  were  exchanged  between 
a  native  and  an  American  outpost  in  the  suburbs  of  the  capital.  Each 
side  accuses  the  other  of  having  precipitated  hostilities.  However  that 
may  be,  this  event  took  place  precisely  at  a  date  when  the  news  of  it  in 
Washington  served  to  secure  the  votes  of  the  hesitating  senators  in 
favour  of  retention.1  The  provocative  demeanour  of  the  insurgents  at 
the  outposts  was  such  that  a  rupture  was  inevitable  sooner  or  later, 
and  if  a  Senate  vote  of  abandonment  had  come  simultaneously  with 
insurrection,  the  situation  would  have  been  extremely  complicated ;  it 
would  have  been  difficult  for  the  Oriental  not  to  have  believed  that  the 
invader  was  nervously  beating  a  retreat.  The  Nebraska  Regiment  was 
at  Santa  Mesa,  guarding  its  front.  Americans  were  frequently  insulted, 
called  cowards,  and  openly  menaced  by  the  insurgents.  In  the  evening 
of  Saturday,  February  4,  1899,  an  insurgent  officer  came  with  a  detail 
of  men  and  attempted  to  force  his  way  past  the  sentinel  on  the  San 
Juan  bridge.  About  nine  o'clock  a  large  body  of  rebels  advanced  on 
the  South  Dakota  Regiment's  outposts,  and  to  avoid  the  necessity  of 
firing,  for  obvious  reasons,  the  picquets  fell  back.  For  several  nights  a 
certain  insurgent  lieutenant  had  tried  to  pass  the  Nebraska  lines.  At 
length  he  approached  a  sentinel,  who  called  "  halt "  three  times  without 
response,  and  then  shot  the  lieutenant  dead.  Several  insurgents  then 
fired  and  retreated ;  rockets  were  at  once  sent  up  by  the  Filipinos,  and 
firing  started  all  along  the  line,  from  Caloocan  to  Santa  Mesa.  By 
ten  o'clock  the  Filipinos  concentrated  at  Caloocan,  Santa  Mesa,  and 
Gagalanging,  whence  they  opened  a  simultaneous,  but  ineffectual, 
fusillade,  supplemented  by  two  siege  guns  at  Balicbalic  and  a  skirmishing 
attack  from  Pandacan  and  Paco.  Desperate  fighting  continued  through- 
out the  night ;  the  Filipinos,  driven  back  from  every  post  with  heavy 
loss,  rallied  the  next  morning  at  Paco,  where  they  occupied  the  parish 
church,  to  which  many  non-combatant  refugees  had  fled.  The  American 
warships,  co-operating  with  their  batteries,  poured  a  terrific  fire  on  the 
church,  and  kept  up  a  continuous  attack  on  the  insurgent  position  at 
Caloocan,  where  General  Aguinaldo  was  in  command.  At  daylight  the 
Americans  made  a  general  advance  towards  Paco  and  Santa  Ana.  At 
the  former  place  the  Filipinos  resisted  desperately  ;  the  church,  sheltering 
refugees  and  insurgents,  was  completely  demolished  ; 2  the  Filipinos1 
loss  amounted  to  about  4,000  killed  and  wounded,  whilst  the  Americans 
lost  about  175  killed  and  wounded.  It  is  estimated  that  the  approxi- 
mate number  of  troops  engaged  in  this  encounter  was  13,000  Americans 
and  20,000  Filipinos.  The  insurgents  at  Santa  Ana,  the  survivors  of 
the  Paco  defeat,  and  the  force  which  had  to  abandon  the  Santdlan  water- 

1  The  Treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  by  57  votes  to  27  on  February  6,  1899. 

2  The  Paco  church  was  an  ancient,  imposing  building  ;  to-day  there  is  not  a 
stone  left  to  show  that  it  ever  existed^  and  the  plot  is  perfectly  bare. 


/ 


488  Fighting  around  Manila  ;    Gagalanging 

works,  where  they  left  behind  them  a  howitzer,  all  concentrated  at 
Caloocan.  The  insurgent  and  American  lines  formed  a  semicircle  some 
15  miles  in  extent,  making  it  impossible  to  give  a  comprehensive 
description  of  the  numerous  small  engagements. 

Immediately  the  news  of  the  rupture  reached  Washington  the 
Philippine  Envoy,  Felipe  Agoncillo,  fled  to  Montreal,  Canada,  in  a 
great  hurry,  leaving  his  luggage  behind.  No  one  was  troubling  him, 
and  there  was  not  the  least  need  for  such  a  precipitate  flight  from  a 
country  where  civilized  international  usages  obtain.  On  February  5 
an  engagement  took  place  at  Gagalanging,  where  the  natives  collected 
in  the  hundreds  of  bungalows  around  that  village  awaiting  the 
advance  of  the  Oregon  Regiment.  Amongst  the  spectators  was  the 
German  Prince  Ludwig  von  Lowenstein.  The  Americans  continued 
advancing  and  firing,  when  suddenly  the  prince  ran  across  an  open 
space  and  took  shelter  in  a  hut  which  he  must  have  known  would  be 
attacked  by  the  Oregons.  The  order  was  given  to  fire  into  the  native 
dwellings  giving  cover  to  the  insurgents,  and  the  prince's  dead  body  was 
subsequently  found  perforated  by  a  bullet.  In  his  pocket  he  carried  a 
pass  issued  by  Aguinaldo  conceding  to  the  bearer  permission  to  go 
anywhere  within  the  insurgent  lines,  and  stating  that  he  was  a  sympathizer 
with  their  cause.  It  was  noticed  that  the  prince  several  times  deliberately 
threw  himself  into  danger.  No  one  could  ascertain  exactly  in  what 
capacity  he  found  himself  near  the  fighting-line.  Less  than  two  years 
previously  he  had  married  the  daughter  of  an  English  earl,  and  the 
popular  belief  was  that,  for  private  reasons,  he  intentionally  courted  death. 

The  rebels  were  repulsed  at  every  point  with  great  loss.  Lines  of 
smoke  from  the  burning  villages  marked  the  direction  taken  by  the 
Americans  advancing  under  the  leadership  of  Generals  Otis,  Wheaton, 
Hale,  and  Hall.  An  immense  amount  of  impedimenta  in  the  shape  of 
pontoons,  telegraph  posts  and  wires,  ammunition,  and  provisions  followed 
the  infantry  in  perfect  order.  On  the  line  taken  by  the  troops  many 
native  householders  hoisted  white  flags  to  indicate  their  peaceful 
intentions.  Ambulances  were  frequently  seen  coming  in  with  the 
wounded  Americans  and  Filipinos,  and  among  them  was  brought  the 
chief  of  an  Igorrote  tribe  with  a  broken  thigh.  His  tribe,  who  had 
been  persuaded  by  Aguinaldo  to  bring  their  bows  and  arrows  to  co-operate 
with  him,  were  placed  in  the  front  and  suffered  great  slaughter.  In 
hospital  the  Igorrote  chief  spoke  with  much  bitterness  of  how  he  had 
been  deceived,  and  vowed  vengeance  against  the  Tagalogs.  The  next  day 
at  Caloocan  the  rebels  made  a  determined  stand,  but  were  driven  out  of 
the  place  by  10-inch  shells  fired  from  the  Monadnoclc  over  the  American 
lines.  General  Hall  occupied  Santolan  and  the  pumping-station  there 
and  repelled  the  repeated  attacks  made  on  his  column.  General 
McArthur  with  a  flying  column  cleared  the  surrounding  district  of  the 
enemy,  but  owing  to  the  roughness  of  the  country  he  was  unable  to 


Insurgents  driven  North — Manila  inflames         489 

pursue  them.  Aguinaldo  was  therefore  able  to  escape  north  with  his 
army,  reinforced  by  native  troops  who  had  been  trained  in  Spanish 
service.  There  was  also  a  concentration  of  about  2,500  natives  from 
the  southern  Luzon  provinces.  The  insurgents  had  cut  trenches  at 
almost  every  mile  along  the  route  north.  In  the  several  skirmishes 
which  took  place  on  March  25  the  Americans  lost  one  captain  and  25 
men  killed  and  eight  officers  and  142  men  wounded.  The  next  day 
there  was  some  hard  fighting  around  Polo  and  Novaliches,  where  the 
insurgents  held  out  for  six  hours  against  General  McArthur's  three 
brigades  of  cavalry  and  artillery.  After  the  defeat  at  Paco,  Aguinaldo 
moved  on  to  the  town  of  Malabon,  which  was  shelled ;  the  enemy 
therefore  immediately  evacuated  that  place  in  great  confusion,  after 
setting  fire  to  the  buildings.  Over  1,000  men,  women,  and  children 
hastened  across  the  low,  swampy  lands  carrying  their  household  goods 
and  their  fighting-cocks  ;  it  was  indeed  a  curious  spectacle.  General 
Wheaton's  brigade  captured  Malinta,  and  the  insurgents  fled  panic- 
stricken  after  having  suffered  severely.  The  American  loss  was  small 
in  numbers,  but  Colonel  Egbert,  of  the  22nd  Infantry,  was  mortally 
wounded  whilst  leading  a  charge.  As  he  lay  on  the  litter  in  the  midst 
of  the  fight  General  Wheaton  cheered  him  with  the  words,  "  Nobly 
done,  Egbert ! ,1  to  which  the  dying  colonel  replied,  "  Good-bye,  General ; 
I'm  done  ;  I'm  too  old,"  and  at  once  expired. 

In  March  the  natives  tried  to  burn  down  one  of  the  busiest  Manila 
suburbs.  At  8  o'clock  one  evening  they  set  fire  to  the  Chinese  quarters  in 
Santa  Cruz,  and  the  breeze  rapidly  wafted  the  flames.  The  conflagration 
lasted  four  hours.  The  English  Fire-Brigade  turned  out  to  quench  it. 
Hundreds  of  Chinese  laden  with  chattels  hurried  to  and  fro  about  the 
streets  ;  natives  rushed  hither  and  thither  frantically  trying  to  keep  the 
fire  going  whilst  the  whites  were  endeavouring  to  extinguish  it ;  and  with 
the  confusion  of  European  and  Oriental  tongues  the  place  was  a  perfect 
pandemonium.  General  Hughes  was  at  the  head  of  the  police,  but  the 
surging  mob  pressed  forward  and  cut  the  hose  five  times.  With  fixed 
bayonets  the  troops  partially  succeeded  in  holding  back  the  swelling 
crowd.  The  electric  wires  got  out  of  working  order,  and  the  city  was 
lighted  only  by  the  glare  of  the  flaming  buildings.  Bullets  were  flying 
in  all  directions  about  Tondo  and  Binondo.  The  intense  excitement 
was  intentionally  sustained  by  batches  of  natives  who  rushed  hither  and 
thither  with  hideous  yells  to  inspire  a  feeling  of  terror.  Many  families, 
fearing  that  the  insurgents  had  broken  through  the  American  lines  and 
entered  the  city  en  masse,  frantically  fled  from  the  hotels  and  houses. 
Incessant  bugle-calls  from  the  natives  added  to  the  commotion,  and 
thousands  of  Chinese  crowded  into  the  Chinese  Consulate.  Finally  the 
rioters  were  driven  back,  and  a  cordon  of  troops  assured  the  safety  of 
the  capital.  Sharp  engagements  simultaneously  took  place  at  the 
Chinese  cemetery  and  at  San  Pedro  Macati.     Bands  of  insurgents  were 


490  Insurgent  tactics — Battle  of  Marilao 

arrested  in  Tondo.  A  group  of  60  was  captured  escorting  two  cartloads 
of  arms  and  ammunition  to  a  house.  Business  was  almost  entirely 
suspended,  and  a  general  order  was  issued  by  the  Military  Governor 
commanding  all  civilians  to  remain  in  their  houses  after  7  p.m. 
This  hour  was  gradually  extended  to  8  o'clock,  then  9  o'clock,  and 
finally  to  midnight,  as  circumstances  permitted.  An  edict  was  posted 
up  fixing  the  penalties  for  incendiarism.  During  two  days  smoke 
hovered  around  the  neighbourhood,  and  the  appearance  of  Manila  from 
the  bay  was  that  of  a  smouldering  city. 

In  the  fighting  up  country,  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  for  the 
Americans  was  that  the  insurgents  would  not  concentrate  and  have  a 
decisive  contest.  They  would  fire  a  few  volleys  from  cover  and  retreat 
to  other  cover,  repeating  these  harassing,  but  inconclusive,  tactics 
over  many  miles  of  ground.  On  their  march  the  Americans  had  to 
fight  a  hidden  foe  who  slipped  from  trench  to  trench,  or  found  safety 
in  the  woods.  Sometimes  a  trenchful  of  the  enemy  would  fire  a  volley 
and  half  of  them  disappear  through  gullies  leading  to  other  cover. 
The  next  point  of  importance  to  be  reached  was  Malalos,  and  on  the 
way  some  thirty  villages  had  to  be  passed.  Besides  the  volleys  delivered 
by  hidden  insurgents  all  along  the  line,  a  hard-fought  battle  took 
place  on  March  28  under  the  personal  direction  of  General  Aguinaldo, 
who  concentrated  about  5,000  men  near  Marilao.  Aguinaldo  directed 
the  movements  without  appearing  on  the  field  ;  indeed  it  is  doubtful 
whether,  during  this  war,  he  ever  led  his  troops  into  action.  General 
McArthur's  division  had  halted  at  Meycauayan  the  previous  night,  and 
in  the  morning  advanced  north  in  conjunction  with  General  Hale's 
brigade,  which  took  the  right,  whilst  General  Otis  led  his  troops  to  the 
left  of  the  railroad,  General  Wheaton's  brigade  being  held  in  reserve. 
After  a  three-mile  march  these  forces  fell  in  with  the  enemy,  who 
opened  fire  from  trenches  and  thickets;  but  General  Otis's  troops 
charged  them  gallantly  and  drove  them  back  across  the  river.  There 
the  insurgents  rallied,  relying  upon  the  splendid  trenches  which  they 
had  dug.  The  battle  raged  for  three  hours,  the  combatants  being  finally 
within  fifty  yards  of  each  other.  Eventually  the  American  artillery  came 
into  play,  when  the  advanced  works  of  the  insurgent  defences  were  literally 
pulverized  and  the  general  rout  of  the  enemy  began.  They  retreated 
to  their  second  stronghold  of  bamboo  thickets,  pursued  by  the  1st  South 
Dakota  Infantry,  which  made  a  brilliant  charge  in  the  open,  under  a 
galling  fire,  with  a  loss  of  three  lieutenants  and  seven  men  killed  on 
the  field  and  about  a  score  wounded.  The  insurgents,  however,  were 
completely  defeated  and  scattered,  leaving  85  dead  counted  in  the 
trenches  and  thickets,  and  a  hundred  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the 
Americans.  Before  abandoning  Marilao  the  insurgents  burnt  the  town 
to  the  ground  and  continued  their  hurried  flight  to  Malolos.  They  had 
plenty  of  time  to  rally,  for  the  Americans  found  great  difficulty  in 


Captiwe  of  Malolos,  the  insurgent  capital  491 

bringing  their  artillery  across  the  river  at  Guiguinto.  It  had  to  be 
drawn  over  the  railway  bridge  by  hand  whilst  the  mules  swam  across  to 
the  northern  bank,  all  being,  at  the  same  time,  under  a  desultory  fire 
from  the  enemy.  The  resistance  of  the  Filipinos  to  the  passage  of  the 
river  at  Guig;uinto  was  so  stubborn  that  the  Americans  lost  about  70 
killed  and  wounded.  At  6  a.m.  the  Americans  started  the  advance 
towards  Malolos  in  the  same  order  taken  for  the  march  to  Marilao, 
General  Hale's  brigade  taking  the  right  and  General  Otis's  the  left  of 
the  railroad.  Several  skirmishes  took  place  on  the  way  and  General 
Wheaton  brought  his  reserves  forward  into  the  general  advance.  At 
Bocaue  the  river  presented  the  same  difficulties  for  artillery  transport 
as  were  experienced  at  Guiguinto,  except  that  the  enemy  was  nowhere 
to  be  seen.  Bigaa  was  reached  and  not  an  armed  native  was  in  sight, 
all  having  apparently  concentrated  in  the  insurgent  capital,  Malolos. 
The  American  casualties  that  day,  due  solely  to  the  morning  skirmishes, 
amounted  to  four  killed  and  thirty  wounded. 

It  is  apparent,  from  the  official  despatches,  that  at  this  time  the 
American  generals  seriously  believed  the  Aguinaldo  party  would 
acknowledge  its  defeat  and  make  peace  if  Malolos,  the  revolutionary 
seat  of  government,  fell.  All  that  was  going  on  in  Manila  was  well 
known  to  the  insurgents  in  the  field,  as  the  news  was  brought  to  them 
daily  by  runners  who  were  able  to  enter  the  city  during  daylight 
without  interference.  On  March  30  General  McArthur's  division 
resumed  the  advance  and  brought  up  the  baggage  trains,  after  having 
repaired  the  several  bridges  damaged  by  the  enemy.  The  environs  of 
Malolos  were  reconnoitred  up  to  within  a  mile  of  the  town,  and  the 
dead  bodies  of  insurgent  soldiers  were  seen  scattered  here  and  there. 
Groups  of  hundreds  of  non-combatants  were  hurrying  off  from  the 
beleaguered  insurgent  capital.  General  Otis\s  brigade  pushed  forward 
without  any  encounter  with  the  enemy,  but  General  Hale's  column, 
which  continued  to  take  the  right  side  of  the  railway,  was  fired  upon 
from  the  woods,  the  total  casualties  that  day  being  five  killed  and  43 
wounded.  At  7  a.m.  (March  31)  the  Americans  opened  the  combined 
attack  on  Malolos.  General  Mc Arthur  directed  the  operations  from 
the  railway  embankment,  and  half  an  hour's  artillery  fire  dislodged  the 
enemy  from  their  cover.  The  columns  advanced  cautiously  towards 
the  town  in  anticipation  of  a  fierce  resistance  and,  it  was  hoped,  a  fight 
to  the  finish.  General  Otis  marched  on  direct :  General  Hale  executed 
a  flanking  movement  to  the  east;  General  Wheaton's  brigades  were 
held  in  reserve,  and  a  halt  of  half  an  hour  was  made  preparatory  to  the 
final  assault.  The  scouts  then  returned  and  reported  that  the  insurgents 
had  abandoned  their  capital !  It  was  a  disappointment  to  the 
Americans  who  had  looked  forward  to  inflicting  a  decisive  and  crushing 
defeat  on  the  enemy.  The  first  troops  to  enter  the  town  were  the 
20th  Kansas  Regiment,  under  Colonel  Funston.     The  natives,   in  the 


492  General  Aguinaldo  retreats  to  Calumpit 

wildest  confusion,  scampered  off,  after  firing  a  few  parting  shots  at 
the  approaching  forces,  and  the  Americans,  with  a  total  loss  of  15 
killed  and  wounded,  were  in  undisputed  possession  of  the  insurgent 
capital.  Aguinaldo  had  prudently  evacuated  it  two  days  before  with 
his  main  army,  going  in  the  direction  of  Calumpit.  Only  one  battalion 
had  been  left  behind  to  burn  the  town  on  the  approach  of  the  Americans. 
Aguinaldo's  headquarters,  the  parish  church,  and  a  few  hundred  yards 
of  railway  were  already  destroyed  when  the  Americans  occupied  the 
place,  still  partly  in  flames.  Some  few  hundreds  of  Chinese  were 
the  only  inhabitants  remaining  in  Malolos.  The  value  of  the  food-stuffs 
captured  in  this  place  was  estimated  at  P.l, 500,000.  Simultaneously, 
General  Hall's  brigade  operated  five  to  seven  miles  north  of  Manila  and 
drove  the  insurgents  out  of  Mariquina,  San  Mateo,  and  the  environs  of 
the  Montalban  River  with  a  loss  of  20  men  wounded  and  Lieutenant 
Gregg  killed.  It  was  now  evident  that  Aguinaldo  had  no  intention  to 
come  to  close  quarters  and  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  by  pitched  battles. 
His  policy  was  apparently  to  harry  the  Americans  by  keeping  them 
constantly  on  the  move  against  guerilla  parties,  in  the  hope  that  a 
long  and  wearisome  campaign  would  end  in  the  Americans  abandoning 
the  Islands  in  disgust,  leaving  the  Filipinos  to  their  own  desired 
independence.  Aguinaldo  had  moved  on  to  Calumpit  with  his  main 
army  with  the  intention  of  establishing  his  Government  there.  On  the 
American  side,  active  preparations  were  made  to  dislodge  him.  Small 
gunboats  were  fitted  out  for  operating  on  the  Rio  Grande  de  Pampanga, 
and  an  armoured  train  was  prepared  for  use  farther  north.  From 
Paranaque,  on  the  bay  shore  south  of  Manila,  the  insurgents  fired  on 
the  monitor  MonadnocJc,  but  a  few  shots  from  this  vessel  silenced  the 
shore  battery.  In  several  places,  within  10  to  15  miles  of  the  capital, 
armed  groups  of  insurgents  concentrated,  but  Aguinaldo  moved  on 
towards  Baliuag,  in  the  province  of  Bulacan,  so  as  to  be  within  easy 
reach  of  the  hill  district  of  Angat  in  case  of  defeat. 

A  few  days  after  the  capture  of  Malolos,  General  Otis  issued  a 
proclamation  to  the  Filipinos,  in  the  hope  that  by  drawing  off'  public 
sympathy  from  the  insurgent  cause  it  would  dwindle  away.  The  terms 
of  this  document  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

(1)  The  supremacy  of  the  United  States  must  and  will  be 
enforced  throughout  every  part  of  the  Archipelago.  Those  who 
resist  can  accomplish  nothing  except  their  own  ruin. 

(2)  The  most  ample  liberty  of  self-government  will  be  granted 
which  is  reconcilable  with  the  maintenance  of  a  wise,  just,  stable, 
effective,  and  economical  administration,  and  compatible  with  the 
sovereign  and  international  rights  and  obligations  of  the  United 
States. 

(3)  The  civil  rights  of  the  Filipinos  will  be  guaranteed  and 


Proclamation  of  American  intentions  493 

protected,  religious   freedom   will    be    assured,  and  all    will   have 
equal  standing  before  the  law. 

(4)  Honour,  justice,  and  friendship  forbid  the  exploitation  of 
the  people  of  the  Islands.  The  purpose  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment is  the  welfare  and  advancement  of  the  Filipino  people. 

(5)  The  American  Government  guarantees  an  honest  and 
effective  civil  service,  in  which,  to  the  fullest  extent  practicable, 
natives  shall  be  employed. 

(6)  The  collection  and  application  of  taxes  and  revenues  will 
be  put  on  a  sound  and  honest  economical  basis.  Public  funds 
will  be  raised  justly  and  collected  honestly,  and  will  be  applied 
only  in  defraying  the  proper  expenses  of  the  establishment  and 
maintenance  of  the  Philippine  Government,  and  such  general 
improvements  as  public  interests  demand.  Local  funds  collected 
for  local  purposes  shall  not  be  diverted  to  other  ends.  With  such 
a  prudent  and  honest  fiscal  administration  it  is  believed  that  the 
needs  of  the  Government  will,  in  a  short  time,  become  compatible 
with  a  considerable  reduction  of  taxation. 

(7)  The  pure,  speedy,  and  effective  administration  of  justice, 
whereby  the  evils  of  delay,  corruption,  and  exploitation  will  be 
effectually  eradicated. 

(8)  The  construction  of  roads,  railways,  and  other  means  of 
communication  and  transportation,  and  other  public  works  of 
manifest  advantage  to  the  people  will  be  promoted. 

(9)  Domestic  and  foreign  trade,  commerce,  agriculture,  and 
other  industrial  pursuits,  and  the  general  development  of  the 
country  and  interest  of  the  inhabitants  will  be  the  constant  objects 
of  the  solicitude  and  fostering  care  of  the  Government. 

(10)  Effective  provision  will  be  made  for  the  establishment  of 
elementary  schools,  in  which  the  children  of  the  people  shall  be 
educated,  and  appropriate  facilities  will  also  be  provided  for  their 
higher  education. 

(11)  Reforms  in  all  departments  of  the  Government,  all  branches 
of  the  public  service,  and  all  corporations  closely  touching  the 
common  life  of  the  people  must  be  undertaken  without  delay, 
and  effected  conformably  with  right  and  justice  in  such  a  way 
as  to  satisfy  the  well-founded  demands  and  the  highest  sentiments 
and  aspirations  of  the  Philippine  people. 

The  above  proclamation,  no  doubt,  embodies  the  programme  of 
what  the  American  Government  desired  to  carry  out  at  the  time  of 
its  publication. 

The  Americans  resumed  the  aggressive  against  the  insurgents,  and 
an  expedition  of  1,509  men  and  two  mountain-guns  was  fitted  out 
under  the  command  of  General  Lawton  to  proceed  up  the  Pasig  River 


494         Santa  Cruz  captured — Expedition  to  Baler 

into  the  Lake  of  Bay  in  order  to  capture  Santa  Cruz  at  the  eastern 
extremity.  The  expedition  presented  a  curious  sight ;  it  comprised 
15  native  barges  or  "cascoes"  towed  by  seven  tugs.  Some  of  the  craft 
ran  aground  at  Napindan,  the  entrance  to  the  lake,  and  delayed  the 
little  flotilla  until  daylight.  The  barges  ahead  had  to  wait  for  the 
vessels  lagging  behind.  Then  a  mist  came  over  the  shore,  and  there 
was  another  halt.  A  couple  of  miles  off  an  insurgent  steamer  was 
sighted,  but  it  passed  on.  Finally  Santa  Cruz  was  reached ;  200 
sharpshooters  were  landed  under  cover  of  the  launch  guns,  and  fighting 
continued  all  the  afternoon  until  nightfall.  Early  in  the  morning  the 
town  was  attacked,  the  church  situated  in  the  centre  was  captured,  and 
the  American  loss  was  only  six  men  wounded ;  the  insurgents  were 
driven  far  away,  leaving  68  dead  on  the  field,  and  a  large  number  of 
wounded,  whilst  hundreds  were  taken  prisoners. 

On  April  12,  at  the  request  of  the  Spanish  General  Rios,1  the 
gunboat  Yorktown  was  despatched  to  Baler,  on  the  east  coast  of  Luzon, 
to  endeavour  to  rescue  a  party  of  80  Spanish  soldiers,  three  officers, 
and  two  priests  who  were  holding  out  against  400  insurgents.  These 
natives,  who  were  all  armed  with  Mauser  rifles,  laid  in  ambush,  and 
surprised  the  landing-party  under  Lieutenant  Gilmore.  The  whole 
party  was  captured  by  the  insurgents,  who  were  afterwards  ordered  to 
release  them  all.  General  Aguinaldo  was  always  as  humanely  disposed 
as  the  circumstances  of  war  would  permit,  and,  at  the  request  of  the 
commissioners  for  the  liberation  of  the  Spanish  prisoners,  he  gave  this 
little  band  of  83  heroes  and  two  priests  their  liberty  under  a  decree  so 
characteristic  of  Philippine  imitative  genius  in  its  pompous  allusion  to 
the  Spanish  glorious  past  that  it  is  well  worth  recording.2 

General  Lawton  asserted  that  100,000  men  would  be  required  to 
conquer  the  Philippines,  but  they  were  never  sent,  because  there  was 
always  an  influential  group  of  optimists  who  expected  an  early  collapse 
of  the  insurgent  movement.  General  Otis  sent  frequent  cablegrams  to 
Washington  expressing  his  belief  that  the  war  would  soon  come  to  an 
end.  However,  in  April,  1899,  14,000  regular  troops  were  despatched 
to  the  Islands  to  reinforce  the  Volunteer  regiments.  It  was  a  wise 
measure  taken  not  too  soon,  for  it  was  clear  that  a  certain  amount  of 

1  General  Diego  de  los  Rios  was  remaining  in  Manila  to  negotiate  with  the 
insurgents  the  liberation  of  the  Spanish  prisoners  (vide  p.  477). 

2  The  decree  says  : — "  Seeing  that  the  Spanish  garrison  in  Baler,  consisting 
"of  a  handful  of  men,  isolated,  without  hope  of  succour,  is,  by  its  valour  and 
"  constant  heroism  worthy  of  universal  admiration,  and  in  view  of  its  defence, 
"  comparable  only  with  the  legendary  valour  of  the  sons  of  the  Cid  and  of  Pelayo, 
"I  render  homage  to  military  virtues,  and,  interpreting  the  sentiments  of  the 
"  Philippine  Republic,  on  the  proposal  of  my  Secretary  of  War,  and  in  agreement 
"  with  my  Council  of  State,  I  hereby  decree  as  follows,  viz.  :—  That  the  said  forces 
"  shall  no  longer  be  considered  our  prisoners,  but  our  friends,  and  consequently 
"the  necessary  passes  shall  be  furnished  them  enabling  them  to  return  to  their 
"country.  Given  in  Tarlac  on  the  30th  of  June,  1890.  The  President  of  the 
" Republic, — Emilio  Aguinaldo." 


Opinions  in  America — Reverse  at  Guingua         495 

discontent  had  manifested  itself  among  the  Volunteers.  Moreover,  the 
whole  management  of  the  Philippine  problem  was  much  hampered  by 
an  anti-annexation  movement  in  America  which  did  not  fail  to  have  its 
influence  on  the  Volunteers,  many  of  whom  were  anxious  to  return 
home  if  they  could.  Senator  Hoar  and  his  partisans  persistently 
opposed  the  retention  of  the  Islands,  claiming  that  it  was  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  the  American  Constitution  to  impose  a  government  upon  a 
people  against  its  will.  American  sentiment  was  indeed  becoming  more 
and  more  opposed  to  expansion  of  territorial  possession  beyond  the 
continent,  in  view  of  the  unsatisfactory  operations  in  the  Philippines — 
a  feeling  which  was,  however,  greatly  counterbalanced  by  a  recognition 
of  the  political  necessity  of  finishing  an  unpleasant  task  already  begun, 
for  the  sake  of  national  dignity. 

About  this  time  the  Philippine  envoy,  Felipe  Agoncillo,  was  in 
Paris  as  president  of  a  junta  of  his  compatriots.  Some  of  the  members 
were  of  opinion  that  they  ought  to  negotiate  for  peace  directly  with  the 
American  Secretary  of  State,  but  Agoncillo  so  tenaciously  opposed 
anything  short  of  sovereign  Philippine  independence  that  some  of  the 
members  withdrew  and  returned  to  the  Islands.  A  year  later  I  found 
Agoncillo  of  exactly  the  same  intransigent  persuasion. 

At  the  end  of  April  the  Americans  suffered  a  severe  reverse  at 
Guingua  (Bulacan),  where  Major  Bell,  with  40  cavalrymen,  came  across 
a  strong  outpost  from  which  the  enemy  fired,  killing  one  and  wounding 
five  men.  With  great  difficulty  the  dead  and  wounded  were  carried 
back  under  fire,  and  it  was  found  that  the  enemy  occupied  a  big  trench 
encircling  three  sides  of  a  paddy-field  bordering  on  a  wood.  As  the 
Americans  retreated,  the  insurgents  crept  up,  aided  by  a  mist,  to 
within  short  range  and  fired  another  volley.  Major  Bell  sent  for 
reinforcements,  and  a  battalion  of  infantry  was  soon  on  the  scene,  but 
their  advance  was  checked  by  the  continuous  firing  from  the  trenches. 
Artillery  was  on  the  way,  but  the  insurgents  were  not  disposed  to  charge 
the  Americans,  who  lay  for  two  hours  under  cover  of  a  rice-field  embank- 
ment in  a  broiling  hot  sun.  One  man  died  of  sunstroke.  Finally  a 
second  battalion  of  infantry  arrived  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Stotsenberg,  who  was  very  popular  with  his  men.  He  was  received  with 
cheers,  and  immediately  ordered  a  charge  against  the  enemy  in  the 
trenches ;  but  whilst  leading  the  attack  he  was  shot  in  the  breast,  and 
died  immediately.  Within  short  range  of  the  trenches  Lieutenant 
Sisson  fell,  shot  through  the  heart.  By  this  time  the  artillery  had 
arrived,  and  shelled  the  trenches.  The  insurgents,  however,  held  their 
position  well  for  a  time,  until  the  infantry  was  close  up  to  them,  when, 
following  their  usual  tactics,  they  ran  off  to  another  trench  a  mile  or  so 
away.  The  total  American  losses  that  day  were  two  officers  and  four 
privates  killed,  and  three  officers  and  40  men  wounded. 

Spanish    prisoners    released    by    the    Filipinos    declared    that    the 


496  Insurgent  defeat ;  Calumpit  captured 

insurgents  had  50,000  rifles  and  200  pieces  of  artillery  captured 
from  the  Spaniards,  ample  ammunition  manufactured  at  two  large 
factories  up  country,  and  occasional  fresh  supplies  of  war-material 
shipped  from  China  by  Chinese,  European,  and  American  merchants. 
The  preparations  made  to  dislodge  Aguinaldo  and  his  main  army, 
entrenched  and  sheltered  by  fortifications  at  Calumpit,  were  now 
completed,  and  General  Mc Arthur's  division  steadily  advanced.  The 
flower  of  the  insurgent  army  was  there,  well  armed  and  supplied  with 
artillery  and  shrapnel  shell.  Commanded  by  General  Antonio  Luna, 
they  were  evidently  prepared  to  make  at  Calumpit  the  bold  stand 
which  was  expected  of  them  at  Malolos.  The  transport  difficulties  were 
very  great,  and  as  General  McArthur  approached,  every  foot  of  ground 
was  disputed  by  the  enemy.  Bridges  had  been  broken  down,  and  the 
guns  had  to  be  hauled  through  jungle  and  woods  under  a  scorching 
sun.  Many  buffaloes  succumbed  to  the  fatigue,  and  hundreds  of  China- 
men were  employed  to  do  their  work.  The  Bagbag  River  was  reached, 
but  it  had  to  be  crossed,  and  the  passage  cost  the  Americans  six  men 
killed  and  28  wounded.  The  Bagbag  River  was  well  fortified,  and  the 
Americans  had  to  attack  its  defenders  from  an  open  space.  There  were 
trenches  at  every  approach  ;  enormous  pieces  of  rock  had  been  dislodged 
and  hauled  down  towards  the  breastworks  of  the  trenches  to  form  cover. 
The  armoured  train,  pushed  along  the  railway  by  Chinamen,  then  came 
into  action,  and  its  quick-firing  guns  opened  the  assault  on  the  enemy's 
position.  Six-pounders  were  also  brought  into  play ;  the  insurgents 
were  gradually  receding ;  artillery  was  wheeled  up  to  the  river  bank  and  a 
regular  bombardment  of  the  bridge  ensued.  The  trenches  were  shelled, 
and  the  insurgents  were  firing  their  guns  in  the  direction  of  the 
armoured  train,  but  they  failed  to  get  the  range.  Meantime,  a  company 
of  the  Kansas  Regiment  made  a  bold  charge  across  a  paddy-field  and 
found  shelter  in  a  ditch,  whence  they  kept  up  a  constant  fire  to  divert 
the  enemy's  attention  whilst  Colonel  Funston,  the  commander  of  the 
regiment,  with  a  lieutenant  and  four  men,  crept  along  the  girders  of  the 
bridge.  The  enemy,  however,  got  the  range  and  bullets  were  flying  all 
around  them,  so  they  slid  down  the  bridge-supports,  dropped  into  the 
river,  and  swam  to  the  opposite  shore.  Scrambling  up  the  bank, 
revolvers  in  hand,  they  reached  the  trenches  just  as  the  insurgents  were 
hurriedly  evacuating  them.  Indeed,  the  Filipinos'  defence  of  their 
trenches  was  extremely  feeble  during  the  whole  battle.  On  the  other 
hand,  for  the  first  time,  the  insurgents  ventured  out  into  the  open 
against  the  Americans.  General  Antonio  Luna,  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  could  be  seen  galloping  furiously  along  the  lines  exhorting  his 
men  to  hold  their  ground,  and  he  succeeded  in  deploying  them  into  an 
extended  line  of  battle  to  receive  the  enemy's  onslaught.  The  insurgents 
kept  up  a  desultory  fire  whilst  the  troops  forded  the  river,  and  then  they 
were  pursued  and  driven  off  to  the  outskirts  of  the  town.     The  flames 


Insurgents  ask  in  vain  for  an  armistice  497 

rising  from  several  buildings  appeared  to  indicate  an  intention  on  the 
part  of  the  insurgents  to  abandon  their  stronghold.  Simultaneously, 
Generals  Hale  and  Wheaton  were  coming  forward  with  their  columns, 
each  having  had  some  hard  righting  on  the  way.  The  junction  of  forces 
was  effected ;  a  fierce  fire  was  poured  into  the  trenches ;  General  Hale 
and  his  men  made  a  dash  across  a  stream,  up  to  their  waists  in  water  ; 
the  Utah  men  followed  with  their  batteries,  cheering  and  dragging  their 
field-pieces  with  desperate  energy  to  the  opposite  bank  ;  the  enemy  gave 
way,  and  the  armoured  train  crossed  the  bridge.  The  total  American  loss 
that  day  did  not  exceed  nine  in  killed  and  wounded,  whilst  the  insurgent 
losses  were  at  least  70.  During  the  night  the  engineers  repaired  the 
Bagbag  bridge  for  the  rest  of  the  troops  to  pass,  and  fighting  was 
resumed  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  deserted  trenches  were 
occupied  by  the  Americans  to  pick  off  any  insurgents  who  might 
venture  out  into  the  open.  A  general  assault  by  the  combined  columns 
was  then  made  on  the  town,  which  was  captured,  whilst  the  bulk  of  the 
insurgents  fled  in  great  confusion  towards  the  hills.  The  few  who 
lingered  in  the  trenches  in  the  northern  suburbs  of  the  town  were 
shelled  out  of  them  by  the  American  artillery  placed  near  the  church, 
and  the  survivors  decamped,  hotly  pursued  for  some  distance  by  cavalry. 
So  great  was  the  slaughter  that  the  insurgents'1  total  losses  are  unknown. 
The  trenches  were  choked  with  dead  bodies,  and  piles  of  them  were 
found  in  many  places.  When  nightfall  came  and  the  Americans  were 
resting  in  Calumpit  after  their  two  days1  hard  righting,  the  whole 
district  was  illuminated  for  miles  around  by  the  flames  from  the  burning 
villages  and  groups  of  huts,  whilst  the  snapping  of  the  burning  bamboos 
echoed  through  the  stillness  like  volleys  of  rifle-shots. 

Aguinaldo  and  his  Government  had  hastened  north  towards  Tarlae, 
and  on  April  28  he  instructed  General  Antonio  Luna  to  discuss  terms 
of  peace.  Ostensibly  with  this  object  the  general  sent  Colonel  Manuel 
Arguelles  with  his  aide-de-camp  and  an  orderly  to  the  American  camp 
at  Apalit  (Pampanga).  These  men  were  seen  coming  down  the  railway- 
track  carrying  a  white  flag.  An  officer  was  sent  out  to  meet  them,  and 
after  handing  their  credentials  to  him  they  were  forthwith  conducted 
to  General  Wheaton's  headquarters.  General  Wheaton  sent  them  on  to 
General  McArthur,  the  chief  commander  of  the  Northern  Division, 
and  General  McArthur  commissioned  Major  Mallory  to  escort  them  to 
General  Otis  in  Manila.  They  explained  that  they  were  empowered  to 
ask  for  an  armistice  for  a  few  days  as  it  was  proposed  to  summon  their 
Congress  for  May  1  to  discuss  the  question  of  peace  or  war.  General 
Otis  replied  that  he  did  not  recognize  the  Philippine  Republic,  and  that 
there  would  be  no  cessation  of  hostilities  until  his  only  terms  were 
complied  with,  namely,  unconditional  surrender.  The  negotiations  were 
resumed  the  next  day,  and  Arguelles  seemed  personally  inclined  to  meet 
the  American  view  of  the  situation  ;  but  as  his  powers  were  limited  to 


498         Americans  advance  to  Pampanga  Province 

asking  for  an  armistice,  he  and  his  companions  returned  to  the  insurgent 
camp  with  General  Otis's  negative  answer.  On  his  return  to  the  camp 
Colonel  Arguelles  was  accused  of  being  an  "  Americanista  "  in  favour  of 
surrender,  for  which  offence  a  court-martial  passed  sentence  upon  him 
of  expulsion  from  the  insurgent  army  and  12  years1  imprisonment. 
Whatever  Arguelles'  personal  conviction  may  have  been  matters  little, 
but  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events  and  considering  the  impetuous, 
intransigent  character  of  General  Antonio  Luna,  it  is  probable  that 
Arguelles  was  really  only  sent  as  a  spy. 

On  May  5  General  Mc Arthur's  division  advanced  to  Pampanga 
Province,  and  Santo  Tomas  and  San  Fernando  were  taken  without  loss. 
A  portion  of  the  latter  place  had  been  burnt  by  the  retreating  insurgents, 
and  the  townspeople  fled  leaving  their  household  goods  behind  them. 
Generals  Hale  and  Lawton  were  following  up,  and  on  the  way  Baliuag 
(Bulacan)  was  occupied  and  immense  stores  of  foodstuffs  were  seized 
from  the  insurgents  and  private  owners.  The  booty  consisted  of  about 
150,000  bushels  of  rice  and  over  250  tons  of  sugar.  In  other  places 
on  the  way  large  deposits  of  food  fell  into  American  hands.  The  men 
of  the  Nebraska  Regiment  considered  they  had  had  sufficient  hard  work 
for  the  present  in  long  inarching,  continual  fighting,  and  outpost  duty. 
They  therefore  petitioned  General  McArthur  to  relieve  them  temporarily 
from  duty  to  recuperate  their  strength.  There  was  no  doubting  their 
bravery,  of  which  they  had  given  ample  proof;  they  had  simply  reached 
the  limit  of  physical  endurance.  The  hospitals  were  already  full  of 
soldiers  suffering  as  much  from  sunstroke  as  from  wounds  received  in 
battle.  Consequently  some  of  the  regular  regiments  who  had  been 
doing  guard  duty  in  the  capital  were  despatched  to  the  front.  In  the 
following  July  the  Nebraska  Volunteer  Regiment  was  one  of  those  sent 
back  to  the  United  States. 

On  May  19  another  party  of  insurgent  officers  presented  themselves 
to  the  military  authorities  alleging  that  they  had  fuller  powers  than 
Arguelles  possessed  and  were  prepared  to  make  peace  proposals. 
Everything  was  discussed  over  again  ;  but  as  General  Otis's  unalterable 
demand  for  unconditional  surrender  was  already  well  known,  one  can 
only  conclude  that  the  insurgent  commissioners  were  also  spies  sent  to 
gauge  the  power  and  feeling  of  the  Americans,  for  they  promised  to 
return  within  three  weeks  and  then  disappeared  indefinitely. 

On  May  22  more  peace  commissioners  were  sent  by  Aguinaldo. 
They  were  received  by  the  Schurman  Commission  of  Inquest,  who  com- 
municated to  them  a  scheme  of  government  which  they  had  had  under 
consideration  in  agreement  with  President  McKinley.  The  proposed 
plan  embodied  the  appointment  of  a  Gov.-General,  who  would  nominate 
a  Cabinet  to  act  with  him.  The  President  of  the  United  States  was  to 
appoint  the  judges.  The  Cabinet  members  and  the  judges  might  be  all 
Americans,  or  all  Filipinos,  or  both.     Moreover,  there  was  to  be   an 


Insurgent  tactics — G-cn.  Lawton  in  Cavite  499 

Advisory  Council  elected  by  popular  vote.  This  liberal  scheme  was, 
however,  abandoned,  as  its  proposal  seemed  to  have  no  effect  in 
bringing  the  war  to  an  end,  and  the  negotiations  terminated  with  the 
commissioners  and  the  insurgent  delegates  lunching  together  on  board 
the  U.S.  battleship  Oregon,  whilst  the  blood  of  both  parties  continued 
to  flow  on  the  battlefield. 

General  Lawton's  brigade  was  still  operating  in  the  Provinces  of 
Bulacan  and  north  of  Manila  (now  called  Rizal).  The  fighting  was  so 
severe  and  the  exposure  to  sun  so  disastrous  that  about  the  beginning 
of  June  he  had  to  send  back  to  Manila  500  wounded  and  heat-stricken 
men.  It  was  found  impossible  to  follow  up  the  ever-retreating  insur- 
gents, who  again  escaped  still  farther  north.  Along  the  Manila  Bay 
shore  detachments  of  insurgents  passed  from  time  to  time,  driving 
women  and  children  before  them,  so  that  the  Americans  would  not  care 
to  fire  on  them.  Some,  however,  were  picked  off  from  the  warships 
when  the  insurgents  omitted  their  precautionary  measure.  It  was 
impossible  to  "  round  up  "  the  enemy  and  bring  him  into  a  combat  to 
the  finish.  His  movements  were  so  alert  that  he  would  fight,  vanish  in 
a  trice,  conceal  his  arms  and  uniform,  and  mingle  with  the  Americans 
with  an  air  of  perfect  innocence.  With  wonderful  dexterity  he  would 
change  from  soldier  to  civilian,  lounging  one  day  in  the  market-place 
and  the  next  day  fall  into  the  insurgent  ranks.  These  tactics,  which 
led  to  nothing  whatever  in  a  purely  military  sense,  were  evidently 
adopted  in  the  vain  hope  of  wearying  the  Americans  into  an  abandon- 
ment of  their  enterprise. 

In  the  middle  of  June  General  Lawton's  brigade  operated  to  the 
south  of  Manila  and  in  the  Cavite  province,  where  the  natives  gave 
battle  at  the  Zapote  River,  famous  for  a  great  Spanish  defeat  during 
the  rebellion.  The  insurgents  were  under  cover  the  whole  time,  and 
their  assembled  thousands  could  hardly  be  seen  by  the  attacking 
columns.  They  were  also  in  great  force  and  strongly  entrenched  near 
Las  Pinas  and  at  Bacoor.1  From  the  former  place  they  worked  one 
large  and  two  small  guns  with  much  effect,  firing  canister  loaded 
with  nails.  One  canister  shattered  the  legs  of  a  private.  American 
infantry,  skirmishing  along  the  beach,  came  across  a  posse  of  insurgents 
who  at  once  retreated,  pursued  by  the  Americans  until  the  latter  found 
themselves  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  hidden  sharpshooters,  who 
poured  in  a  raking  fire  upon  them.  The  skirmishers  withdrew,  but 
were  rallied    by   General    Lawton   and    other    officers,   who    themselves 

1  After  the  war  I  visited  this  former  insurgent  stronghold.  Of  the  ancient 
church  three  walls  and  a  quarter  of  the  roof  were  left  standing.  There  was  nothing 
inside  but  shrubs,  which  had  grown  up  to  3  feet  high.  In  front  of  the  church  ruins 
stood  an  ironical  emblem  of  the  insurgents'  power  in  the  shape  of  an  antiquated 
Spanish  cannon  on  carriage,  with  the  nozzle  broken  off.  Judging  from  the  numerous 
newly-erected  dwellings  in  this  little  town,  I  surmise  that  three-fourths  of  it  must 
have  been  destroyed  during  the  war. 


500  Americans  win  where  Spaniards  lost 

picked  off'  some  of  the  enemy  with  rifle-shots.  Encouraged  by  this 
example,  the  skirmishers,  with  one  cry,  suddenly  rushed  towards  the 
insurgents,  scattering  them  in  all  directions,  and  safely  reached  the 
main  body  of  the  brigade  with  their  wounded  comrades. 

The  only  bridge  across  the  Zapote  River  was  strongly  defended  by 
the  insurgents,  who  had  trenches  forming  two  sides  of  an  angle.  By 
noon  their  battery  was  silenced,  and  the  Americans  then  attempted  to 
ford  the  river,  whilst  others  went  knee-deep  in  mire  across  the  paddy- 
mud  flats.  Then  a  deep  stream  was  the  only  boundary  between  the 
contending  parties.  The  Filipinos  were  hardly  visible,  being  under 
shelter  of  thickets,  whilst  the  Americans  were  wading  through  mud 
under  a  broiling  sun  for  over  two  hours  to  reach  them,  keeping  up  a 
constant  fusillade.  The  whole  time  there  was  an  incessant  din  from 
a  thousand  rifles  and  the  roar  of  cannon  from  the  gunboats  which 
bombarded  the  enemy's  position  near  Las  Pinas  and  Bacoor.  The  strain 
on  the  Americans  was  tremendous  when  the  insurgents  made  a  flanking 
movement  and  fired  upon  them  as  they  were  floundering  in  the  mud. 
The  14th  Infantry  eventually  swam  across  the  Zapote  River,  and  under 
cover  of  artillery  charged  the  insurgents,  who  retreated  into  the  woods. 
The  Filipinos  displayed  a  rare  intelligence  in  the  construction  of  their 
defences  near  the  Zapote  River  and  its  neighbourhood,  and  but  for  the 
employment  of  artillery  their  dislodgement  therefrom  would  have  been 
extremely  difficult.  After  the  battle  was  over  General  Lawton  declared 
that  it  was  the  toughest  contest  they  had  yet  undertaken  in  this  war. 

At  Perez  Dasmarinas,  in  the  east  of  Cavite  Province,  a  battalion  of 
infantry  narrowly  escaped  annihilation.  News  had  been  brought  to 
the  American  camp  that  the  insurgents  had  evacuated  that  town,  and 
that  the  native  mayor  was  disposed  to  make  a  formal  surrender  of  it  to 
the  Americans.  The  battalion  forthwith  went  there  to  take  possession, 
but  before  reaching  the  place  the  enemy  closed  in  on  all  sides,  and  a 
heavy  fire  was  mutually  sustained  for  four  hours.  The  Americans  had 
only  just  saved  themselves  from  destruction  by  a  desperate  bayonet- 
charge  when  they  were  rescued  by  General  Wheaton,  who  arrived 
with  reinforcements. 

Three  months  of  warfare  had  wrought  dissension  in  the  insurgent 
camp.  Organization  was  Aguinaldo's  peculiar  talent,  without  the 
exercise  of  which  the  movement  would  have  failed  at  the  outset. 
But  the  value  of  this  gift  was  not  fully  appreciated  by  his  people. 
A  certain  section  of  the  fighting  masses  had  far  greater  admiration 
for  Antonio  Luna's  visible  prowess  than  for  the  unseen  astuteness  of 
Aguinaldo's  manoeuvres.  It  was  characteristic  of  the  Filipinos  to  split 
into  factions,  but  the  encouragement  given  to  General  Antonio  Luna's 
aspiration  to  supersede  his  supreme  chief  was  unfortunate,  for  Aguinaldo 
was  not  the  man  to  tolerate  a  rival.  He  had  rid  himself  of  Andres 
Bonifacio  {vide  p.  371)  in  1896,  and  now  another  disturber  of  that  unity 


Violent  death  of  General  Antonio  Luna  501 

which  is  strength  had  to  be  disposed  of.  The  point  of  dispute  between 
these  two  men  was  of  public  knowledge.  It  has  already  been  shown  how 
fully  cognizant  Antonio  Luna  was  of  the  proposals  made  to  the  Americans 
for  an  armistice,  for  the  express  purpose  of  taking  the  vote  of  the 
Revolutionary  Congress,  for  peace  or  war,  on  May  1.  Aguinaldo  was 
no  longer  a  military  dictator,  but  President  of  the  so-called  Philippine 
Republic  (ride  p.  486),  by  whose  will  he  was  disposed  loyally  to  abide. 
Antonio  Luna's  elastic  conscience  urged  him  to  duplicity ;  he  pretended 
to  submit  to  the  will  of  the  majority,  expressed  through  the  Congress, 
with  the  reserved  intention  of  carrying  on  the  war  at  all  hazards,  as 
military  dictator,  if  the  vote  were  for  peace.  Congress  met,  and  during 
the  debate  on  the  momentous  question — peace  or  war — the  hitherto 
compact  group  of  intransigents  weakened.  No  agreement  could  be 
arrived  at  in  the  first  session.  There  was,  however,  a  strong  tendency 
to  accept  American  sovereignty.  Luna  feared  that  Aguinaldo's 
acceptance  of  the  vote  of  the  majority  (if  a  division  were  taken)  might 
deprive  him  of  the  opportunity  of  rising  to  supreme  eminence.  Luna's 
violence  at  this  time  was  intolerable,  up  to  the  point  of  smacking 
deputy  F.  B.  in  the  face.  His  attempted  coercion  of  the  will  of  others 
brought  about  his  own  downfall.  His  impetuosity  called  forth  the 
expression,  "  He  is  a  fanatic  who  will  lead  us  to  a  precipice.11  In  his 
imagination,  all  who  did  not  conform  to  his  dominant  will  were  con- 
spirators against  him.  Hence,  at  Cavite  (Aguinaldo's  native  province), 
he  disarmed  all  the  troops  of  that  locality,  and  substituted  Ilocanos  of 
his  own  province,  whilst  he  vented  his  ferocity  in  numerous  executions 
of  Tagalogs.  Had  he  lived  he  would  probably  have  created  a  tribal 
feud  between  Ilocanos  and  Tagalogs. 

On  June  3,  1899,  accompanied  by  his  aide-de-camp,  Captain  Roman, 
and  an  escort,  Luna  entered  the  official  residence  of  President  Aguinaldo 
at  Cabanatuan  (Nueva  Ecija).  The  guard,  composed  of  a  company  of 
Cavite  men  from  Cauit  (Aguinaldo's  native  town),  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Pedro  Janolino,  saluted  him  on  his  entry.  As  Luna  and 
Roman  ascended  the  staircase  to  seek  Aguinaldo  a  revolver-shot  was 
heard.  Luna  rushed  down  the  stairs  in  a  furious  rage  and  insulted 
Captain  Janolino  in  the  presence  of  his  troops.  This  was  too  much  for 
Janolino,  who  drew  a  dagger  and  thrust  it  violently  into  Luna^  head. 
In  the  scuffle  Luna  was  knocked  down  and  shot  several  times.  He  was 
able  to  reach  the  roadway,  and,  after  shouting  "  Cowards !  "  fell  down 
dead.  In  the  meantime,  whilst  Captain  Roman  was  running  towards 
a  house  he  was  shot  dead  by  a  bullet  in  his  breast.  The  Insurgent 
Government  passed  a  vote  of  regret  at  the  occurrence,  and  the  two 
officers  were  buried  with  military  honours.  As  subsequent  events 
proved,  Aguinaldo  had  no  personal  wish  to  give  up  the  struggle,  or  to 
influence  a  peace  vote,  but  to  execute  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed 
through  the  revolutionary  congressmen. 


502  Aguinaldo  s  pathetic  allusion  to  the  past 

The  situation  was  becoming  so  serious  for  the  Americans  that  a  call 
for  25,000  more  volunteers  was  earnestly  discussed  at  Washington.  It 
was  thought  that  the  levy  should  be  made  at  once,  believing  that 
General  Otis  really  required  them,  but  that  he  was  reluctant  to  admit 
an  under-estimate  of  the  enemy's  strength.  The  insurgents,  finding  they 
were  not  followed  up  (the  rainy  season  was  commencing),  were  beginning 
to  take  the  offensive  with  greater  boldness,  attacking  the  Americans  in 
the  rear.  The  War  Department,  however,  hesitated  to  make  the  levy 
owing  to  the  friction  which  existed  between  the  volunteers  and  the 
regulars,  but  the  case  was  so  urgent  that  at  the  end  of  June  it  was 
decided   to  raise  the    total  forces  in    the  Philippines  to  40,000  men. 

On  June  12,  the  anniversary  of  the  proclamation  at  Cavite  of 
Philippine  Independence,  Aguinaldo,  from  his  northern  retreat,  issued  a 
Mcniifiesto  to  his  countrymen  reminding  them  of  the  importance  of  that 
event.  This  document,  abundant  in  grandiloquent  phrases,  is  too 
lengthy  for  full  citation  here,  but  the  following  paragraph  in  it  is 
interesting  as  a  recognition  that,  after  all,  there  was  a  bright  side  to 
Spanish  dominion  : — 

Filipinas  !  Beloved  daughter  of  the  ardent  sun  of  the  tropics, 
commended  by  Providence  to  the  care  of  noble  Spain,  be  thou  not 
ungrateful ;  acknowledge  her,  salute  her  who  warmed  thee  with  the 
breath  of  her  own  culture  and  civility.  Thou  hast  longed  for 
independence,  and  thine  emancipation  from  Spain  has  come ;  but 
preserve  in  thine  heart  the  remembrance  of  the  more  than  three 
centuries  which  thou  hast  lived  with  her  usages,  her  language,  and 
her  customs.  It  is  true  she  sought  to  crush  thine  aspiration  for 
independence,  just  as  a  loving  mother  resists  the  lifelong  separation 
from  the  daughter  of  her  bosom  ;  it  only  proved  the  excess  of 
affection,  the  love  Spain  feels  for  thee.  But  thou,  Filipinas,  flower 
of  the  ocean,  delicate  flower  of  the  East,  still  weak,  scai'ce  eight 
months  weaned  from  thy  mother's  breast,  hast  dared  to  brave  a 
great  and  powerful  nation  such  as  is  the  United  States,  with  thy 
little  army  barely  disciplined  and  shaped.  Ah,  beloved  brethren, 
all  this  is  true  ;  and  still  we  say  we  will  be  slaves  to  none,  nor  let 
ourselves  be  duped  by  gentle  words. 

Certainly  Aguinaldo  could  not  have  been  the  author  of  the  above 
composition  published  in  his  name. 

By  the  middle  of  July  the  censorship  of  Press  cablegrams  from 
Manila  had  become  so  rigid  that  the  public  in  America  and  Europe 
could  get  very  little  reliable  telegraphic  news  of  what  was  going  on 
in  the  Islands.  The  American  newspaper  correspondents  therefore 
signed  a  "  round  robin  Vl  setting  forth  their  complaints  to  General  Otis, 
who  took  little  heed  of  it.  It  was  well  known  that  the  hospitals  were 
crowded  with  American  soldiers,  a  great  many  of  whom  were  suffering 


Insurgents  destroy  the  s.s.  Saturnus  503 

solely  from  their  persistence  in  habits  contracted  at  home  which  were 
incompatible  with  good  health  in  a  tropical  climate.  Many  volunteers, 
wearied  of  the  war,  were  urging  to  be  sent  back  to  the  States,  and  there 
was  a  marked  lack  of  cordiality  between  the  volunteer  and  the  regular 
regiments.  In  the  field  the  former  might  well  compare  with  the 
smartest  and  the  bravest  men  who  ever  carried  arms  ;  off  active  service 
there  was  a  difference  between  them  and  the  disciplined  regulars 
perceptible  to  any  civilian.  The  natives  particularly  resented  the 
volunteers1  habit  of  entering  their  dwellings  and  tampering,  in  a  free 
and  easy  manner,  with  their  goods  and  the  modesty  of  their  women. 
They  were  specially  disgusted  with  the  coloured  regiments,  whose  conduct 
was  such  that  the  authorities  saw  the  desirability  of  shipping  them  all 
back  to  the  United  States  as  soon  as  other  troops  were  available  to 
replace  them,  for  their  lawlessness  was  bringing  discredit  on  the  nation. 

In  July  an  expedition  was  sent  up  the  Laguna  de  Bay,  and  the 
towns  on  the  south  shore  were  successively  captured  as  far  as  Calamba, 
which  was  occupied  on  the  26th  of  the  month.  Early  in  the  same 
month  the  inter-island  merchant  steamer  Saturnus,  on  its  regular  voyage 
to  the  north-west  coast  of  Luzon  ports,  put  in  at  San  Fernando  de  la 
Union  to  discharge  cargo  for  that  place,  which  was  held  by  the  insurgents. 
The  vessel  was  flying  the  American  flag.  Part  of  the  cargo  had  been 
discharged  and  preparations  were  being  made  to  receive  freight  on 
board,  when  the  insurgents  seized  the  vessel,  carried  off  the  thousands 
of  pesos  and  other  property  on  board,  poured  petroleum  on  the  wood- 
work, and  hauled  down  the  American  flag.  The  American  gunboat 
Pampanga,  patrolling  this  coast,  seeing  there  was  something  irregular, 
hove  to  and  endeavoured  to  get  a  tow-line  over  the  Saturnus,  but  was 
beaten  off  by  the  insurgents1  fire  from  shore.  The  insurgents  then 
brought  field-pieces  into  action  and  shelled  the  Saturnus,  setting  her  on 
fire.  The  vessel  became  a  wreck  and  sank  near  the  beach.  Subsequently 
a  gunboat  was  sent  to  San  Fernando  de  la  Union  to  shell  the  town. 

When  the  wet  season  had  fully  set  in,  operations  of  importance 
were  necessarily  suspended.  Skirmishes  and  small  encounters  occurred 
in  many  places  where  the  contending  parties  chanced  to  meet,  but  no 
further  remarkable  military  event  happened  in  this  year  of  1899  until 
the  north-east  monsoon  brought  a  cessation  of  the  deluging  rains. 

Notwithstanding  General  Otis's  oft-repeated  intimation  of  "  un- 
conditional surrender "  as  the  sole  terms  of  peace,  in  October  General 
Aguinaldo  sent  General  Alejandrino  from  his  new  seat  of  government 
in  Tarlac  to  General  Otis  with  fresh  proposals,  but  the  letter  was 
returned  unopened.  At  that  time  Aguinaldo1s  army  was  estimated  at 
12,000  men.  The  insurgents  had  taken  many  American  prisoners, 
some  of  whom  were  released  a  few  days  afterwards,  and,  in  October, 
Aguinaldo  issued  a  decree  voluntarily  granting  liberty  to  all  Americans 
held  captive  by  his  people.     This  resolution,  proclaimed  as  an  act  of 


,lccVvo\ 


504      Death  of  General  Lawton — War  on  the  wane 

grace,  was  really  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  food,  and  for  the  same  reason 
Aguinaldo  simultaneously  disbanded  a  portion  of  his  army. 

In  the  month  of  December  General  Lawton  led  his  brigade  to  the 
district  of  Montalban  and  San  Mateo,  a  few  miles  north  of  Manila,  to 
attack  the  insurgents.  The  agreed  plan  was  to  make  a  flanking 
movement  against  the  enemy  on  the  San  Mateo  River  and  a  frontal 
attack  immediately  the  enemy  was  engaged.  The  frontal  attack  was 
being  personally  directed  by  the  general,  who  stood  on  the  high  bank  of 
the  river.  Captain  Breckinridge,  the  general's  aide-de-camp,  had  just 
been  hit  in  the  groin,  and  General  Lawton  went  to  speak  to  him  before 
he  was  carried  away  on  a  litter.  Whilst  so  engaged,  the  general  threw 
up  his  hands  and  fell  without  uttering  a  word.  He  had  been  shot 
through  the  heart,  and  died  instantly.  His  body  was  carried  to  Manila 
for  public  burial,  and  the  insurgents  were  as  jubilant  as  the  Americans 
were  grieved  over  this  sad  occurrence.  The  date  was  fixed  for  the 
interment  with  military  pomp,  and  immense  crowds  came  out  to  witness 
the  imposing  procession.  Some  Filipinos,  expecting  the  cortege  would 
pass  through  a  certain  street,  deposited  a  bomb  in  the  house  of  an  old 
woman,  unknown  to  her,  but  fortunately  for  her  and  all  concerned,  it 
was  not  on  the  route  taken.  In  memory  of  the  late  lamented  general 
the  present  five-peso  bank  notes  bear  his  vignette. 

In  1900  the  war  of  independence  began  to  wane.  In  January, 
General  Joseph  Wheeler  left  Manila  to  assume  command  of  the  late 
General  Lawton's  brigade,  and  overran  the  Laguna  de  Bay  south  shore 
towns.  Vinan  was  taken  on  January  1,  but  as  no  garrison  was  left 
there,  the  insurgents  re-entered  the  town  when  the  Americans  passed 
on.  The  armed  natives  were,  in  reality,  playing  a  game  of  hide-and- 
seek,  with  no  tangible  result  to  themselves  further  than  feeding  at  the 
expense  of  the  townspeople.  Aguinaldo  was  still  roaming  about  central 
Luzon,  but,  one  by  one,  his  generals  either  surrendered  or  were  captured. 
Among  these  was  General  Rizal,  captured  in  January.  In  this  month 
a  plot  to  blow  up  the  foreign  consuls  was  opportunely  frustrated.  The 
Chinese  General  Paua,  Aguinaldo\s  brother-in-law,  surrendered  in 
March  and  found  shopkeeping  in  Binondo  a  less  risky  business  than 
generalship.  In  the  same  month  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  was 
handed  over  to  the  company's  managment,  after  having  been  used  for 
war  purposes.  General  Montenegro  surrendered  in  April,  and  a  fort- 
night afterwards  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  late  President  of  the  Insurgent 
Congress,  was  captured  at  Antomoc  (Benguet  district) ;  Generals  Garcia 
and  Dumangtay  were  captured ;  five  officers  and  two  companies  of 
insurgents  surrendered  in  May  ;  and  in  the  same  month  one  Gabriel 
Cayaban,  of  Pangasinan  Province,  was  sentenced  to  five  years'1  hard 
labour  and  a  fine  of  2,000  pesos  for  conspiring  with  guerillas  to  raise 
riot.  It  cannot  be  said  that  the  insurgents  in  the  field  had  advanced 
one  step  towards  the  attainment  of  their  object.     Manila  was  simultane- 


Many  chiefs  surrender — A  sharp  fight  505 

ously  full  of  conspirators  cogitating  over  murderous  plots  against  the 
Americans,  and  a  band  of  them  was  arrested  in  the  month  of  May.  The 
insurgent  movement  was  so  far  disorganized  that  it  was  deemed 
opportune  to  entrust  natives  with  police  duties,  and  in  June  a 
Philippine  cavalry  corps  was  created.  Captain  Lara,  of  the  native 
police,  took  Generals  Pio  del  Pilar  and  Salvador  Estrella  prisoners,  but 
was  himself  assassinated  on  August  4.  General  Maxim ino  Hizon  1  was 
captured  at  Mexico  (Pampanga),  and  on  June  21  the  Military  Governor 
published  an  amnesty  proclamation,  granting  pardon  and  liberty  to  all 
who  should  declare  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States  within  ninety 
days.  All  who  had  surrendered  and  some  who  were  captured  took  the 
required  oath,  and  others  were  coming  in.  Pio  del  Pilar  was  among 
those  who  accepted  the  amnesty  a  week  after  its  promulgation,  but  he 
was  again  arrested,  September  6,  for  conspiracy.  The  Amnesty 
Proclamation  was  met  by  a  counter-proclamation  issued  by  Aguinaldo, 
dated  August  3,  1900,  in  which  he  urged  a  continuance  of  the  war,  and 
offered  rewards  for  arms.  He  promised  to  liberate  all  prisoners  of  war 
who  might  fall  into  insurgent  hands,  on  surrender  of  their  arms  and 
ammunition.  He  would  give  them  money  to  return  to  their  lines 
and  for  petty  expenses  en  route.  He  would  pay  80  pesos  for  every 
American  rifle  brought  in  by  a  prisoner,  and  20  pesos  for  any  rifle 
voluntarily  brought  to  a  Philippine  officer,  but  the  deserter  would  not 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  insurgent  ranks. 

On  June  28  there  was  an  attempted  rising  in  Manila,  and  Don  Pedro 
A.  Paterno  was  placed  under  closer  guard.  In  July  the  insurgents  were 
active  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Vigan  (Ilocos).  About  40  volunteer 
infantry  and  60  cavalry  went  out  from  Narvican  to  attack  them,  and 
came  across  a  strongly-entrenched  position  held  by  about  300  riflemen 
and  1,000  men  armed  with  bowie-knives.  A  sharp  fight  ensued,  but  the 
Americans,  overwhelmed  by  the  mass,  had  to  retreat  to  Narvican.  The 
insurgents  lost  about  a  hundred  men,  whilst  the  American  loss  was 
one  lieutenant  and  four  men  killed,  nine  wounded  and  four  missing. 
About  the  same  time,  the  insurgents  driven  back  from  the  Laguna  de 
Bay  shore  occupied  Taal  (Batangas),  where,  under  the  leadership  of 
Miguel  Malvar,  a  small  battle  was  fought  in  the  streets  on  July  12  and 
the  town  was  burnt ;  a  troop  of  cavalry  was  added  to  the  police  force 
this  month,  and  there  was  no  lack  of  Filipinos  willing  to  co-operate 
with  Americans  for  a  salary.  The  backbone  of  insurgency  having  been 
broken,  the  dollar  proved  to  be  a  mightier  factor  than  the  sword  in  the 
process  of  pacification.  Compared  with  former  times,  the  ex-insurgents 
found  in  the  lucrative  employments  offered  to  them  by  the  Americans  a 
veritable  El  Dorado,  for  never  before  had  they  seen  such  a  flow  of 
cash.     The  country  had  been  ravaged  ;  the  immense  stores  collected  by 

1  A  Chinese  half-caste  Pampango.  I  knew  him  intimately  as  a  planter.  He  was 
deported  to  and  died  a  prisoner  in  the  Island  of  Guam  in  1901. 


506  Insurgent  disbancbnent  urged  by  hunger 

the  revolutionists  had  been  seized ;  non-combatant  partisans  of  the  in- 
surgent cause  were  wearied  of  paying  heavy  taxes  for  so  little  result ; 
treasure  was  hidden  ;  fields  lay  fallow,  and  for  want  of  food  Aguinaldo 
had  had  partially  to  disband  his  army.  He  told  me  himself  that  on 
one  occasion  they  were  so  hard  pressed  for  food  that  they  had  to  live  for 
three  days  on  whatever  they  could  find  in  the  mountains.  There  were 
but  two  courses  open  to  the  majority  of  the  ex-soldiers— brigandage  or 
service  under  their  new  masters.  Some  chose  the  former,  with  results 
which  will  be  hereafter  referred  to  ;  others,  more  disposed  towards  civil 
life,  were  allured  by  the  abundance  of  silver  pesos,  which  made  a  final 
conquest  where  shot  and  shell  had  failed.  Still,  there  were  thousands 
incognizant  of  the  olive-branch  extended  to  them,  and  military  opera- 
tions had  to  be  continued  even  within  a  day's  journey  from  the  capital. 
A  request  had  to  be  made  for  more  cavalry  to  be  sent  to  the  Islands, 
and  the  proportion  of  this  branch  of  the  service  to  infantry  was 
gradually  increased,  for  "  rounding  up "  insurgents  who  refused  to  give 
battle  was  exhausting  work  for  white  foot-soldiers  in  the  tropics.  In 
the  course  of  four  months  nearly  all  the  infantry  in  the  small  towns  was 
replaced  by  cavalry.  In  this  same  month  (July)  American  cavalry 
successfully  secured  the  Laguna  de  Bay  south  shore  towns  which  the 
insurgents  had  re-taken  on  the  departure  of  the  infantry  sent  there  in 
January.  Many  well-to-do  proprietors  in  these  towns  (some  known  to 
me  for  20  years),  especially  in  Vinan,  complained  to  me  of  what  they 
considered  an  injustice  inflicted  on  them.  The  American  troops  came 
and  drove  out  the  insurgents,  or  caused  them  to  decamp  on  their 
approach ;  but,  as  they  left  no  garrisons,  the  insurgents  re-entered  and 
the  townspeople  had  to  feed  them  under  duress.  Then,  when  the 
American  forces  returned  six  months  afterwards,  to  the  great  relief  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  left  garrisons,  many  of  these  townspeople,  on  a  charge 
of  having  given  succour  to  the  insurgents,  were  imprisoned  with  the  only 
consolation  that,  after  all,  a  couple  of  months''  incarceration  by  the 
Americans  was  preferable  to  the  death  which  awaited  them  at  the 
hands  of  the  insurgents  if  they  had  refused  them  food.  The  same  thing 
occurred  in  other  islands,  notably  in  Samar  and  in  Cebu,  where  the  people 
were  persecuted  for  giving  aid  to  the  armed  natives  on  whose  mercy 
their  lives  depended.  This  measure  was  an  unfortunate  mistake,  because 
it  alienated  the  good  feeling  of  those  who  simply  desired  peace  with  the 
ruling  power,  whether  it  were  American  or  native.  There  were  thousands 
of  persons — as  there  would  be  anywhere  in  the  world — quite  incapable  of 
taking  up  arms  in  defence  of  an  absent  party  which  gave  them  no  protec- 
tion, yet  naturally  anxious  to  save  their  lives  by  payment  if  need  be.1 

1  In  1905  one  of  the  wealthiest  men  in  the  Colony  was  arrested  and  brought  to 
trial  on  the  charge  of  having  paid,  or  caused  to  be  paid,  the  sum  of  P.  20  to  an 
outlaw  in  Batangas  Province.  After  putting  the  accused  to  a  deal  of  expense  and 
annoyance,  the  Government  suddenly  withdrew  from  the  case,  leaving  the  public  in 
doubt  as  to  the  justice  or  injustice  of  the  arraignment. 


Capture  of  Gen.  Aguinaldo  (March  23,  1901 J      507 

On  July  19  a  proclamation  was  issued  forbidding  the  possession 
of  firearms  without  licence.  On  August  7  the  curfew  ordinance  was 
extended  to  11  p.m.,  and  again,  in  the  following  month,  to  midnight. 
In  September  there  was  another  serious  outbreak  up  the  Laguna  de 
Bay,  where  two  or  three  hundred  insurgents,  led  by  a  French  half-caste, 
General  Cailles,1  attacked  Los  Bailos,  and  about  the  same  time  the 
insurgents  north  of  Manila  cut  the  railroad  between  Malolos  and 
Guiguinto.  Caille\s  was  driven  out  of  Los  Banos,  but  hundreds  more 
insurgents  joined  him,  and  a  furious  battle  was  fought  at  Siniloan,  on 
September  17,  between  800  insurgents  and  a  company  of  the  15th 
Infantry,  who  drove  the  enemy  into  the  mountains. 

In  November  Aguinaldo,  who  was  camping  in  the  province  of 
Nueva  Ecija,  issued  another  of  his  numerous  exhortations,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  there  was  renewed  activitv  amongst  the  roaming 
bands  of  adventurers  all  over  the  provinces  north  of  the  capital.  The 
insurgent  chief  advocated  an  aggressive  war,  and  in  the  same  month 
it  was  decided  to  send  more  American  troops  to  Manila. 

Many  of  the  riff-raff  had  been  inadvertently  enrolled  in  the  native 
police  force,  and  received  heavy  sentences  for  theft,  blackmail,  and 
violent  abuse  of  their  functions.  Indeed  it  took  nearly  a  couple  of 
years  to  weed  out  the  disreputable  members  of  this  body.  The  total 
army  forces  in  the  Islands  amounted  to  about  70,000  men,  and  at  the 
end  of  1900  it  was  decided  to  send  back  the  volunteer  corps  to 
America  early  in  the  following  year,  for,  at  this  period,  General 
Aguinaldo  had  become  a  wanderer  with  a  following  which  could  no 
longer  be  called  an  army,  and  an  early  collapse  of  the  revolutionary 
party  in  the  field  was  an  anticipated  event. 

From  September  1,  1900,  the  legislative  power  of  the  military 
government  was  transferred  to  a  civil  government,  Governor  W.  H.  Taft 
being  the  President  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  whilst  Maj. -General 
McArthur  continued  in  his  capacity  of  Commander-in-Chief  to  carry  on 
the  war  against  the  insurgents,  which  culminated  in  the  capture  of 
General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  on  March  23,  1901.  This  important  event 
accelerated  the  close  of  the  War  of  Independence.  On  January  14 
General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  had  his  headquarters  at  Palanan  (Isabela),  on 
the  bank  of  a  river  which  empties  itself  into  Palanan  Bay,  situated  about 
six  miles  distant  from  the  town,  on  the  east  coast  of  Luzon.  Being 
in  want  of  reinforcements,  he  sent  a  member  of  his  staff  with  messages 
to  that  effect  to  several  of  his  subordinate  generals.  The  fellow  turned 
traitor,  and  carried  the  despatches  to  an  American  lieutenant,  who 
sent  him  on  to  Colonel  Frederick  Funston  at  San  Isidro  (Nueva  Ecija). 
The  despatches  disclosed  the  fact  that  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
requested  his  cousin,  General  Baldomero  Aguinaldo,  to  send  him,  as 

1  A  very  intelligent  man  who  was  appointed  Civil  Governor  of  La  Laguna 
Province  when  the  war  terminated. 


508  Capture  of  General  Aguinaldo 

soon  as  possible,  400  armed  men.  With  General  McArthur's  approval, 
Colonel  Funston  proceeded  to  carry  out  a  plan  which  he  had 
conceived  for  the  capture  of  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo.  An  expedition 
was  made  up  of  four  Tagalog  deserters  from  Aguinaldo\s  army,  78 
Macabebe  scouts  {vide  p.  446,  footnote),  and  four  American  officers, 
besides  Colonel  Funston  himself.  Twenty  of  the  scouts  were  dressed  in 
insurgent  uniforms,  and  the  remaining  natives  in  common  working- 
clothes.  Ten  of  them  carried  Spanish  rifles,  ten  others  had  Krag- 
Jorgensen  rifles,  which  they  were  to  feign  to  have  captured  from 
American  troops,  and  the  five  Americans  were  disguised  as  private  soldiers. 
The  party  was  then  carried  round  the  north  and  east  coasts  of  Luzon, 
and  put  ashore  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Baler  by  the  gunboat  VicJcs- 
burg,  which  approached  the  coast  without  lights,  and  then  waited  off 
Palanan  Bay.  The  expedition  was  nominally  commanded  by  an 
insurgent  deserter,  Hilario  Placido,1  whilst  three  other  deserters  posed 
as  officers,  the  Americans  playing  the  role  of  prisoners  captured  by 
the  party.  Before  setting  out  for  Casiguran,  some  20  miles  away, 
a  messenger  was  sent  on  to  the  native  headman  of  that  town  to  tell 
him  that  reinforcements  for  Aguinaldo  were  on  their  way,  and  would 
require  food  and  lodging,  which  were  forthwith  furnished  by  the  headman 
to  these  87  individuals.  Some  months  previously  some  papers  had 
been  captured  bearing  the  signature  and  seal  of  the  insurgent  general 
Lacuna,  and  this  enabled  the  party  to  send  on  a  letter  in  advance 
to  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  ostensibly  in  the  name  of  Lacuna,  announcing 
the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements  furnished  in  response  to  his  request 
of  January  14.  This  letter  was  accompanied  by  another  one  from  the 
pseudo-chief  of  the  expedition,  stating  that  on  the  way  they  had 
captured  five  American  soldiers  and  ten  Krag  rifles.  A  request  was 
also  made  for  food,  which  he  explained  had  run  short.  Emilio 
Aguinaldo,  therefore,  sent  Negritos  to  meet  them  on  the  way  with  a 
supply  of  rice.  In  the  morning  of  March  23  they  were  near  Palanan. 
The  Macabebe  scouts  were  sent  in  advance  of  the  soi-disant  five 
American  prisoners,  and  when  they  entered  the  town  Aguinaldo's 
bodyguard  of  50  men  was  drawn  up  in  parade  to  receive  them.  The 
native  pseudo-officers  marched  into  the  camp,  and  were  welcomed  by 
Aguinaldo ;  but  they  shortly  afterwards  took  temporary  leave  of  him, 
and  coming  outside  ordered  their  Macabebe  troops  to  form  up.  Just 
at  the  moment  the  five  supposed  prisoners  were  conducted  towards  the 
camp  the  Macabebes  poured  three  murderous  volleys  into  Aguinaldo's 
troops,  two  of  whom  were  killed  and  18  wounded.  On  the  other  side 
only  one  Macabebe  was  slightly  wounded.  The  Americans  witnessed 
the  effect  of  the  first  volley,  and,  together  with  the  natives  posing  as 
officers,  rushed    into    Aguinaldo's    headquarters.      Aguinaldo,    Colonel 

1  Early  in  1905  the  Court  of  Nueva  Ecija  passed  sentence  of  imprisonment  for 
life  on  this  man  for  murder. 


He  swears  allegiance  to  America  509 

Villa,  and  one  civilian  were  taken  prisoners,  whilst  other  insurgent  officers 
jumped  from  the  window  into  the  river  and  escaped.  The  expedition, 
after  resting  a  day  and  a  half  at  the  camp,  escorted  their  prisoners  to 
Palanan  Bay,  where  they  were  all  taken  on  board  the  gunboat  Vicksbarg, 
which  reached  Manila  on  March  27. 

The  closing  scene  in  Emilio  Aguinaldo's  military  career  was  a  re- 
markable performance  of  consummate  skill,  but  unworthy  of  record  in 
the  annals  of  military  glory. 

The  War  of  Independence,  which  lasted  until  the  next  year, 
was  a  triumph  of  science  over  personal  valour  about  equally  balanced. 
It  was  a  necessary  sacrifice  of  the  few  for  the  good  of  the  many.  No 
permanent  peace  could  have  been  ever  hoped  for  so  long  as  the  Islanders 
entertained  the  belief  that  they  could  any  day  eject  the  invaders  by  force. 

The  American  citizens  naturally  rejoiced  over  the  bare  fact,  briefly 
cabled  without  ghastly  details,  that  the  Philippine  generalissimo  had 
fallen  prisoner,  because  it  portended  the  peace  which  all  desired.  In 
deference  to  public  opinion,  the  President  promoted  Colonel  Funston 
of  the  volunteers  to  the  rank  of  Brig. -General  in  the  regular  army. 

Emilio  Aguinaldo  was  first  taken  before  General  McArthur  and  then 
escorted  to  prison  in  Calle  de  Anda,  in  the  walled  city.  On  April  1, 
1901,  he  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  in  the  following  form,  viz.  : — 

I,  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  hereby  renounce  all  allegiance  to  any  and 
all  so-called  revolutionary  governments  in  the  Philippine  Islands 
and  recognize  and  accept  the  supreme  authority  of  the  United 
States  of  America  therein  ;  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  bear 
true  faith  and  allegiance  to  that  Government ;  that  I  will  at  all 
times  conduct  myself  as  a  faithful  and  law-abiding  citizen  of  the 
said  Islands,  and  will  not,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  hold 
correspondence  with  or  give  intelligence  to  an  enemy  of  the  United 
States,  nor  will  I  abet,  harbour  or  protect  such  enemy  ;  that  I 
impose  upon  myself  these  voluntary  obligations  without  any  mental 
reservations  or  purpose  of  evasion,  so  help  me  God. 

After  signing  this  declaration  he  was  a  free  man.  For  a  while  he 
resided  at  Malacanan,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  where  one 
night  a  pirogue  full  of  assassins  came  to  seek  the  life  of  the  man  who 
had  failed.  But  his  lucky  star  followed  him,  and  he  removed  to  Paco 
and  again  to  Ermita  (suburbs  of  Manila)  and  finally  to  his  native  town 
of  Cauit  (Cavite),  where  I  was  his  guest.  He  was  living  there  in  modest 
retirement  with  his  mother  and  his  two  good-looking  young  nieces, 
who  served  us  at  table.  The  house  is  large  and  comparatively  imposing 
as  a  provincial  residence,  being  formed  of  two  good  substantial  houses 
connected  by  a  bridge-passage.  The  whole  is  enclosed  by  a  low  brick 
wall,  topped  by  iron  railings  painted  flaming  red.  In  front  there  is  a 
garden  and  a  spacious  compound  at  the  back.      In  the  large  drawing- 


510  Ex-General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  at  home 

room  there  is  a  ceiling  fresco  representing  a  Filipina  descending  a  flight 
of  steps  from  a  column  to  which  the  chains,  now  severed,  held  her 
captive.  On  the  steps  lies  the  Spanish  flag  with  a  broken  staff,  and  in 
her  hand  she  holds  on  high  the  Philippine  flag  of  freedom. 

In  conversation  with  him  he  stated  that  he  and  his  companions 
returned  to  the  Islands  in  May,  1898,  with  many  assurances  that 
America  was  simply  going  to  aid  them  to  gain  their  independence.  He 
added  that  when  he  landed  at  Cavite  he  had  no  arms,  and  the  Americans 
allowed  him  to  take  them  from  the  Spanish  arsenal.  Then  they  turned 
him  out,  and  he  moved  his  headquarters  to  Bacoor,  where  his  troops 
numbered  between  30,000  and  35,000  men.  He  said  he  could  easily 
have  taken  Manila  then,  but  that  he  was  begged  not  to  do  so  as 
the  Americans  were  waiting  for  more  troops  and  they  wished  to  make 
the  victory  a  joint  one.  He  confessed  he  had  bought  experience  very 
dearly.  But  he  profited  by  that  experience  when,  at  Cavite,  the 
Belgian  Consul  and  Prince  Lowenstein  came  four  times  to  make 
proposals  to  him  in  favour  of  Germany.  The  first  time,  he  said,  he 
received  them  and  demanded  their  credentials  as  authorized  agents  for 
Germany,  but,  as  they  could  not  produce  any,  he  declined  to  have  any 
further  intercourse  with  them.  Referring  to  the  first  period  of  the 
rebellion,  Aguinaldo  admitted  that  the  prospect  of  ejecting  the 
Spaniards  from  the  Islands  was  very  doubtful. 

Immediately  Aguinaldo  had  fallen  captive,  all  kinds  of  extravagant 
and  erroneous  versions  were  current  as  to  how  it  had  happened. 
Thousands  insisted  that  he  must  have  voluntarily  surrendered,  for  how 
could  he  have  been  caught  when  he  had  the  anting-anting  ?  {vide  p.  237). 
As  the  ball  of  conjecture  went  on  rolling,  some  added  to  this  that  his 
voluntary  surrender  must  have  been  for  a  money  consideration,  and 
there  were  still  others  who  furnished  a  further  inducement — his  fear  of 
revenge  from  the  late  Antonio  Luna's  party  ! 

Although  Aguinaldo  gave  no  proof  of  being  a  brilliant  warrior,  as 
an  organizer  he  had  no  rival  capable  of  keeping  30,000  or  more  Filipinos 
united  by  sentiment  for  any  one  purpose.  He  trusted  no  comrade 
implicitly,  and  for  a  long  time  his  officers  had  to  leave  their  side-arms 
in  an  antechamber  before  entering  his  apartment.  He  had,  moreover, 
the  adroitness  to  extirpate  that  rivalry  which  alone  destroys  all  united 
effort.  But  the  world  makes  no  allowance  for  the  general  who  fails. 
To-day  he  is  left  entirely  alone,  pitied  by  some,  shunned  by  a  few,  and 
almost  forgotten  by  the  large  majority.  He  is  indeed  worthy  of  respect 
for  his  humanity  in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  of  some  pity  in  his  present 
peculiar  position.  Many  of  his  late  subordinates  now  occupy  good  and 
high-salaried  posts.  Members  of  the  Government  of  which  he  was  Presi- 
dent have  espoused  American  doctrine  and  enjoy  high  social  positions  and 
fat  emoluments.  Aguinaldo's  scholarship  is  too  meagre  for  an  elevated 
position,  and  his  dignity  and  self-respect  too  great  for  an  inferior  one. 


511 


CHAPTER   XXV 

THE   PHILIPPINE    REPUBLIC    IN   THE   CENTRAL   AND 
SOUTHERN   ISLANDS 

So  interwoven  were  the  circumstances  of  General  Aguinaldo's  Government 
in  Luzon  Island  with  the  events  of  the  period  between  the  naval  battle 
of  Cavite  and  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  that  they  form  an 
integral  and  inseparable  whole  in  historical  continuity.  In  the  other 
Islands,  however,  which  followed  the  revolutionary  movement,  with  more 
or  less  adherence  to  the  supreme  leadership  of  Aguinaldo,  the  local 
incidents  severally  constitute  little  histories  in  themselves,  each  such 
island  having  practically  set  up  its  own  government  with  only  the  barest 
thread  of  administrative  intercommunication. 

The  smaller  islands,  adjacent  to  Luzon,  cannot  be  justly  included  in 
this  category,  because  their  local  rule,  which  naturally  succeeded  the 
withdrawal  of  Spanish  administration,  was  nothing  more  than  a  divided 
domination  of  self-constituted  chiefs  whose  freebooting  exploits,  in  one 
instance,  had  to  be  suppressed  at  the  sacrifice  of  bloodshed,  and,  in 
another,  to  succumb  to  the  apathy  of  the  people. 

In  Yloilo,  on  December  23,  1898,  General  Diego  de  los  Rios,  in 
the  presence  of  his  staff',  the  naval  commanders  and  the  foreign  consuls, 
formally  surrendered  the  town  to  the  native  mayor,  prior  to  his  evacua- 
tion of  Panay  Island  on  the  following  day.  On  December  27  an  American 
military  force  (finally  about  3,000  strong)  arrived  in  the  roadstead 
in  transports  under  the  command  of  General  Miller  in  co-operation  with 
two  American  warships,  afterwards  supplemented  by  two  others.  The 
Spanish  troops  having  departed,  the  Filipinos  who  had  assumed  control 
of  public  affairs  made  their  formal  entry  into  Yloilo  to  the  strains  of 
music  and  the  waving  of  banners  and  constituted  a  government  whose 
effective  jurisdiction  does  not  appear  to  have  extended  beyond  the  town 
and  a  day's  march  therefrom.  On  January  17  an  election  was  held, 
Raymundo  Melliza,1  an  excellent  man,  being  chosen  president  for  the 
term  of  two  years.  Business  was  resumed  ;  sugar  was  being  brought 
from  Negros  Island,  and  ships  were  laden  with  produce.     During  the  civil 

1  Raymundo  Melliza,  a  Visayan  lawyer,  who  afterwards  became  Provincial 
Governor  of  Yloilo,  is  the  son  of  Cornelio  Melliza,  of  Molo,  a  man  much  respected 
both  bynatives  and  foreigners. 


512        Gen.  Miller  demands  the  surrender  of  Yloilo 


administration,  which  lasted  for  seven  weeks,  the  absorbing  topic  was  the 
demand  made  by  General  Miller  for  the  surrender  of  the  town.  General 
Miller's  force  had  been  despatched  to  Yloilo  waters,  after  the  signing  of 
the  Treaty  of  Paris,  simply  to  make  a  demonstration  in  view  of  possible 
anarchy  resulting  from  the  Spanish  evacuation.  The  ratification  of 
that  Treaty  by  a  two-thirds  Senate  majority  was  not  an  accomplished 
fact  until  February  6  following.  There  was  no  certainty  that  the  Senate 
would  confirm  the  acquisition  of  the  Islands,  and  in  the  interval  it  was 
not  politic  to  pass  from  a  formal  demand  for  the  surrender  of  Yloilo  to 
open  hostilities  for  its  possession.  These  matters  of  political  exigency 
were  undoubtedly  beyond  the  comprehension  of  the  Ylongos.  They 
attributed  to  fear  the  fact  that  a  large  fighting-force  remained  inactive 
within  sight  of  the  town,  whereas  General  Miller  was  merely  awaiting 
instructions  from  the  capital  which  the  Manila  authorities,  in  turn,  were 
delaying,  pending  the  decision  in  Washington.  Intervening  circumstances, 
however,  precipitated  military  action.  On  the  night  of  February  4 
hostilities  had  broken  out  between  Aguinaldo's  troops  and  the  American 
forces.  Insurgent  emissaries  had  brought  Aguinaldo's  messages  to  the 
Ylongos  to  hold  the  town  against  the  invaders,  and  on  February  7 
General  Miller  received  orders  from  Maj. -General  Otis  to  take  Yloilo  by 
force  if  necessary.  General  Miller  thereupon  renewed  his  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  the  place,  coupled  this  time  with  a  declaration  that  he 
would  bombard  it  if  his  demand  were  refused.  Later  on  he  notified 
the  consular  body  that  the  bombardment  would  commence  on  the 
12th  of  the  month.  During  the  seven  weeks  of  native  government, 
petty  thefts  were  frequent ;  an  armed  insurgent  would  enter  a  store  and 
carry  off  the  article  selected  by  him  without  paying  for  it ;  but  there 
was  no  riotous  open  violence  committed  against  the  townspeople  or 
foreign  traders.  The  squabbles  between  the  armed  natives  and  their 
leaders,  however,  were  several  times  on  the  point  of  producing  bloodshed. 
According  to  ex-insurgent  General  Pablo  Araneta,  the  insurgent 
army,  at  the  time,  in  Panay  Island  was  as  follows,  viz.1  : — 


Under  the  leadership  of 

Stationed  at 

Tagalogs 

Visayos 

Fulion          .... 

Ananias  Diocno  . 

Pablo  Araneta    . 

Martin  Delgado  . 

Pablo  Araneta     . 

Silvestre  Silvio    . 

Detachment  of  Diocno's  forces 

Yloilo 

>} 
}) 

iMolo 

Antique 

Capiz 

250 
400 
250 

150 

200 

150 

150 

100 

Total  all  armed  with  gu 

m 

... 

1,250 

400 

1  A  verbal  statement  made  to  me  by  ex-insurgent  General  Pablo  Araneta,  which 
I  took  down  in  writing  at  the  time  of  the  interview. 


Riotous  soldiery ;  flight  of  civilians  513 

The  commander-in-chief  of  the  whole  army  of  1,650  men  was  Martin 
Delgado.  The  Tagalog  contingent  was  under  the  leadership  of  Ananias 
Didcno,  a  native  of  Taal,  whose  severity  in  his  Capiz  and  Yloilo 
campaigns  has  left  a  lasting  remembrance.  The  headquarters  of  the 
Visayos  was  in  the  parish-house  (co?ivento),  whilst  the  Tagalogs  were 
located  in  the  Fine  Arts  Institute.  Their  stipulated  remuneration  was 
4  pesos  a  month  and  food,  but  as  they  had  received  only  1  peso  per 
month  on  account,  and  moreover  claimed  a  rise  in  pay  to  5  pesos,  the 
Visayos,  on  February  3,  assembled  on  the  central  plaza  of  the  town 
and  menaced  their  general  officers,  who  were  quartered  together  in  a 
corner  house  over  a  barber's  shop.  They  yelled  out  to  their  leaders 
that  if  they  did  not  give  them  their  pay  they  would  kill  them  all, 
sack  the  town,  and  then  burn  it.  Thereupon  the  generals  hastened 
round  the  town  to  procure  funds,  and  appeased  the  Visayos  with  a 
distribution  of  1,800  pesos.  The  Tagalogs  then  broke  out  in  much 
the  same  way,  and  were  likewise  restrained  by  a  payment  on 
account  of  arrears  due.  But  thenceforth  the  insurgent  troops  became 
quite  uncontrollable  and  insolent  to  their  officers.  The  fact  that 
white  officers  should  have  solicited  their  permission  to  come  ashore 
unarmed  could  only  be  interpreted  by  the  Oriental,  soldier  or  civilian, 
in  a  way  highly  detrimental  to  the  white  man's  prestige.  The 
Americans1  good  and  honest  intentions  were  only  equalled  by  their 
nescience  of  the  Malay  character.  The  officers  came  ashore ;  the 
townsfolk  marvelled,  and  the  fighting-men,  convinced  of  their  own 
invincibility,  disdainfully  left  them  unmolested.  After  the  insurgent 
generals  had  doled  out  their  pay,  the  men  went  round  to  the  shops 
and  braggingly  avowed  that  it  was  lucky  for  the  shopkeepers  that 
they  had  got  money,  otherwise  they  would  have  looted  their  goods. 
The  Chinese  shut  up  their  shops  from  the  beginning  of  the  troubles, 
leaving  only  a  hole  in  the  closed  door  to  do  a  little  business,  as  they 
were  in  constant  fear  for  the  safety  of  their  lives  and  their  stocks.  A 
great  many  families  packed  up  their  belongings  and  went  over  to 
Negros  Island  in  small  schooners.  The  little  passenger-steamers  plying 
between  Yloilo  and  Negros  were  running  as  usual,  crowded  to  the 
brim,  and  flying  the  Philippine  flag  without  interruption  from  the 
Americans.  Amongst  the  better  classes  opinions  on  the  situation  were 
much  divided.  The  best  Philippine  and  Spanish  families  expressed 
their  astonishment  that  the  Americans  made  no  attempt  to  take  the 
town  immediately  after  the  Spanish  evacuation.  There  were  foreign 
merchants  anxious  to  delay  the  American  investment  because,  mean- 
while, they  were  doing  a  brisk  trade,  and  there  were  others  longing 
to  see  the  town  in  the  hands  of  any  civilized  and  responsible  Power. 
Delegates  from  one  party  or  the  other,  including  the  native  civil 
government,  went  off  in  boats  almost  daily  to  parley  with  General 
Miller  in  the  roadstead,  each  with  a  different  line  of  real  or  sophistic 

33 


514  Yloilo  Government  discusses  the  crisis 

argument.  The  best  native  families,  the  foreigners  of  all  classes — 
those  who  desired  a  speedy  entry  of  the  Americans  and  those  who 
sought  to  delay  it — were  agreed  as  to  the  needlessness  and  the 
mistaken  policy  of  announcing  a  bombardment.  Yloilo  is  a  straggling, 
open  town.  The  well-to-do  people  asked,  "Why  bombard ?"  There 
were  no  fortifications  or  anything  to  destroy  but  their  house  property. 
Plans  were  voluntarily  offered  showing  how  and  at  which  points 
a  midnight  landing  of  400  or  500  troops  could  be  secretly  effected 
for  a  sunrise  surprise  which  would  have  cleared  the  town  in  an  hour 
of  every  armed  insurgent.  The  officers  ashore  declared  they  were 
ready  ;  and  as  to  the  men,  they  were  simply  longing  for  the  fray,  but 
the  word  of  command  rested  with  General  Miller. 

In  the  evening  of  February  10  the  native  civil  government  held  an 
extraordinary  session  in  the  Town  Hall  to  discuss  the  course  to  be 
adopted  in  view  of  the  announced  bombardment.  The  public,  Filipinos 
and  foreigners,  were  invited  to  this  meeting  to  take  part  in  the  debate  if 
they  wished,  Raymundo  Melliza,  Victorino  Mapa,  Martin  Delgado,  and 
Pablo  Araneta,  being  amongst  those  who  were  present.  It  was  pro- 
posed to  burn  the  town.  Melliza  vehemently  protested  against  such  a 
barbarous  act,  and  asked  why  they  should  destroy  their  own  property  ? 

What  could  they  gain  by  pillage  and  flames  ? l     But  a  certain  V 

and  his  party  clamoured  for  the  destruction  of  the  place,  and  being 
supported  by  an  influential  lawyer  (native  of  another  province)  a  nd  by 
one  of  the  insurgent  generals,  Melliza  exclaimed,  "  If  you  insist  on 
plunder  and  devastation,  I  shall  retire  altogether,1'  whereupon  a 
tremendous  hubbub  ensued,  in  the  midst  of  which  Melliza  withdrew  and 
went  over  to  Guimaras  Island.  But  there  were  touches  of  humour  in 
the  speeches,  especially  when  a  fire-eating  demagogue  gravely  proposed 
to  surround  an  American  warship  with  canoes  and  seize  her ;  and 
again  when  Quintin  Salas  declared  that  the  Americans  would  have  to 
pass  over  his  corpse  before  the  town  surrendered  !  Incendiaries  and 
thieves  were  in  overwhelming  majority  at  the  meeting;  naturally  (to 
the  common  people  in  these  Islands)  an  invitation  to  despoil,  lay 
waste  and  slay,  bolstered  up  by  apparent  authority,  found  a  ready 
response,  especially  among  the  Tagalog  mercenaries  who  had  no  local 
attachment  here.  The  instigators  of  this  barbarity  sought  no  share  of 
the  spoils  ;  they  had  no  property  interests  in  Yloilo,  but  they  were 
jealous  of  those  who  had.  The  animosity  of  Jaro  and  Molo  against 
Yloilo  had  existed  for  years,  the  formers1  townspeople  being  envious  of 
the  prosperous  development  of  Yloilo  (once  a  mere  fishing-village), 
which  obscured  the  significance  of  the  episcopal  city  of  Jaro  and 
detracted   from    the   social    importance  of  the  rich   Chinese  half-caste 

1  When  1  asked  ex-General  Pablo  Araneta  the  same  question  he  naively  ex- 
plained to  me  that  it  was  thought  if  the  Americans  came  ashore  and  found  the  town 
in  ruins  they  would  relinquish  their  undertaking  ! 


Mob  riot ;   blazing  toxvn  looted;   terrorism         515 

residential  town  of  Molo.1  Chiefly  from  these  towns  came  the  advocates 
of  anarchy,  whose  hearts  swelled  with  fiendish  delight  at  the  prospect  of 
witnessing  the  utter  ruin  and  humiliation  of  their  rivals  in  municipal 
prestige.  Yloilo,  from  that  moment,  was  abandoned  to  the  armed 
rabble,  who  raided  the  small  shops  for  petroleum  to  throw  on  to  the 
woodwork  of  the  houses  prior  to  the  coming  onslaught.  The  bombard- 
ment having  been  announced  for  the  12th,  they  reckoned  on  a  full  day 
for  burning  and  sacking  the  town.  But  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
11th  the  steam-launch  Pitt,  whilst  reconnoitring  the  harbour,  was 
fired  upon  ;  the  launch  replied  and  withdrew.  Natives  were  observed  to 
be  busy  digging  a  trench  and  hastening  to  and  from  the  cotta  at  the 
harbour  entrance  ;  there  was  every  indication  of  their  warlike  intentions. 
Therefore  suddenly,  at  9  o'clock  that  morning,  without  further  notifica- 
tion, the  Americans  opened  fire.  The  natives  in  the  cotta  fled  along  the 
quay  way  towards  the  centre  of  the  town  under  a  shower  of  bullets 
hurled  from  the  quick-firing  guns.  The  attack  on  Yloilo  was  hardly  a 
bombardment  proper ;  shells  were  intentionally  thrown  over  the  houses 
as  a  warning  and  burst  in  suburban  open  spaces,  but  comparatively  few 
buildings  were  damaged  by  the  missiles.  In  the  meantime,  from  early 
morn,  the  native  soldiery,  followed  by  a  riff-raff  mob,  rushed  hither  and 
thither,  throwing  firebrands  on  to  the  petroleum-washed  houses,  lootino- 
stores,  and  cutting  down  whomsoever  checked  them  in  their  wild  career. 
The  Chinese  barricaded  themselves,  but  the  flames  devoured  their  well- 
stocked  bazaars ;  panic-stricken  townsfolk  ran  helter-skelter,  escaping 
from  the  yelling  bands  of  bloodthirsty  looters.  Europeans,  revolver  in 
hand,  guarded  their  properties  against  the  murderous  rabble ;  an 
acquaintance  of  mine   was  hastening  to  the   bank   to  deposit  P.3,000 

when  he  was  met  by  the  leader  S ,  who  demanded  his  money  or  his 

life  ;  one  foreign  business  house  was  defended  by  15  armed  Europeans, 
whilst  others  threw  out  handfuls  of  pesos  to  stay  the  work  of  the 
petrokur.  The  German  Vice-Consul,  an  old  friend  of  mine,  went  mad 
at  the  sight  of  his  total  loss ;  a  Swiss  merchant,  my  friend  for  over  20 
years,  had  his  fine  corner  premises  burnt  down  to  the  stone  walls,  and  is 
now  in  comparative  poverty.  Even  Spanish  half-castes  were  menaced 
and  contemptuously  called  Cachilas 2 ;  and  the  women  escaped  for 
their  lives  on  board  the  schooners  in  the  harbour.  Half  the  town  was 
blazing,  and  the  despairing  cries  of  some,  the  yells  of  exultant  joy  of 
others,  mingled  with  the  booming  of  the  invaders1  cannon. 

Two  British  warships  lying  in  the  roadstead  sent  boats  ashore  to 
receive  British  subjects,  and  landed  a  party  of  marines,  who  made  gallant 
efforts  to  save  foreign  property.     A  few  British  subjects  were,  however, 

1  The  See  of  Jaro  was  created  in  1867.  The  town  was  already  rich  with  its 
trade  in  pina  and  jusi  (vide  p.  283,  footnote).  Up  to  1876  Yloilo  town  was 
merely  a  group  of  houses  built  for  commercial  convenience. 

3  Vide  p.  169.  Castila  in  the  North  ;  Cachila  in  the  South  ;  signifying  European, 
and  said  to  be  derived  from  the  Spaniards'  war-cry  of  Viva  Costilla  ! 


516         Americans  enter  Yloilo  ;   insurgents  vanish 

unable  to  get  away  from  the  town  on  account  of  the  premature  attack 
of  the  Americans,  which  took  place  on  the  11th  instead  of  February  12, 
as  previously  announced. 

The  American  assault  on  the  town,  which  lasted  until  1  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  Mas  immediately  followed  up  by  the  landing  of  about 
1,000  volunteers,  and  General  Miller  found  that  the  prognostications 
of  the  townspeople  were  perfectly  just,  for  the  insurgents  fled  in  all 
directions.  There  was  not  a  fighting-man  left  in  the  town.  Some  of 
them  continued  their  hurried  flight  as  far  as  Santa  Barbara  and  Janiuay. 
It  wras  evident  that  a  sudden  night-landing,  without  a  word  about 
bombardment,  would  have  been  just  as  effective,  and  would  have 
prevented  much  misery  and  loss  of  life  and  property.  Indeed,  the 
arrival  of  the  American  volunteers  under  these  distressing  circumstances 
produced  a  fresh  commotion  in  Yloilo.  Without  any  warrant  private 
premises  were  entered,  and  property  saved  from  the  natives1  grasp 
vanished  before  the  eyes  of  the  owners.  Finally  order  was  restored 
through  the  energetic  intervention  of  American  officials,  who  stationed 
sentinels  here  and  there  to  protect  what  still  remained  of  the  towns- 
people's goods.  In  due  course  indemnity  claims  were  forwarded  to  the 
military  authorities,  who  rejected  them  all. 

The  insurgents  still  lingered  outside  the  town  on  the  road  to  Jaro, 
and  General  Miller  marched  his  troops,  in  battle  array,  against  them. 
A  couple  of  miles  out  of  the  town,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  La  Paz,  the 
entrenched  enemy  was  routed  after  a  slight  skirmish.     The  booming  of 
cannon  was  heard  in  Yloilo  for  some  hours  as  the  American  troops 
continued  their  march  to  Jaro,  only  molested  by  a  few  occasional  shots 
from    the    enemy    in    ambush.      The  rebel  chief  Fulion    and    another, 
Quintin  Salas,  held  out  for  a  short  while,  gradually  beating  a  retreat 
before  the  advancing  column.     The  Tagalogs,  once  under  the  command 
of  the  semi-civilized  Didcno,  disappeared  in  all  directions,  and  finally 
escaped  from  the  province  in  small  parties  in  canoes  or    as  best  they 
could.     The  handful  of  braves  who  still  thought  fit  to  resist  decided  to 
make  a  stand  at  Santa  Barbara,  but  on  the  arrival  of  the  American 
troops  they  dispersed  like  chaff  before  the  wind.     General  Miller  then 
relinquished  the  pursuit  and  returned  to  Yloilo  to  await  reinforcements 
for  a  campaign  through  the  Island.     In  the  meantime  military  govern- 
ment was  established  in  Yloilo,  the  town  was  policed,  trade  resumed  its 
normal  aspect,  the  insurgents  in  the  Island  gradually  increased,  but  the 
Philippine  Republic  in  Panay  was  no  more.     It  was  clear  to  all    the 
most  sober-minded  and  best-educated  Ylongos  that  Aguinaldo's  govern- 
ment was  a  failure  in  Panay  at  least.     The  hope  of  agreement  on  any 
policy  was  remote  from  its  very  initiation.     Visayos  of  position,  with 
property    and   interests   at  stake,  were    convinced  that  absolute    inde- 
pendence   without   any    control   or    protection    from    some    established 
Power  was   premature  and   doomed  to  disaster.      Visayan   jealousy   of 


War  collapses;   surrenders  ;  peace  overtures       517 


Tagalog  predominance  had  also  its  influence,  but  the  ruling  factor  was  the 
Tagalog  troops'  dictatorial  air  and  brutal  conduct,  which  destroyed  the 
theory  of  fraternal  unity.  Self-government  at  this  stage  would  have 
certainly  led  to  civil  war. 

Reinforcements  arrived  from  Manila  and  the  Americans  entered 
upon  the  pacification  of  the  Island,  which  needed  two  years  for  its 
accomplishment.  The  fall  record  of  the  Panay  campaign  would  be 
a  monotonous  recital  of  scores  of  petty  encounters  of  analogous  character. 
Pablo  Araneta,  in  co-operation  with  a  Spanish  deserter  named  Mariano 
Perez,  met  the  Americans  several  times,  and  gave  better  proof  of  his 
generalship  in  retreat  than  in  advance.  He  operated  only  in  the 
province  of  Yloilo,  and  at  Sambang,  near  Pavia,  his  party  was  severely 
defeated  and  the  "general11  fled.  Quintin  Salas,  over  whose  dead 
body,  he  himself  declared,  the  Americans  would  have  to  pass  before 
Yloilo  surrendered,  appeared  and  disappeared,  from  time  to  time,  around 
Dumangas.  There  was  an  encounter  at  Potian  with  Jolandoni  which 
ended  badly  for  his  party.  The  native  priests  not  only  sympathized 
with  the  insurgents,  but  took  an  active  part  in  their  operations. 
Father  Santiago  Pamplona,  afterwards  ecclesiastical-governor  of  the 
Visayas  (Aglipayan),  held  a  command  under  Martin  Delgado.  Father 
Agustin  Piria,  the  parish  priest  of  Molo  and  the  active  adviser  in  the 
operations  around  Pavia— Jaro  district,  was  caught  by  the  Americans 
and  died  of  "  water-cure.11  x  The  firebrand  Pascual  Macbanua  was 
killed  at  Pototan  ;  and  finally  came  the  most  decisive  engagement 
at  Monte  Sihgit,  between  Janiuay  and  Lambunao.  The  insurgent 
generalissimo,  Martin  Delgado,  took  the  field  in  person  ;  but  after  a  bold 
stand,  with  a  slight  loss  on  the  American  side,  the  insurgents  were 
completely  routed  and  their  leader  fled.  Pablo  Araneta,  tired  of 
generalship  without  glory,  surrendered  to  the  Americans  on  December  31, 
1899.  The  war  still  continued  for  another  year,  Martin  Delgado  being 
one  of  the  last  to  declare  his  defeat.  Early  in  December,  1900,  over- 
tures for  peace  were  made  to  General  Miller,  the  delegates  on  the 
insurgent  side  being  Pablo  Araneta,  Jovito  Yusay,  and  Father  Silvestre 
Apura,  whilst  Captain  Noble  represented  the  Americans.  Martin 
Delgado  and  his  co-leaders  soon  surrendered.  There  was  no  question  of 
conditions  but  that  of  convincing  the  natives  of  the  futility  of  further 
resistance  and  the  benefits  to  them  of  peace  under  American  rule. 
With  this  end  in  view,  delegates  went  in  commission  to  the  several 
districts.     Pablo    Araneta,    Father    Silvestre    Apura,    Father    Praxedes 

1  "  Water-cure  "  was  a  method  adopted  by  the  Americans.  Water  was  poured 
down  the  throat  of  the  victim  until  the  stomach  was  distended  to  the  full  ;  then  it 
was  pressed  out  again  and  the  operation  repeated.  The  pretext  for  this  mode  of 
torture  was  to  extort  confession  ;  but  it  was  quite  inefficacious,  because  the  victim 
was  usually  disposed  to  say  anything,  true  or  false,  for  his  own  salvation.  The 
"water-cure"  operation,  in  vogue  for  awhile  all  over  the  Islands,  proved  fatal  in 
many  cases.     It  is  now  a  penal  offence  (Phil.  Com.  Act  619,  Sec.  2). 


518  General  surrender  {Feb.  1901)— Peace 

Magalon  and  Nicolas  Roses  visited  the  district  of  Concepcion  (East 
Panay)  in  January  1901  and  obtained  the  submission  of  the  people 
there.  Peace  was  at  length  agreed  upon  ;  but  the  Filipinos  were  not 
disposed  silently  to  draw  the  veil  over  the  past  without  glamour  and 
pomp,  even  in  the  hour  of  defeat.  Therefore,  on  February  2,  1901, 
in  agreement  between  the  parties,  the  remnant  of  the  little  Panay  army 
made  a  formal  surrender,  inarching  under  triumphal  arches  into  the 
episcopal  city  of  Jaro  to  stack  their  arms,  between  lines  of  American 
troops  drawn  up  on  either  side  of  their  passage,  to  the  strains  of 
peaceful  melody,  whilst  the  banners  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floated 
victoriously  in  the  sultry  air.  Jaro  was  crowded  with  visitors  to  witness 
this  interesting  ceremonial.  The  booths  did  a  bustling  trade  ;  the 
whole  city  was  en  fete,  and  the  vanquished  heroes,  far  from  evincing 
humiliation,  mingled  with  the  mob  and  seemed  as  merry  as  though  the 
occasion  were  the  marriage-feast  of  the  headman's  daughter. 

But  to  complete  the  picture  of  peace  some  finishing-strokes  were 
yet  needful.  Antique  Province  was  still  in  arms,  and  a  native  com- 
mission composed  of  Pablo  Araneta,  Father  Silvestre  Apura,  Father 
Praxedes  Magalon,  Victorino  Mapa,  Cornelio  Melliza,  and  Martin 
Delgado  proceeded  there,  and  succeeded  in  concluding  peace  for  the 
Americans  at  the  end  of  February,  1901. 

The  Visayan  chief  who  defied  the  American  invader  was  no  stout 
patriot  who  leaves  his  plough  to  fight  for  cherished  liberty,  and  cheer- 
fully returns  to  it  when  the  struggle  ends.  The  leaders  of  the  little 
Panay  army  and  their  civilian  colleagues  had  to  be  compensated  for 
their  acceptance  of  American  rule.  Aguinaldo  was  captured  during 
the  month  following  the  Peace  of  Panay  ;  the  war  was  coming  to  an  end, 
and  Governor  W.  H.  Taft  made  his  provincial  tour  to  inaugurate  civil 
government  in  the  pacified  Islands.  Martin  T.  Delgado,  the  very  man 
who  had  inflicted  such  calamities  upon  the  Yloilo  people,  was  appointed, 
on  April  11,  to  be  their  first  provincial  Civil  Governor  at  a  salary  of 
$3,000  gold  per  annum,  and  held  that  office  until  March,  1904.  Jovito 
Yusay  was  given  the  provincial  government  secretaryship  with  a  yearly 
stipend  of  $1,800  gold;  Pablo  Araneta  was  rewarded  with  the  post 
of  President  of  the  Board  of  Health  at  an  annual  salary  of  $1,500  gold, 
and  Victorino  Mapa  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  with 
an  annual  emolument  of  $7,000  gold.  In  March,  1904,  Raymundo 
Melliza,  ex-president  of  the  native  civil  government,  already  referred  to 
as  the  advocate  of  social  order,  succeeded  Delgado  in  the  civil  govern- 
ment of  the  Yloilo  province  by  popular  vote. 

Yloilo,  formerly  the  second  port  of  the  Philippines,  is  situated  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  creek.  From  the  creek  point  to  the  square  are 
sheds  used  for  sugar-storing,  with,  here  and  there,  a  commercial  or  govern- 
ment office  between.  The  most  modern  thoroughfares  are  traced  with 
regularity,  and  there  are  many  good  houses.      In   the    square   is    the 


Yloilo   Town  519 


church,  which  at  a  distance  might  be  mistaken  for  a  sugar-store,  the 
ruins  of  the  Town  Hall,  the  convent,  and  a  few  small,  fairly  well-built 
houses  of  stone  and  wood,  whilst  all  one  side  was  once  covered  by 
a  fine  new  block  of  buildings  of  brick,  stone  and  wood,  with  iron  roofs. 

The  Colic  Real  or  High  Street  is  a  winding  road,  which  leads  through 
the  town  into  the  country.  The  houses  are  indescribable — they  are  of 
all  styles.  Without  any  pretence  at  architectural  adornment,  some 
are  high,  others  low  ;  some  stand  back  with  several  feet  of  pavement 
before  them,  others  come  forward  and  oblige  one  to  walk  in  the  road. 
Here  and  there  is  a  gap,  then  a  row  of  dingy  hovels.  This  is  the  retail 
trading-quarter  and  the  centre  for  the  Chinese.  Going  from  the  square 
the  creek  runs  along  at  the  back  of  the  right-hand-side  houses  ;  turning 
off  by  the  left-hand-side  thoroughfares,  which  cannot  be  called  streets, 
there  is  a  number  of  roughly-built  houses  and  a  few  good  ones  dispersed 
in  all  directions,  with  vacant,  neglected  plots  between.  At  the  extreme 
end  of  the  Calk  Real  is  the  Government  House,  built  of  wood  and 
stone,  of  good  style  and  in  a  fair  condition,  with  quite  the  appearance 
of  an  official  residence.  Before  it  is  a  semicircular  garden,  and  in  front 
of  this  there  is  a  round  fenced-in  plot,  in  the  middle  of  which  stands  a 
flag-staff.  Just  past  the  Government  House  there  is  a  bridge  crossing 
the  Jaro  River,  which  empties  itself  into  the  creek  of  Yloilo,  and  this 
creek  is  connected  with  that  of  Otong.1 

Yloilo  lies  low,  and  is  always  hot.  Quite  one-third  of  the  shipping 
and  wholesale  business  quarter  stands  on  land  reclaimed  from  the  swamp 
by  filling  up  with  earth  and  rubble.  The  opposite  side  of  the  creek, 
facing  the  shipping-quarter,  is  a  low  marshy  waste,  occasionally  converted 
into  a  swamp  at  certain  tides.  The  creek  forms  the  harbour  of  Yloilo, 
which  is  just  as  Nature  made  it,  except  that  there  is  a  roughly-con- 
structed quayway  on  the  left-hand  shore  on  entering.  Only  vessels 
of  light  draft  can  enter  ;  large  vessels  anchor  in  the  roadstead,  which 
is  the  channel  between  Yloilo  harbour  and  Guimaras  Island. 

The  general  aspect  of  Yloilo  and  its  environs  is  most  depressing. 
In  Spanish  times  no  public  conveyances  were  to  be  seen  plying  for  hire 
in  the  streets,  and  there  is  still  no  public  place  of  amusement.  The 
Municipality  was  first  established  by  Royal  Order  dated  June  7,  1889. 

Evidences  of  the  havoc  of  1899  are  still  visible  at  every  turn  in 
Yloilo  in  the  shape  of  old  stone  walls,  charred  remains,  battered  houses, 
vacant  spaces,  etc.     On  the   other  hand,  there   are  many  innovations 

1  Otong  in  olden  times  was  a  place  of  importance  when  the  galleons  put  in  there 
on  their  way  to  and  from  Mexico,  taking  the  longer  route  in  order  to  avoid  the 
strong  currents  of  the  San  Bernardino  Straits. 

Under  the  old  territorial  division,  the  Jurisdiction  of  Otong  comprised  all  Panay 
Island  (except  a  strip  of  land  all  along  the  north  coast— formerly  Panay  Province, 
now  called  Capis)  and  a  point  here  and  there  on  the  almost  unexplored  Negros 
coast.  Galleons  were  sometimes  built  at  Otong,  which  was  on  several  occasions 
attacked  by  the  Dutch.     Yloilo  at  that  time  was  an  insignificant  fishing-village. 


520  Native  Government  in  Negros  Island 

since  American  administration  superseded  the  native  civil  government. 
The  plaza,  till  then  a  dreary  open  space,  is  now  a  pleasant  shady 
promenade ;  electric  lighting,  an  ice-factory,  four  hotels,  one  American, 
one  English,  and  three  Philippine  clubs,  large  public  schools,  an  im- 
proved quayway,  a  commodious  Custom-house,  a  great  increase  of 
harbour  traffic,  a  superabundance  of  lawyers1  and  pawnbrokers1  sign- 
boards, and  public  vehicles  plying  for  hire  are  among  the  novelties 
which  strike  one  who  knew  Yloilo  in  days  gone  by.  The  Press  is 
poorly  represented  by  three  daily  and  one  weekly  newspapers.  Taken 
as  a  whole  Yloilo  still  remains  one  of  the  most  charmless  spots  in 
the  Archipelago. 

****** 

The  people  of  Negros  Island  were  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  local 
independence  since  November  6,  1898,  the  day  on  which  the  Spanish 
Governor,  D.  Isidro  Castro  y  Cinceros,  together  with  all  his  official 
colleagues,  capitulated  to  the  revolutionists  under  the  leadership  of 
Aniceto  Lacson,  Leandro  Lacson,  Juan  Araneta,  Nicolas  Gales,  Simon 
Lizares,  Julio  Diaz,  and  Jose  Montilla.  Simultaneously  with  the 
prosecution  of  the  Panay  Island  campaign  General  Miller  opened 
negotiations  for  the  submission  of  Negros  Island  to  American  sovereignty. 
At  that  time  the  government  of  the  Island  was  being  peacefully 
administered  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Negros  revolutionists,  at  least, 
under  the  constitution  proclaimed  by  them,  and  presided  over  by 
their  ex-commander-in-chief,  Aniceto  Lacson.1  General  Miller  there- 
fore commissioned  two  Filipinos,  Esteban  de  la  Rama  and  Pedro 
Regalado,2  to  proceed  to  Negros  and  negotiate  terms  of  surrender  to 
the  Americans.  For  the  moment  nothing  further  was  demanded  than 
a  recognition  of  American  supremacy,  and  it  was  not  proposed  to 
subvert  their  local  organization  or  depose  their  president.  Aniceto 
Lacson  accepted  these  terms,  and  General  Miller  formally  appointed 
him  Governor  of  the  Island  in  March,  1899.  It  is  evident,  therefore, 
that  no  union  existed  between  the  local  government  of  Negros  and 
Aguinaldo's  Republic  in  Luzon.  In  fact,  when  the  Tagalog  fighting- 
men,  who  were  everywhere  defeated  in  Panay,  made  their  escape  to 
Negros  and  raised  the  cry  of  insurrection  against  the  Americans, 
Lacson  was  constrained  to  appeal  to  General  Miller  to  send  over  troops 
to  quell  the  movement.  Thereupon  Colonel  Smith  was  deputed  to  take 
troops  over  to  Negros  to  pursue  the  common  enemy,  whilst,  in  perfect 

1  A  half-caste  Chinese  family  of  large  means  and  local  influence. 

2  Esteban  de  la  Rama  is  of  the  family  of  the  late  Isidro  de  la  Rama,  a  well-known 
prosperous  and  enterprising  Yloilo  merchant.  Pedro  Regalado,  personally  known 
to  me,  is  the  son  of  my  late  friend  Jose'  Regalado,  at  one  time  a  wealthy  middleman, 
who,  however,  lost  his  fortune  in  adverse  speculations.  Pedro  Regalado  and  I 
were,  at  one  time,  together  in  Hong-Kong,  where  he  learnt  English.  On  the 
entry  of  the  American  troops  into  Yloilo  he  was  imprisoned  on  a  charge  of 
disaffection,  but  shortly  released  and  appointed  a  government  interpreter. 


The  common  enemy  in  Negros  Island  521 

accord  with  the  native  governor  Lacson,  he  acted  as  military  governor 
of  the  Island.     The  great  cordillera  which  runs  through  the  centre  of 
the  Island  from  north  to  south  forms  a  sort  of  natural  barrier  between 
the  people  of  Occidental  and  Oriental  Negros.     There  are  trails,  but 
there   are  no   transversal  highroads  from  one  coast  to  the  other,  and 
the  inhabitants  on  each  side  live  as  separated  in  their  interests,  and, 
to    a   certain    degree,   in  their  habits,   as   though   they  were  living  in 
different  islands.     The  people  on  the  eastern  side  have  always  strongly 
opposed  anything  approaching  governmental  cohesion   with   the  other 
side.      Moreover,  for   many   years    past,  the    south-eastern    district  of 
Negros   Island   has    been   affected    by    sporadic   apparitions  of  riotous 
religious  monomaniacs  called  Santones  {vide  p.  189).     These  conditions, 
therefore,  favoured  the  nefarious  work  of  the  cunning  Tagalog  and  Panay 
refugees,  who  found  plenty  of  plastic  material  in  the  Negros  inhabitants 
for  the  fruitful  dissemination  of  the  wildest  and  most  fantastic  notions 
anent  the  horrors  awaiting  them  in  the  new  Anglo-Saxon  domination. 
They   found  no   sympathy   with   the   native  government  of  Occidental 
Negros,  which  was  as  much  their  enemy  as  the  American  troops  sent 
to  pursue  them,  but  they  entertained  the  hope  that  by  raising  riot  in 
Negros  they  would  draw   off  troops  from   Panay,  and  so  favour  the 
movement  in  that  Island.     Armed  groups  rose  everywhere  against  the 
Americans    and     the    established     government.       In     the     south-east 
the  notorious  Papa  Isio  appeared  as  a  Santon,  preached  idolatry,  and 
drew  to  his  standard  a  large  band  of  ruffians  as  skilled  as  himself  in 
villainous  devices.     Insurgency,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  did  not 
exist  in  Negros  ;  opposition   to  the  American  domination  was  merely 
a  pretext  to  harass,  plunder,  and  extort  funds  from  the  planters  and 
property-owners.     The  disaffected  people  increased  so  largely  in  numbers 
that  Colonel    Smith   was  obliged   to  call  for  reinforcements,  and    the 
disturbances  only  came  to  an  end  when  it  was  known  that  the  Panay 
people  had  formally  laid  down  their  arms  in  February,  1901.     Shortly 
afterwards    Governor   W.   H.   Taft  visited  Negros  Island ;   the  quasi- 
autonomous    government  of  that  region   was    modified    in    conformity 
with  the  general  plan  of  provincial  civil  governments,  and  on  August  9, 
1901,  Leandro  Locsin  (Ylongo  by  birth)  succeeded  to  the  civil  governor- 
ship, with  a  salary  of  $2,500  gold,  by  popular  vote. 

****** 
Notwithstanding  the  severities  imposed  on  the  Cebuanos  during  the 
last  eight  months  of  Spanish  rule,  the  Spaniards  were  able  to  evacuate 
Cebu  Island  without  menace  or  untoward  event.  For  several  months  the 
Governor,  General  Montero,  had  held  in  prison,  between  life  and  death, 
a  number  of  Filipinos  of  the  best  families,  amongst  whom  was  Julio 
Llorente,  who  afterwards  became  President  of  Cebu  and  subsequently 
a  magistrate  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Manila.  General  Montero  made 
a  compact  with  a  young  Philippine  lawyer,  Sergio  Osmeiia  (afterwards 


522  Native  Government  in  Cebil  Island 

acting-Governor  of  Cebu)  that  in  exchange  for  two  Spaniards  held  as 
hostages  in  the  interior  he  would  release  Llorente.  Osmeiia  procured 
the  liberty  of  the  Spaniards,  but  it  was  only  on  the  eve  of  his  departure 
that  Montero  permitted  the  prison  doors  to  be  opened. 

On  December  26,  1898,  a  chartered  merchant  steamer  called  at  Cebu 
to  transport  the  retiring  Spaniards  to  Zamboanga,  the  place  of  con- 
centration designated  by  General  Rios.  The  farewell  was  sadly  brief, 
and  almost  in  silence  the  Governor  handed  over  the  government  property 
to  a  most  worthy  and  loyal  Cebuano,  Pablo  Mejia,  who  was  my 
esteemed  friend  for  many  years.  The  Governor  even  offered  Mejia  about 
40  rifles  ;  but  Mejia,  a  lover  of  order,  wrongly  believing  that  a  long  period 
of  tranquillity  was  about  to  set  in,  declined  to  accept  them.  And  without 
any  manifestation  of  regret  on  the  part  of  the  governed,  the  last  vestige 
of  Spanish  authority  vanished  from  the  city  which,  333  years  before,  was 
the  capital  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

On  the  day  following  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards  the  Cebuanos 
established  a  provincial  government  in  agreement  with  the  Katipunan 
party  of  Luzon,  General  Aguinaldo's  direct  representative  being  Luis 
Flores,  the  chief  leader  of  the  armed  Cebuanos,  to  whom  Pablo  Mejia 
handed  over  all  that  he  had  received  from  the  ex-governor  Montero. 
From  its  establishment  up  to  the  last  day  of  its  existence,  this 
government  used  the  seal  and  stamps  of  the  Philippine  Republic, 
and  was  constituted  as  follows,  viz. : — 


Provincial  Council 

President  and  Commander-in-Chief  .          .     Luis  Flores 

Vice-President 

Commissioner  of  Police  . 


Julio  Llorente. 
Gen.  Arcadio  Maxilom. 
Pablo  Mejia. 
Miguel  Logarta. 
Leoncio  Alburo. 


Treasurer-General 
Minister  of  Justice 
Secretary  to  the  Council 

Military  Department 

Chief-of-StafF .          .       J  Half-caste  Chinese  ")      Gen.  Juan  Climaco. 
Military  Administrator  (       and  cousins.        J      Arsenio  Climaco. 

Municipal  Council  {Junta  Popular) 

Mayor  ........     Julio  Llorente. 

n         mi  )      Several  citizens  elected 

Councillors     ......        V 

J  by  popular  vote. 

The  above  constitution  was  in  conformity  with  a  decree  of  General 
Aguinaldo  dated  June  18,  1898,  and  countersigned  by  Apolinario 
Mabini.  Local  representatives  of  the  provincial  government  were 
appointed  throughout  the  Island  for  the  collection  of  taxes  and  the 
maintenance    of  order,  and    the    system  worked   fairly  smoothly   until 


American  occupation  of  Cebu  523 

the  arrival  of  the  Americans  in  Cebu  City,  February  21,  1899.  On 
that  date  the  American  gunboat  Petrel  and  a  large  steam-launch 
suddenly  appeared  in  Cebu  harbour.  The  United  States  Vice-Consul 
seems  to  have  been  the  only  person  who  had  received  prior  advice  of 
their  intended  arrival.  The  commander  of  the  Petrel  sent  a  message 
ashore  saying  that  he  desired  an  interview  with  the  government 
representatives  and  that  he  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  city,  and  gave 
14  hours  to  the  people  to  consider  his  demands  ;  but,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  negotiations  lasted  about  24  hours,  during  which  time  a  council 
of  Filipinos  was  hurriedly  called  to  decide  upon  the  course  the  provincial 
government  should  adopt.  Very  divergent  and  extreme  views  were 
expressed;  Pablo  Mejia,  supported  by  Julio  Llorente  and  Father  Julia, 
advocated  an  acceptance  of  the  inevitable  under  protest,  whilst  General 
Gabino  Sepulveda  declared  that  he  would  spill  his  last  drop  of  blood 
before  the  Americans  should  take  possession  of  the  city.  But,  in  the 
end,  Sepulveda  reserved  his  blood  for  a  better  occasion,  and  eventually 
accepted  employment  under  the  Americans  as  prosecuting  attorney  in 
Bojol  Island.  Pablo  Mejia's  advice  was  acted  upon,  and  in  the  name  of 
the  Cebuanos,  Luis  Flores,  the  President  of  the  Council,  signed  a 
protest1  which  was  handed  to  the  commander  of  the  Petrel  by  Pablo 
Mejia  and  Julio  Llorente  in  the  presence  of  the  United  States  Vice- 
Consul.  The  commander  of  the  Petrel  forthwith  landed  40  marines, 
who  marched  to  the  Cotta  de  San  Pedro  (the  fortress)  and  hoisted  the 
American  flag  there  in  the  presence  of  armed  Filipinos  who  looked  on  in 
silence.  The  marines  then  returned  to  their  vessel,  Avhich  remained 
inactive  anchored  off  the  eotta,  pending  the  arrival  of  reinforcements 
which  were  sent  to  Cebu  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Hainer.  The 
provincial  government  was  permitted  to  continue  its  functions  and  use 
its  official  seal,  and  during  five  months  there  was  no  manifest  anti- 
American  movement.  During  this  period  the  American  commander  of 
ihe  troops  adopted  tactics  similar  to  those  employed  by  General  E.  S. 
Otis  in  Manila  against  Aguinaldo  prior  to  the  outbreak  in  February, 
1899.  Little  by  little  the  Americans  required  the  armed  Filipinos  to 
retire  farther  and  farther  away  from  the  capital.  This  practical 
isolation  disgusted  the  several  chiefs,  who  therefore  agreed  to  open  the 
campaign  against  the  invaders.  Every  act  of  the  provincial  councillors 
was  closely  watched  and  discussed  by  the  Cebuanos,  amongst  whom  an 
intransigent  faction  secretly  charged  Mejia  and  Llorente  with  being 
lukewarm  in  their  protection  of  Philippine  interests  and  unduly  favour- 
able to  American  dominion.  Their  death  was  decreed,  and  Mejia  was 
assassinated  as  he  was  passing  to  his  house  from  that  of  a  neighbour  a 

1  The  protest  contained  the  following  significant  clauses,  viz  :  (1)  "  Ceder  a  tal 
"exigencia  en  vista  de  la  superioridad  de  las  armas  Americanas.  (2)  No  tener 
"  poder,  ni  la  provincia  ni  todos  los  habitantes  juntos,  de  ejecutar  actas  como  esta, 
"prohibidas  por  el  Presidente  de  la  Republics,  Sefior  Emilio  Aguinaldo. "• — Extracts 
taken  by  myself  from  the  official  copy  of  the  protest. 


524  Cebudno  insurgents  on  the  warpath 

few  yards  off.  Luis  Flores  had  already  resigned  public  office,  and 
Llorente  was,  at  this  time,  his  successor  in  the  presidency  of  the  Council. 
Fortunately  for  him,  whilst  the  murderers  were  plotting  against  his  life 
he  was  called  to  Manila  by  General  E.  S.  Otis,  two  weeks  after  Mejia's 
death,  to  become  a  magistrate  in  the  Supreme  Court.  Segundo  Singson 
(afterwards  chief  judge  of  the  Court  of  First  Instance)  then  assumed  the 
presidency  of  the  provincial  council. 

On  July  24,  1899,  Juan  Climaco  and  Arcadio  Maxilom,  chafing  at 
the  diminution  of  their  influence  in  public  affairs,  suddenly  disappeared 
into  the  interior  and  met  at  Pardo,  where  the  military  revolutionary 
centre  was  established.  Aguinaldo's  emissary,  Pantaleon  E.  del  Rosario, 
Melquiades  Lasala,  a  Cebuano  of  Bogd  (known  as  Dading),  Andres 
Jayme,  Lorega,  and  an  Ilocano  named  Mateo  Luga  who  had  served  in 
the  Spanish  army,  led  contingents  under  the  supreme  command  of  the 
insurgent  General  Arcadio  Maxilom.  In  the  interior  they  established 
a  fairly  well-organized  military  government.  The  Island  was  divided 
into  districts  ;  there  was  little  interference  with  personal  liberty  ;  taxes 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  struggle  were  collected  in  the  form  of 
contribution  according  to  the  means  of  the  donor  ;  agriculture  was  not 
altogether  abandoned,  and  for  over  two  years  the  insurgents  held  out 
against  American  rule.  The  brain  of  the  movement  was  centred  in 
Juan  Climaco,  whilst  Mateo  Luga  exhibited  the  best  fighting  qualities. 
In  the  meantime  American  troops  were  drafted  to  the  coast  towns  of 
Tuburan,  Bogd,  Carmen,  etc.  There  were  several  severe  engagements 
with  slaughter  on  both  sides,  notably  at  Monte  Sudlon  and  Compostela. 
Five  white  men  joined  the  insurgent  leader  Luga,  one  being  an  English 
mercenary  trooper,  two  sailors,  and  two  soldiers ;  the  last  two  were  given 
up  at  the  close  of  hostilities  ;  one  of  them  was  pardoned,  and  the  other 
was  executed  in  the  cotta  for  rape  committed  at  Mandaue. 

The  co-existence  of  an  American  military  administration  in  Cebii 
City  conducting  a  war  throughout  the  Island,  and  a  Philippine  provincial 
government  with  nominal  administrative  powers  over  the  same  region, 
but  in  strong  sympathy  with  the  insurgent  cause,  was  no  longer  com- 
patible. Moreover,  outside  the  city  the  provincial  government  was 
unable  to  enforce  its  decrees  amongst  the  people,  who  recognized  solely 
the  martial-law  of  the  insurgents  to  whom  they  had  to  pay  taxes.  The 
Americans  therefore  abolished  the  provincial  council,  which  was  not 
grieved  at  its  dissolution,  because  it  was  already  accused  by  the  people 
of  being  pro- American.  Philippine  views  of  the  situation  were  expressed 
in  a  newspaper,  El  Nuevo  Dia,  founded  by  a  lawyer,  Rafael  Palma,  and 
edited  conjointly  by  Jayme  Veyra  (afterwards  a  candidate  for  the  Leyte 
Island  governorship)  and  an  intelligent  young  lawyer,  Sergio  Osmena, 
already  mentioned  at  p.  521.  This  organ,  the  type  and  style  of  which 
favourably  compared  with  any  journal  ever  produced  in  these  Islands, 
passed  through    many  vicissitudes ;    it  was   alternately    suppressed  and 


Collapse  of  hostilities — Peace  in  Cebu  525 

revived,  whilst  its  editors  were  threatened  with  imprisonment  in  the 
cotta  and  deportation  to  Guam.  Meanwhile  the  Americans  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  the  Filipinos  in  municipal 
administration,  but  the  people  refused  to  vote.  Leading  citizens,  cited 
to  appear  before  the  American  authorities,  persistently  declined  to  take 
any  part  in  a  dual  regime.  The  electors  were  then  ordered,  under 
penalties,  to  attend  the  polling,  but  out  of  the  hundreds  who  responded 
to  the  call  only  about  60  could  be  coerced  into  voting.  Finally  a 
packed  municipal  council  was  formed,  but  one  of  its  members,  a  man 
hitherto  highly  respected  by  all,  was  assassinated,  and  his  colleagues 
went  in   fear  of  their  lives. 

The  war  in  Panay  Island  having  terminated  on  February  2,  1901,  by 
the  general  surrender  at  Jaro  {vide  p.  518),  General  Hughes  went  to 
Samar  Island,  where  he  failed  to  restore  peace,  and  thence  he  proceeded 
to  Cebu  in  the  month  of  August  at  the  head  of  2,000  troops.  A 
vigorous  policy  of  devastation  was  adopted.  Towns,  villages  and  crops 
were  laid  waste ;  Pardo,  the  insurgent  military  centre,  was  totally 
destroyed  ;  peaceful  natives  who  had  compulsorily  paid  tribute  to  the 
insurgents  at  whose  mercy  they  were  obliged  to  live,  were  treated  as 
enemies  ;  their  homes  and  means  of  livelihood  were  demolished,  and  little 
distinction  was  made  between  the  warrior  and  the  victim  of  the  war. 
Desolation  stared  the  people  in  the  face,  and  within  a  few  weeks  the 
native  provincial  governor  proposed  that  terms  of  peace  should  be 
discussed.  The  insurgent  chief  Lorega  surrendered  on  October  22  ; 
Mateo  Luga  and  Arcadio  Maxilom  submitted  five  days  afterwards  and 
at  the  end  of  the  month  a  general  cessation  of  hostilities  followed. 
A  neutral  zone  was  agreed  upon,  extending  from  Mandaue  to  Sogod, 
and  there  the  three  peace  commissioners  on  behalf  of  the  Americans, 
namely  Miguel  Logarta,  Pedro  Rodriguez,  and  Arsenio  Climaco  met 
the  insurgent  chiefs  Juan  Climaco  and  Arcadio  Maxilom.  As  a  result, 
peace  was  signed,  and  the  document  includes  the  following  significant 
words,  viz.  :  "  putting  the  Philippine  people  in  a  condition  to  prove 
"  their  aptitude  for  self-government  as  the  basis  of  a  future  inde- 
"  pendent  life."  The  signatories  of  this  document  on  the  part  of 
the  Filipinos  were  Pantaleon  E.  del  Rosario,  Melquiades  Lasala  and 
Andres  Jayme.  After  the  peace,  Mateo  Luga  and  P.  E.  del  Rosario 
accepted  employment  under  the  Americans,  the  former  as  Inspector  of 
Constabulary  and  the  latter  as  Sheriff  of  Cebu.  A  few  months  later, 
the  Americans,  acting  on  information  received,  proceeded  to  Tubiiran 
on  the  government  launch  Philadelphia,  arrested  Arcadio  Maxilom  and 
his  two  brothers,  and  seized  the  arms  which  they  had  secreted  on  their 
property.  On  the  launch,  one  of  the  Maxiloms  unsuccessfully  attempted 
to  murder  the  Americans  and  was  immediately  executed,  whilst  Arcadio 
and  his  other  brother  jumped  overboard ;  but  Arcadio  being  unable  to 
swim,  was  picked  up,  brought  to  trial  at  Cebu,  and  acquitted.     Thus 


526  Reformed  Government — Cebu  City 

ended  the  career  of  General  Arcadio  Maxilom,  whom  in  1904  I  found 
living  in  retirement,  almost  a  hermit's  life,  broken  in  spirit  and  body 
and  worried  by  numerous  lawsuits  pending  against  him. 

On  April  17, 1901,  Governor  W.  H.  Taft  went  to  Cebu  accompanied 
by  a  Filipino,  H.  Pardo  de  Tavera,  whose  views  were  diametrically 
opposed  to  those  of  the  Cebu;ino  majority.  Governor  Taft  established 
civil  government  there,  although  the  law  of  habeas  corpus  had  to  be 
suspended  because  the  war  was  still  raging  throughout  the  Island  outside 
the  capital.  The  provincial  government  as  established  by  Governor 
Taft  comprises  a  provincial  board  composed  of  three  members,  namely 
the  Philippine  Provincial  Governor,  the  American  Supervisor,  and  the 
American  Treasurer;  hence  the  Americans  are  in  permanent  majority 
and  practically  rule  the  Island.  The  executive  of  this  body  is  the 
provincial  governor  and  his  staff.  The  first  provincial  governor  appointed 
by  Governor  Taft  was  Julio  Llorente,  who  resigned  the  magistracy  in 
Manila  and  returned  to  Cebu  to  take  up  his  new  office  until  the  elections 
took  place  in  January,  1902,  when,  by  popular  vote,  Juan  Climaco,  the 
ex-insurgent  chief,  became  provincial  governor,  and  on  the  expiration 
of  his  term  in  January,  1904,  he  was  re-elected  for  another  two  years. 

There  is  no  noteworthy  change  in  the  aspect  of  Cebu  since  the 
American  occupation.  It  is  a  regularly-built  city,  with  hundreds  of 
good  houses,  many  relatively  imposing  public  buildings,  monuments, 
churches,  and  interesting  edifices.  It  is  a  cathedral  city  and  bishop's 
see,  full  of  historical  remininscences,  and  has  still  a  very  pleasant 
appearance,  notwithstanding  its  partial  destruction  and  the  many 
remaining  ruins  caused  by  the  bombardment  by  the  Spanish  warship 
Don  Juan  de  Austria  in  April,  1898,  {vide  p.  403).  Of  special  interest 
are  the  Cathedral,  the  Church  of  Santo  Nino,  or  the  "  Holy  Child  of 
Cebu*"  (vide  p.  183),  the  Chapels  of  the  Paul  Fathers  and  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  the  Cotta  de  San  Pedro  (fortress).  Also,  just  outside  the 
city  proper  is  the  Church  of  San  Nicolas.  Up  to  about  the  year  1876 
the  Jesuits  had  a  fine  church  of  their  own,  but  the  friars,  jealous  of  its 
having  become  the  most  popular  place  of  worship,  caused  it  to  be 
destroyed.  Until  a  few  years  ago  the  quarter  known  as  the  Parian  was 
the  flourishing  centre  of  the  half-caste  traders.  There  was  also  a  busy 
street  of  Chinese  general  shops  and  native  ready-made  clothiers  in  the 
Lutao  district,  a  thoroughfare  which  ran  along  the  seashore  from  the 
south  of  the  city  proper  towards  San  Nicolas ;  it  was  completely 
destroyed  by  the  bombardment  of  1898,  and  many  of  the  shopkeepers 
have  erected  new  premises  in  the  principal  shopping  street,  called  Calk 
de  la  Infanta.  Again,  in  1905,  a  disastrous  fire  in  the  business  quarter 
of  the  city  caused  damage  to  the  estimated  extent  of  $500,000  gold. 

There  is  a  little  colony  of  foreign  merchants  in  Cebu,  which  formerly 
ranked  as  the  third  port  of  the  Archipelago,  but  now  stands  second 
in  importance  to  Manila  {vide  Trade  Statistics,  Chap.  xxxi.).     Several 


Cebu  City  527 

vice-consulates  are  established  here,  and  in  Spanish  times  it  was  the 
residence  of  the  military  governor  of  Visayas  as  well  as  of  the  governor 
of  the  Island  and  his  staff  of  officials.  In  1886  a  Supreme  Court  was 
inaugurated  in  Cebu.  This  city,  which  was  the  capital  of  the  Colony 
from  1565  to  1571,  had  a  municipality  up  to  the  time  of  Gov.-General 
Pedro  de  Anindia  (1754-59).  It  was  then  abolished  because  there  was 
only  one  Spaniard  capable  of  being  a  city  councillor.  One  alderman  who 
had  served — Juan  Sebastian  de  Espina — could  neither  read  nor  write,  and 
the  mayor  himself  had  been  deprived  of  office  for  having  tried  to  extort 
money  from  a  Chinaman  by  putting  his  head  in  the  stocks.  By  Royal 
Order  dated  June  7,  1889,  and  put  into  force  by  the  Gov. -General's 
Decree  of  January  31,  1890,  the '  municipality  was  re-established.  The 
president  was  the  governor  of  the  Island,  supported  by  an  Alcalde  and 
13  officials.  For  the  government  of  the  Island  under  the  Spanish 
regime,  vide  Chap.  xiii. 

The  municipality  at  present  existing  is  that  established  by  the 
Taft  Commission.  The  Press,  in  the  days  of  the  Spaniards,  was  poorly 
represented  by  a  little  news-sheet,  styled  the  Boletin  de  Cebu.  There 
are  now  two  periodicals  of  little  or  no  interest. 

There  are  two  large  cemeteries  at  Guadalupe  and  Mabolo.  In 
1887  a  shooting-butts  was  established  at  the  end  of  the  Guadalupe 
road,  and  the  annual  pony-races  take  place  in  January.  On  the 
Mabolo  road  there  is  a  Leper  Hospital,  and  the  ruins  of  a  partly  well- 
built  jail  which  was  never  completed. 

Cebu  is  a  port  of  entry  open  to  foreign  trade,  with  a  Custom-house 
established  since  the  year  1863.  The  channel  for  vessels  is  marked 
by  buoys,  and  there  are  two  lighthouses  at  the  north  and  two  at 
the  south  entrance  to  the  port.  The  environs  are  pretty,  with  Magtan 
Island  (on  which  Maghallanes  was  killed)  in  front  and  a  range  of 
hills  in  the  background.  There  are  excellent  roads  for  riding  and 
driving  a  few  miles  out  of  the  city.  The  climate  is  very  healthy 
for  Europeans  ;  the  low  ranges  of  mountains  running  north  to  south  of 
the  Island  are  sparsely  wooded,  some  being  quite  bare  of  trees,  and 
the  atmosphere  is  comparatively  dry.  The  cactus  is  very  common 
all  over  the  Island,  and  miles  of  it  are  seen  growing  in  the  hedges. 
About  an  hour  and  a  half's  drive  from  Cebu  City  there  is  the  little 
town  of  Naga,  the  environs  of  which  are  extremely  pretty.  From 
the  top  of  Makdoc  Mountain,  at  the  back  of  the  town,  there  is  a 
splendid  view  of  the  Pandan  Valley. 

The  Cebuanos  are  the  most  sociable  of  the  Visaya  population, 
whilst  the  women  are  the  best-looking  of  all  the  Filipinas  of  pure 
Oriental  descent. 

Of  all  places  in  the  Philippines  Cebu  will  please  the  conchologist. 
An  old  native  named  Legaspi  once  had  a  splendid  shell  collection,  which 
he  freely  exhibited  to  foreigners.     At  one  time  he  had  a  Gloria  Maris, 


528  American  occupation  of  Bojol  Island 

which  he  sold  for  SI 50,  and  some  Russian  naval  officers  are  said  to 
have  offered  him  $5,000  for  a  part  of  his  collection.  At  certain 
seasons  of  the  year  the  Euplectella  speciosa,  Gray,  or  Venus  baskets, 
locally  known  as  Regaderas,  can  be  obtained  in  quantities ;  they  are 
found  in  the  Cebu  waters.  The  Eup.  spec,  is  the  skeleton  secretion 
of  an  insect  of  the  Porifera  division.  The  basket  is  a  series  of 
graceful  fretted  spirals.     Also  fine  Pina  stuffs  can  be  purchased  here. 

The  population  of  Cebu  City  was  9,629  in  1888  ;  10,972  in  1896 ; 
and  18,330  in  1903.  The  inhabitants  of  the  whole  Island  numbered 
417,543  in  1876 ;  518,032  in  1888  ;  595,726  in  1896  ;  and  653,727 
in  1903. 

In  March,  1899,  an  American  armed  force  was  detailed  from  Cebu 
City  to  Bojol  Island  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  native  provincial 
government  established  there  since  the  Spanish  evacuation.  Inter- 
preters from  Cebu  were  sent  ashore,  and  after  hearing  their  explanation 
of  the  Americans1  demands  the  native  president  in  council  resolved 
to  yield  peacefully.  A  volunteer  regiment  was  then  sent  ashore, 
positions  were  occupied,  and  all  went  smoothly  on  the  surface  until 
the  Islanders'  powers  of  endurance  were  exhausted  after  22  months  of 
alleged  harsh  treatment  imposed  upon  them  by  the  troops.  In  January, 
1901,  the  cry  of  rebellion  was  raised  by  one  Pedro  Sanson,  whose 
band  of  Bojolanos,  augmented  by  levies  from  Leyte,  Samar,  and  Panay 
Islands  numbered  about  2,000.  Expeditions  were  sent  out  against 
them,  and  the  lukewarm  sympathy  of  the  Islanders  was  turned  to 
general  indignation  against  the  Americans  by  the  alleged  wanton 
destruction  of  a  whole  town  by  fire,  by  order  of  a  captain  of  volunteers. 
Practically  the  whole  Island  became  covertly  -anti- American.  Having 
finished  his  campaign  in  Cebu  Island  in  October,  1901,  General  Hughes 
carried  his  troops  over  to  Bojol  Island,  where  measures  of  repression 
were  adopted  similar  to  those  which  had  been  so  effective  in  reducing 
the  Cebuanos  to  submission.  A  large  number  of  small  towns  and 
villages  within  the  range  of  military  operations  were  entirely  destroyed. 
The  once  pretty  little  town  of  Lauang  was  left  a  complete  ruin,  and 
many  landmarks  of  a  former  progressive  civilization  have  disappeared  for 
ever.  Nevertheless,  the  insurgents  refused  to  yield  until  a  decree  was 
issued  to  the  effect  that  if  the  leaders  did  not  surrender  by  December  27 
the  invaders  would  burn  down  the  town  of  Tagbilaran.  In  this  town, 
formerly  the  seat  of  the  native  provincial  government,  Pedro  Sanson 
and  most  of  his  officers  had  all  their  property  and  worldly  possessions ; 
and  in  view  of  the  beggary  which  awaited  them  if  they  held  out 
any  longer,  they  accepted  terms  of  peace  from  Pantaleon  E.  del  Rosario, 
who  went  up  to  the  mountains  and  acted  as  negotiator  between 
General  Hughes  and  the  insurgent  chiefs  who  finally  surrendered.  The 
Filipino,  Aniceto  Clarin,  appointed  provincial  governor  on  April  20, 


Native  Government  in  Cottabato  529 

1901,  continued  in  office  ;  Pedro  Sanson  quietly  resumed  his  occupation 
of  dealer  in  hemp,  etc.,  and  thenceforth  peace  and  poverty  reigned 
in  the  Island. 

****** 

In  Cottabato  (Mindanao  Is.),  the  attempt  to  establish  a  local  native 
government  ended  in  tragic  failure.  In  January,  1899,  a  Spanish 
gunboat  silently  entered  the  port  without  the  customary  whistling  and 
firing  of  salute.  It  brought  a  despatch  to  the  Governor  from  the 
nominal  acting-Gov. -General  Rios,  who,  coming  from  Yloilo,  called  at 
Zamboanga  before  proceeding  to  Manila,  to  receive  on  board  a  number 
of  Spanish  refugees.  One  of  the  crew  of  the  gunboat  also  brought  a 
private  communication  from  the  Jesuit  Superior  in  Zamboanga  to  the 
Jesuit  missionary  Father  Suarez.  The  official  despatch  notified  the 
Governor  that  the  Treaty  of  Paris  had  been  signed,  and  consequently 
he  was  to  evacuate  Cottabato  immediately.  The  private  communication 
told  the  same  tale  to  the  missionary,  with  an  inquiry  from  the  Jesuit 
Superior  as  to  whether  he  could  continue  his  mission  after  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Spanish  Governor,  and  whether  it  would  be  of  any 
advantage  to  do  so.  The  Governor  informed  the  missionary  of  his 
intended  departure,  and  the  missionary  replied  negatively  to  his  superior 
in  Zamboanga.  The  Governor  then  called  Roman  Vilo,  his  confidential 
christian  native  assistant,  and  told  him  that  he  and  all  who  had  been 
loyal  to  the  Spanish  Government  and  faithful  in  their  service  could 
take  passage  to  Zamboanga.  Vilo,  however,  for  himself  and  his  family, 
declined  the  offer  on  the  ground  that  all  his  interests  were  in  and  about 
Cottabato,  where  he  possessed  real  estate.  The  Governor  then  had  the 
Moro-Chinese  half-caste  Datto  Piang  called,  and  in  the  presence  of 
Vilo  the  former  was  appointed  chief  of  the  Moro  people  and  the  latter 
governor  of  the  christian  population.  After  making  a  short  speech, 
exhorting  the  two  chiefs,  in  benevolent  phrases,  to  live  in  peace  and 
act  mutually  for  the  common  good,  the  Governor,  accompanied  by 
the  Jesuit  missionaries  and  others  who  were  desirous  of  leaving  the 
place,  went  to  Zamboanga  on  the  gunboat. 

When,  after  the  lapse  of  some  weeks,  Datto  Piang  felt  sure  that 
the  Spaniards  would  never  be  again  in  authority  at  Cottabato,  he 
begged  Vilo  to  let  him  have  twenty  rifles  to  defend  himself  against 
a  rival.  The  christian  governor  agreed  to  this,  and  week  by  week 
Datto  Piang's  demands  grew  until,  at  length,  all  the  rifles  in  the 
possession  of  the  Christians  passed  to  the  Moros.  But  there  still 
remained  some  cannons,  and  Datto  Piang,  having  represented  the 
necessity  of  making  war  on  another  chief  up  the  Cottabato  River,  Vilo 
was  persuaded  to  lend  them  to  him.  Piang  had  them  placed  in  vintas 
(war-junks)  and  Vilo,  with  several  friends,  went  down  to  the  river-side 
to  witness  the  departure  of  the  supposed  armed  expedition.  Suddenly 
Piang,   his    son-in-law    Datto    Ali    and    this    man's    brother,    Datto 

34 


530  Slaughter  of  the  Cottabato  Christians 

Djimbangan,  at  the  head  of  a  large  party  of  armed  Mores,  fell  upon 
and  slaughtered  the  Christians.  Vita's  head  was  cut  off  and  the  savage 
Mahometans  made  a  raid  on  the  town,  looting  all  but  the  shops  of  the 
Chinese  who  were  in  league,  or  accord,  with  their  half-countryman 
Piang.  The  Christians  who  were  unable  to  escape  were  either  massacred 
or  carried  off  as  slaves  into  the  interior,  with  the  loot.  Datto  Djim- 
bangan caused  the  christian  women  to  be  stripped  naked  and  marched 
through  the  streets,  whilst  he  and  his  companions  made  their  selections 
for  themselves,  leaving  the  remainder  for  their  followers.  Amongst 
the  captives  were  a  father  and  two  sons.  In  October,  1899,  the 
Americans  sent  a  gunboat  to  Cottabato,  and  the  wife  of  this  captive, 
mother  of  his  two  boys,  represented  her  plight  to  the  commander,  who 
forthwith  sent  for  Piang  and  ordered  him  immediately  to  send  a 
message  to  the  individual  holding  the  captives  to  release  them  and 
hand  them  over  to  the  messenger,  who  would  conduct  them  back  to 
Cottabato.  Piang,  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  offered  to  comply, 
and  sent  a  vinta  up  the  river  with  the  required  order,  but  at  the  same 
time  he  secretly  sent  another  emissary  overland  with  contrary  in- 
structions. The  land  messenger,  as  was  expected,  arrived  first,  and 
when  the  vinta  party  reached  the  place  of  captivity,  Piang's  people 
expressed  their  regret  that  they  could  not  oblige  the  party  because 
they  had  just  cut  off  the  captives'  heads.  In  1904  a  member  of 
the  victims1  family  was  a  teacher  in  the  Jesuits1  Catholic  School  in 
Zamboanga.  Datto  Piang,  who  owes  his  position  and  influence  over 
the  Moros  to  the  protection  of  the  late  great  Datto  Utto  (vide  p.  143) 
is  the  father-in-law  of  the  terrible  Datto  Ali  whose  continual  depre- 
dations and  defiance  made  Cottabato  the  centre  of  that  unabated 
conflict  for  the  Americans  described  in  Chapter  xxix. 

*  *  *  *  *  * 

In  the  belief  that  the  Zamboanguerios  were  loyally  disposed  towards 
Spain,  the  Spaniards,  after  the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  chose 
Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Is.)  as  their  point  of  concentration  of  all  the 
Spanish  troops  and  civil  servants  in  the  southern  islands.  At  that  time 
General  Jaramillo  was  Gov.-General  of  Mindanao  Island  and  commander 
of  the  forces  in  Zamboanga  ;  but  on  the  arrival  there,  December  27, 
1898,  of  the  ex-governor  of  Cebu,  General  Montero,  with  his  co-refugees, 
General  Jaramillo  transferred  his  command  to  him  and  left  for  Manila 
with  General  Rios,  who  had  come  from  Yloilo  to  Zamboanga  to  receive 
refugee  passengers  for  the  capital.  Before  his  departure  Jaramillo  had 
led  the  Zamboangueno  Christians  to  believe  that  the  war  with  America 
was,  at  every  turn,  a  triumphant  success  for  Spanish  arms  ;  fictitious 
printed  telegrams  were  circulated  announcing  Spanish  victories  every- 
where, and  one  of  the  most  extravagant  reported  that  General  Weyler 
had  landed  on  American  soil  at  Key  West  with  an  army  of  80,000 
Spanish  troops.     The  motive  of  this  harmless  ruse  was  to  bolster  up 


The  Spaniards'  critical  position  in  Zamboanga        531 

Spanish  prestige  and  thereby  avoid  bloodshed.     During  several  months 
no  trading-  or  mail-steamer  came,  and  the  Zamboanguenos  were  practically 
cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world.     Military  preparations  were  made  for 
the  feigned  purpose  of  resisting  a  possible  attack  on  the  place  by  the 
Americans,  who  were  described  to  the  people  as  cannibals  and  ferocious 
monsters  more  terrible   than   the  dreaded  Moros.     Naturally  the    real 
object  of  the  military  preparations  was  the  Spaniards1  justifiable  endeavour 
to  be  ready  to  defend  themselves  against  open  rebellion  when  the  true 
situation    should    ooze    out.     Nor    was   their   misrepresentation   of  the 
Americans  mere  spiteful  calumny  ;  the  Spaniards  were  in  great  jeopardy, 
and  they  instinctively  wished  to  destroy  any  feeling  of  welcome  which 
the  natives  might  have  for  the  new-comers  for  fear  it  might  operate 
against  themselves  at  the  supreme  moment  of  danger.     Indeed,  each 
party — native  and  Spanish — was  seeking  to  outwit  the  other;  hence, 
when  the  Zamboanguenos   were   promised    a   supply  of  arms    for   the 
ostensible  purpose  of  resisting   invasion,  they  pretended  to  co-operate 
heartily  with  the  Spaniards1  defensive  measures,  with  the  secret  design 
of  dispossessing  the  Spaniards  of  their  arms  in  order  to  use  them  against 
them.      The  Zamboanguenos    therefore  became  so   persistent    in  their 
demand  upon  Montero  to  fulfil  his  predecessor's  promise  that  at  last  he 
had  frankly  to  confess  that  peace  had  been  signed  between  Spain  and 
America,  whereby  the  Islands  were  surrendered  to  the  United  States,  and 
that  very  shortly  the  Spaniards  would  evacuate  the  Archipelago.     But 
the  conflicting  versions  of  the  situation,  published  severally  by  Jaramillo 
and  Montero,  sorely  puzzled  the  natives.     The  Spaniards  were  still  in 
undisturbed    possession    of    Zamboanga    for   over    four    months    after 
Montero's  arrival,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  American  warship 
Boston  called  at  the  port  and  left  the  same  day  and  that  an  officer  came 
ashore  without  the  least  objection  or  consternation  on  the  part  of  the 
Spaniards.       The  orange-and-red  flag  still  floated  over  the  Fortress  del 
Pilar,  and,  so  far  as  the  Zamboanguenos  could  ascertain,  it  looked  as  if 
the  Spaniards  were  going  to  remain.     They  therefore  clamoured  more 
loudly  than  ever  for  the  distribution  of  arms,  which  this  time  Montero 
positively  refused,   for  the   Spaniards  had   never  for   a    moment    been 
deceived  as  to  the  real  intentions  of  the  Zamboanguenos.     On  the  other 
hand,  by  this  time,  their  inoffensive  delusion  of  the  people  had  lost  its 
virtue,   and  natives  and   Spaniards   thenceforth  became    open   enemies. 
After  the  visit  of  the  Boston  the  fighting  population,  no  longer  able  to 
conceal  their  disappointment,  threw  off*  the  mask,  quitted  the  town,  cut 
off"  the  water-supply  which  came  from  the  mountains,  in  collusion  with 
the  mutinied  crews  seized  the  firearms  on  board  the  Spanish  gunboats 
lying  in  the  harbour,  and  prepared  for  war  against  their  old  masters. 
The  Spaniards  immediately  compelled  the  non-combatant  townspeople 
and  the  Chinese  to  throw  up  earthworks  for  mounting  artillery  and  dig 
trenches  for  defence  against  the  rebels.    The  gunboat  Alava  co-operated 


532  Rival  factions  and  anarchy  in  Zamboanga 

by  firing  shells  into  the  rebel  camp  situated  just  outside  the  town.  The 
rebels  made  two  unsuccessful  assaults,  and  in  the  second  attack  General 
Montero  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  rifle-shot.  On  May  23  the  s.s. 
Leon  XIII.  arrived ;  the  Spaniards  silently  embarked  for  Manila  with 
their  dying  general,  who  succumbed  during  the  voyage,  and  Zamboanga. 
one-fourth  of  which  the  defenders  had  destroyed  by  fire,  was  occupied 
by  the  rebels.  During  the  siege  the  Filipinos,  true  to  their  instincts, 
had  split  up  into  two  rival  factions  headed  by  Vicente  Alvarez  and 
Isidoro  Midel  respectively,  and  in  the  interval  between  the  first  and 
second  assault  on  the  town  these  party  chiefs  had  fought  out  their  own 
quarrel,  Midel  claiming  to  have  been  the  victor.  Nevertheless,  the 
popular  favourite  was  Vicente  Alvarez,  known  as  the  Tamagun  Datto 
(high  chief),  who  became  the  chosen  president  of  the  Zamboanga 
revolutionary  government  established  immediately  after  the  Spanish 
evacuation.  Party  spirit  ran  high  ;  life  was  held  in  little  esteem  ;  a 
lifeless  body  found  on  the  highway  startled  no  one  ;  assassination  was 
an  occurrence  of  small  moment ;  cattle-shooting  was  practised  for 
amusement,  and  the  five-and-a-half  months1  essay  of  christian  Philippine 
autonomy  was  so  signalized  by  jealous  self-interest,  bitter  rivalry, 
rapacity,  and  bloodshed  as  to  make  one  doubt  whether  the  christian 
Zamboangueno  is  one  whit  superior  to  his  Mahometan  neighbour  in 
moral  character. 

The  arrival  of  an  American  expedition  in  the  waters  of  Zamboanga 
on  November  15, 1899,  produced  a  sanguinary  crisis  in  these  faction  feuds. 
Vicente  Alvarez  at  once  took  measures  to  oppose  the  invaders1  landing, 
whilst  his  rival,  Isidoro  Midel,  resolved  to  side  with  the  Americans. 
Divide  et  impera.  The  want  of  unity  amongst  the  natives  themselves  was 
a  great  help  to  the  Americans1  plans.  By  this  time  there  appeared  a 
third  aspirant  to  local  fame  in  the  person  of  Melanio  Sanson,  a  native 
marine  engineer,  until  recently  in  the  Spanish  service,  who  pretended 
to  co-operate  with  Alvarez,  styling  himself  colonel  of  artillery  in  charge 
of  the  guns  abandoned  by  his  former  masters.  Each  of  these  three 
individuals  sought  to  rid  himself  of  his  two  rivals.  On  the  night  of 
November  15  Isidoro  Midel  ended  Melanio  Sanson's  rivalry  for  ever,  and 
the  Americans  took  peaceful  possession  of  the  town  the  next  day. 
Subsequently  Midel  arranged  a  transfer  to  the  Americans  of  the 
artillery  which  had,  during  the  conflict,  been  under  Sanson's  control. 
Vicente  Alvarez  immediately  fled  to  Mercedes,  and  thence  to  Basilan 
Island,  where,  aided  by  Datto  Pedro  Cuevas,  he  organized  a  brigand 
band,  crossed  over  to  Mindanao  Island  again,  and  made  a  raid  on 
Oriquieta.  Chased  from  place  to  place  by  American  troops,  he  was 
finally  captured  and  sent  to  Bilibid  prison  in  Manila,  but  was  subsequently 
pardoned  on  his  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  sent  back  to 
Zamboanga,  where  he  earns  his  living  peacefully.  Meanwhile,  Isidoro 
Midel  had  been  further  rewarded  for  his  services  to  the  Americans  with 


Opportune  advent  of  the  Americans  533 

the  office  of  municipal  president,  which  he  held  for  about  16  months 
in  defiance  of  public  opinion.  The  feeling  which  prompted  public 
opposition  to  MidePs  appointment  was  at  least  as  much  anti- American 
as  it  was  dislike  for  the  nominee.  In  March,  1901,  municipal  elections 
were  held,  and  Mariano  Arquiza  succeeded,  by  popular  vote,  to  the 
presidency,  which  he  held  for  two  years.  Some  weeks  before  Arquiza 
vacated  office  two  American  miners  were  murdered  by  the  natives  a 
few  miles  up  the  province.  The  murderers,  when  caught,  sought  to 
justify  their  deed  by  alleging  that  a  municipal  councillor  named 
Eduardo  Alvarez  (no  relation  to  the  Vicente  Alvarez  already  mentioned) 
had  persuaded  them  that  the  miners  were  secretly  engaged  in  poisoning 
the  local  wells.  The  whole  municipal  council  was  therefore  cited  to 
appear  before  the  American  Governor,  who  severely  reprimanded  Alvarez, 
whereupon  this  man  withdrew  from  the  audience-chamber,  and  his 
fellow-councillors  volunteered  such  information  against  him  that  the 
Governor  instantly  issued  a  warrant  for  his  apprehension.  But  the 
native  police  who  went  to  his  house  to  execute  the  warrant  let  him 
escape  on  horseback  to  the  mountains,  where  he  organized  a  band  of 
outlaws  and  lived  for  about  four  months  by  robbery  and  violence. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  American  Governor  summarily  dismissed 
Mariano  Arquiza  from  the  municipal  presidency  in  the  spring  of  1903, 
and,  much  to  the  public  chagrin,  re-appointed  Midel  to  the  vacancy. 
The  offer  of  $1,000  for  the  capture  of  Eduardo  Alvarez  spurred  Midel 
into  further  activity,  and  under  his  direction  the  bandit  was  discovered 
hiding  in  a  canoe  in  a  swamp.  On  the  approach  of  his  pursuers  the 
outlaw  threw  up  his  hands  in  sign  of  surrender,  which  was  responded 
to  by  a  volley  of  gunshots,  for  it  was  Alvarez's  corpse  which  was  wanted 
in  Zamboanga.  Isidoro  Midel  is  an  interesting  character,  apparently 
about  forty-eight  years  of  age.  Brought  up  as  a  Roman  Catholic,  he 
assured  me  that  he  was  a  Protestant,  with  the  strongest  sympathy, 
however,  for  the  Aglipayan  movement  [vide  Chap.  xxx.). 

Another  interesting  man,  closely  associated  with  recent  events  in 
Zamboanga,  is  the  Mahometan  Spanish-Moro  half-caste  Datto  Mandi, 
the  Rajahmudali  or  heir-apparent  to  the  Manguiguin  or  Sultan  of 
Mindanao  {vide  p.  131).  Born  about  the  year  1860,  he  and  his  tribe  of 
Samals  lived  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Spaniards,  who  in  1887  sent 
him  and  a  number  of  his  people  to  the  Philippine  Exhibition  held  in 
Madrid  in  that  year.  His  exploits  in  aid  of  the  Spaniards  in  Cebu  are 
recorded  at  page  406.  He  speaks  Spanish  fluently,  and  can  just  write 
his  name.  He  is  very  affable  and  hospitable  to  visitors.  The  whole 
family  professes  the  Mahometan  religion.  He  has  a  beautiful  daughter 
Gafas  (which  in  Moro  language  signifies  "  cotton,-11  and  in  Spanish 
"  spectacles "),  who  attended  the  American  School.  His  young  son 
Facundo  also  goes  to  the  American  School,  and  his  other  son  Pelayo 
went  to  the    Catholic    School    in    Zamboanga  before  he  was   sent   to 


534  The  Rajahmudah  Datto  Mandi 

Manila.  I  was  much  struck  with  the  intelligence  of  this  handsome 
boy  Pelayo.  In  the  stirring  events  which  immediately  followed  the 
Spanish  evacuation,  Datto  Mandi  remained  neutral,  his  old  antagonism 
to  Alvarez  being  counterpoised  by  the  conviction  that  a  Zamboanga 
republic  must  end  in  a  fiasco.  He  at  once  accepted  the  new  situation 
under  American  dominion,  and  is  headman  of  the  Samal  tribal  ward 
of  Magay,  a  suburb  of  Zamboanga.  He  told  me  in  1904  that  he  held 
under  his  control  9,600  persons,  from  1,700  of  whom  he  collected 
capitation  tax  for  the  American  authorities.  At  the  instance  of  the 
Americans,  Datto  Mandi  issued  a  proclamation  to  his  tribe,  dated 
April  19,  1900,  abolishing  their  traditional  custom  of  slavery.  His 
position  is  not  at  all  an  easy  one,  and  it  needs  much  tact  to  maintain 
an  even  balance  of  goodwill  between  his  Samal  subordinates  and  his 
American  superiors.  But  Datto  Mandi  had  a  grievance  which  rankled 
m  his  breast.  In  the  year  1868  the  Spanish  Government  conceded  to 
a  christian  native  family  named  Fuentebella  some  600  acres  of  land 
at  Buluan,  about  40  miles  up  the  Zamboanga  coast,  which  in  time 
they  converted  into  a  prosperous  plantation  well  stocked  with  cattle. 
During  the  anarchy  which  succeeded  the  Spanish  evacuation,  a  band 
of  about  600  Moros  raided  the  property,  murdered  seven  of  the 
christian  residents,  and  stole  all  they  could  possibly  carry  away  from 
the  plantation  and  well-furnished  estate-house.  When  Datto  Mandi 
heard  of  it  he  went  there  in  person  and  rescued  the  women  held  in 
captivity  and  brought  them  to  Zamboanga,  where  they  lived  in  perfect 
security  under  his  protection  until  the  American  advent.  Then,  in 
return  for  his  kindness,  these  women  accused  the  Datto  of  having  been 
the  instigator  of  the  crime,  or,  at  least,  a  participator  in  the  proceeds 
thereof,  in  the  hope  that,  through  the  Americans,  they  would  be  able 
to  exact  an  indemnity.  The  Datto  was  mulcted  in  the  sum  of 
5,000  pesos,  although  he  declared  to  me  that  neither  before  nor 
after  the  crime  was  he  in  any  way  concerned  in  it ;  and  this  was 
the  honest  belief  of  many  American  officials  in  Zamboanga. 

In  January,  1905,  Datto  Mandi's  daughter  was  married  at  a  little 
town  a  few  miles  from  Yligan  (north  Mindanao).  Several  American 
officers  were  present  on  the  occasion,  accompanied  by  a  Spanish  half- 
caste  who  acted  as  their  interpreter.  The  assembled  guests  were  having 
a*  merry  time  when  suddenly  the  festivities  were  interrupted  by  the 
intrusion  of  a  juramentado  Moro  fanatic,  who  sprang  forward  with  his 
campilan  and  at  one  blow  almost  severed  the  interpreter's  head  from 
his  body.  Then  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  other  natives,  mortally 
wounded  two,  and  cut  gashes  in  several  others  before  he  fell  dead 
from  the  revolver-shots  fired  by  the  American  officers.  After  the  dead 
and  wounded  were  carried  away  and  the  pools  of  blood  were  mopped 
up,  the  wedding  ceremony  was  proceeded  with  and  the  hymeneal  festival 
was  resumed  without  further  untoward  incident. 


Zamboanga   Town — Sdmar  Island  535 

Zamboanga  is  a  clean,  pleasant  town,  and  what  was  left  of  it  after 
the  Spanish  evacution  is  well  built,  with  many  substantial  houses  and 
public  offices,  a  church  administered  by  the  Jesuits,  one  large  and  one 
small  jetty,  a  pretty  esplanade  facing  the  sea,  and  other  open  spaces.  A 
canal  running  through  the  town  adds  to  its  picturesqueness.  At  the 
eastern  extremity  is  the  old  fortress,  called  the  Fuerza  del  Pilar,  a  fine 
historical  monument  reminding  one  of  the  Spaniards-'  many  vicissitudes 
in  this  region,  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  pages.  Many  of  the  natives 
concerned,  or  alleged  to  have  been  concerned,  in  the  Cavite  Rising  of 
1872  (vide  p.  106)  were  confined  in  this  fortress.  They  overcame  their 
jailors  and  obtained  possession  of  the  guns  and  ammunition.  The 
Spaniards  were  consequently  in  great  straits,  for  possibly  their  existence 
depended  on  which  side  the  townspeople  took.  The  Zamboanguenos,  how- 
ever, helped  the  Spaniards  against  the  revolted  convicts,  who  were  finally 
subdued  ;  and  as  a  reward  for  this  proof  of  loyalty  Zamboanga  received 
the  title  of  Muy  leal  y  vnliente  Villa  (very  loyal  and  heroic  town). 
Many  years  ago  a  Moro  attack  was  made  on  Zamboanga,  and  the 
christian  natives  joined  with  the  Spaniards  in  repelling  it.  It  would 
have  gone  rather  badly  with  them  if  they  had  not  done  so,  for  a 
Philippine  Christian  was  just  as  good  fish  for  the  Moro  net  as  a 
Spaniard.  However,  their  co-operation  was  gratefully  acknowledged  by 
declaring  the  Zamboanguenos  to  be  Spaniards  of  the  first  class. 

I  have  never  been  able  to  discern  clearly  what  material  advantage 
this  brought  them,  although  I  have  discussed  the  question  on  the  spot. 
The  disadvantage  of  this  pompous  distinction  to  the  town  arose  from 
the  ridiculous  popular  notion  that  whereas  Spaniards  in  Spain  are  all 
cavaliers,  they  too,  as  Spaniards  of  the  first  water,  ought  to  regard  work 
as  a  degradation.  Hence  they  are  a  remarkably  indolent  and  effete 
community,  and  on  landing  from  a  ship  there  is  seldom  a  porter  to  be 
seen  to  carry  one's  luggage.  Their  speech  is  a  dialect  called  Chahicano — 
a  mixture  of  very  corrupt  Spanish  and  native  tongues. 

The  environment  of  Zamboanga  is  very  beautiful,  with  islands  to  the 
south  and  mountain  scenery  on  the  land  sides.  The  climate  is  healthy, 
and  with  the  frequent  delightful  breezes  wafted  across  the  Celebes  Sea 
is  not  at  all  oppressive  for  a  tropical  region,  and  is  cooler  than  Manila, 
which  is  425  miles  north. 

****** 

The  people  of  Samar  Island  for  a  long  time  tenaciously  opposed  the 
American  occupation,  under  several  leaders,  notably  Vicente  Lucban 
and  his  right-hand  man,  Guevara  ;  but  neither  here,  nor  in  Marinduque 
Island  can  it  be  said  that  native  civil  government  was  established.  In 
the  latter  Island  the  insurgent  chief  was  the  titular  Colonel  Abad,  who 
overran  the  villages  with  about  150  followers  armed  with  rifles.  In  1901 
Abad  surrendered,  and  hostilities,  with  real  political  aim,  definitely 
ended  in  these  Islands  thirteen  months  after  the  capture  of  Aguinaldo 


536       Slaughter  of  Americans  at  Balangiga  (Samar) 

in  Luzon.  Although  in  Samar  Island  the  war  was,  as  elsewhere,  a 
succession  of  petty  encounters,  there  were  incidents  in  its  prosecution 
which  attracted  much  public  attention  from  time  to  time.  At  the  town 
of  Balangiga,  on  September  28,  1901,  the  local  headman  and  the  native 
parish  priest  conspired  with  about  450  armed  natives  to  attack  the 
American  camp.  The  garrison  stationed  there  was  Company  "  C,"  9th 
Infantry.  The  headman  had  represented  to  the  Americans  that  he  was 
busy  with  an  important  captui^e  of  about  90  brigands,  and  on  this 
pretext  some  45  cut-throats  were  brought  into  the  town  and  lodged  in 
the  church.  Three  officers  of  the  garrison  were  quartered  in  the  parish- 
house,  and  whilst  the  rank-and-file  were  at  breakfast  in  a  bamboo 
building,  some  distance  away  from  their  quarters  where  they  had  left 
their  weapons,  another  45  supposed  brigands  were  led  through  the  town 
to  the  church,  but  naturally  the  soldiers  took  little  notice  of  this 
expected  event.  The  town  is  surrounded  on  one  side  by  the  open  valley 
and  on  three  sides  by  almost  perpendicular  mountains,  with  defiles 
between  them  leading  to  the  interior  of  the  Island.  As  soon  as  the  last 
batch  of  supposed  brigands  was  brought  in,  the  church  bells  were  rung 
as  a  signal  for  a  mob  of  natives,  armed  with  bowie-knives,  to  creep 
silently  through  the  defiles  on  two  sides.  The  troopers  were  just  then 
suddenly  alarmed  by  the  noise  of  a  conflict  in  the  parish-house.  The 
90  so-called  brigands  having  been  passed  through  from  the  church  into 
this  house,  fired  at  the  three  officers  and  then  killed  them  with  their 
bowie-knives.  Simultaneously  the  soldiers'  quarters  were  attacked. 
Whilst  the  troops  made  a  rush  forward  to  secure  their  weapons  they 
were  intercepted  by  an  armed  crowd,  through  which  a  small  party  of 
Americans  finally  cut  their  way  and  beat  off  the  howling  mob,  which 
had  already  slaughtered  many  soldiers,  set  fire  to  the  quarters,  and 
possessed  themselves  of  over  50  rifles  and  several  thousand  rounds  of 
ammunition.  A  large  number  of  hostile  natives,  including  the  headman, 
were  killed ;  28  Americans  effected  their  escape,  but  the  loss  amounted 
to  three  officers  and  about  70  men  killed  and  several  more  men 
wounded.  General  Hughes,  in  command  of  the  Visayas  District, 
was  operating  in  Cebu  Island  at  the  time  of  this  disaster.  Public 
excitement  was  intense  when  the  news  of  this  serious  reverse  was 
published.  The  general  who  was  sent  to  Samar  to  pursue  the  insurgents, 
or  bandits,  is  alleged  to  have  issued,  in  a  moment  of  uncontrollable 
wrath,  an  order  to  "  slay  all  over  ten  years  and  make  Samar  a  howling 
wilderness.11  Consequently  a  great  cry  of  public  protest  was  raised,  and 
the  general  and  his  executive  officer  in  the  affair  were  cited  before  a 
court-martial  in  April,  1902  ;  but  the  court  having  found  that  the 
general  was  justified  in  the  measures  he  took,  both  officers  were 
acquitted.  Since  the  capture  of  Lucban  (April  27,  1902),  lawless  agita- 
tion has  been  persistently  rife  all  over  the  Island  of  Samar ;  but  this  is 
the  work  of  brigands  (vide  p.  551)  and  has  no  political  signification. 


537 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

THE   SPANISH   PRISONERS 

Extreme  interest  was  naturally  taken  by  all  Europeans  in  the  miserable 
fate  of  the  thousands  of  Spanish  soldiers  and  civilians  who  had  fallen 
into  the  rebels''  hands  up  to  the  capitulation  of  Manila.1  Held 
captive  in  groups  at  different  places  in  the  Island  of  Luzon,  many  of 
them  passed  a  wretched  existence,  with  bad  food,  scant  clothing,  and 
deprived  of  every  pleasure  in  life  beyond  the  hope  of  one  day  seeing 
their  native  land.  Many  of  them  died,  either  from  natural  causes  or 
the  effect  of  their  privations  (some  of  starvation  in  Tayabas),  or  as 
a  result  of  brutal  treatment.  A  minority  of  them  received  as  good 
treatment  as  possible  under  the  circumstances.  The  fate  of  the  majority 
depended  chiefly  upon  the  temperament  of  the  native  commander  of 
the  district.  There  were  semi-savage  native  chiefs,  and  there  were 
others,  like  Aguinaldo  himself,  with  humane  instincts.  Amongst  the 
former,  for  instance,  there  was  Major  Francisco  Braganza,  who,  on 
February  23,  1900,  in  Camarines  Sur,  ordered  one  hundred  and  three 
Spanish  soldiers  to  be  tied  up  to  trees  and  cut  and  stabbed  to  death 
with  bowie-knifes  and  their  bodies  stripped  and  left  without  burial.  He 
was  tried  by  court-martial  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged,  September  26, 
1901,  and  the  sentence  was  carried  out  at  Nueva  Caceres  (Camarines 
Sur)  on  November  15  following.  Many  prisoners  managed  to  escape, 
no  doubt  with  the  aid  or  connivance  of  natives,  until  Aguinaldo  issued 
a  decree,  dated  Malolos,  November  5, 1898,  imposing  a  penalty  of  twenty 

1  The  approximate  number  of  prisoners  was  as  follows,  viz  :  — 

Military  Officers  (including  Gen.  Leopoldo  Garcia  Pefia)          .         .  200 

,,       Regular  troops .         ........  8,000 

Civil  Servants  and  private  Civilians  and  families  ....  560 

Ecclesiastics    and   Nuns  (including  Bishop  Hevia  Campomanes,  of 

the  diocese  of  Nueva  Segovia   .......  400 

Total  in  long  captivity,  about     9,160 

Taken  prisoners  and  released  voluntarily,  or  through  personal  in- 
fluences, or  escaped  from  the  camps— about      ....     1,840 

Approximate  Grand  Total        .         .  11,000 


538  The  Spanish  Government's  dilemma 

years1  imprisonment  on  whomsoever  should  give  such  aid.  Aguinaldo 
told  me  he  was  personally  inclined  to  liberate  these  prisoners,  or,  at 
least,  those  civilians  accustomed  to  an  easy  office  life  who,  if  they 
went  free,  would  have  had  no  inclination  whatever  to  fight,  but 
would  have  done  their  best  to  embark  for  Spain.  The  few  who  might 
have  broken  their  parole  would  have  been  easily  caught  again  "  for 
the  last  time  in  their  lives,"  and  the  women  and  children  were 
an  obstacle  to  military  operations.  Indeed,  from  time  to  time, 
Aguinaldo  did  liberate  small  groups  of  civilians,  amongst  whom  were 
some  of  my  old  friends  whom  I  afterwards  met  in  Spain.  Aguinaldo's 
Prime  Minister,  Apolinario  Mabini  {vide  p.  546),  was,  however,  strongly 
in  favour  of  retaining  the  Spaniards  as  hostages  until  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment should  officially  recognize  the  Philippine  Republic.  It  will  be  clearly 
seen  from  the  negotiations  •  entered  into  between  the  respective  parties 
that  this  recognition  was  the  condition  which  the  rebels  most  per- 
tinaciously insisted  upon,  whilst  the  Spaniards'1  offers  of  millions  of 
dollars  were  always  met  by  much  larger  demands,  which  practically 
implied  a  refusal  to  treat  on  a  money  basis.  The  facts  in  the 
negotiations  certainly  support  Aguinaldo's  statement  to  me  that  the 
rebels  never  sought  money,  but  political  advantage,  by  the  retention 
of  the  prisoners. 

The  intense  excitement  in  Spain  over  the  prisoners1  doom  called  into 
existence  meetings,  liberation  societies,  frequent  discussions  in  and  out  of 
Parliament,  and  continual  protests  against  the  apparent  Ministerial 
lethargy.  In  reality,  the  Spanish  Government,  fearful  of  a  rupture 
with  America,  could  take  no  official  action  in  the  matter,  further  than 
appeal,  indirectly,  to  the  generosity  of  the  captors,  and  remind  America 
of  her  undertaking  under  Article  6  of  the  treaty.  In  January,  1899, 
the  Colonial  Minister  cabled  to  several  people  in  Manila,  begging  them 
to  use  their  influence — but  they  themselves  were  already  in  the  rebel 
camp.  No  form  of  compensation  in  money  or  armament  for  the 
captives1  liberty  could  be  officially  made  without  involving  Spain  in  a 
casus  belli  with  America.  Recognition  of  a  Philippine  Republic 
would  have  been  in  direct  opposition  to  the  spirit  of  the  treaty  of  peace. 
In  September,  1898,  the  Superiors  of  the  regular  clergy  in  Manila 
appealed  to  Rome  ;  the  Vatican  communicated  with  President  McKinley, 
and  the  President  sent  an  inquiry  to  Maj. -General  E.  S.  Otis  concerning 
the  captive  friars.  General  Otis,  after  investigation,  reported  that  these 
prisoners  were  fairly  well  treated.  In  the  following  month,  whilst  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  was  under  discussion,  the  Spanish  Government  appealed 
to  the  United  States  Government  to  aid  them  in  the  rescue  of  the 
prisoners,  and  orders  to  do  so  were  transmitted  to  General  Otis.  The 
Filipinos  and  the  Americans  were  ostensibly  on  good  terms  at  that 
period,  and  General  Otis  suggested  to  Aguinaldo  that  the  friars  and 
civilian  Spaniards  should  be  set  free.     On  the  subject  of  this  request, 


Why  the  Spanish  prisoners  were  detained  539 

Aguinaldo  replied  to  General  Otis  by  letter  dated  Malolos,  November  3, 

1898,  as  follows,  viz : — "  The  Philippine  people  wish  to  retain  the 
"  Spanish  civil  functionaries  in  order  to  obtain  the  liberty  of  the 
"  Filipinos  who  are  banished  and  under  arrest,  and  the  friars  in  order 
"  to  obtain  from  the  Vatican  a  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
"  Philippine  secular  clergy.  ...  It  is  not  hatred  or  vengeance  which 
"inspires  the  Filipinos  to  retain  the  Spanish  civil  and  religious 
"functionaries,  but  political  expediency,  and  the  tranquillity  of  the 
"  Philippine  people  demands  this  measure.''1 

At  this  date  there  were  hundreds  of  Philippine  prisoners  held 
by  the  Spanish  Government  in  different  places,  some  of  them  under 
worse  conditions  than  the  Spanish  prisoners.  For  instance,  218  were 
deported  to  the  fever-stricken  colony  of  Fernando  Po,  and  only  94 
of  them  came  out  alive.  The  treaty  of  peace  was  still  being  discussed, 
and  on  its  conclusion,  Article  6  stipulated  a  release  of  "  all  persons 
detained  or  imprisoned  for  political  offences  in  connection  with  the 
insurrections  in  Cuba  and  the  Philippines,"  and  that  the  United  States 
would  "  undertake  to  obtain  the  release  of  all  Spanish  prisoners  in 
the  hands  of  the  insurgents " ;  but  there  was  no  proviso  that  the 
release  of  the  Philippine  prisoners  should  depend  on  that  of  the 
Spanish  prisoners,  and  after  the  treaty  was  signed,  Spain  showed  no 
particular  haste  immediately  to  carry  out  her  undertaking  to  return 
the  Philippine  prisoners  to  their  islands. 

When  General  Diego  de  los  Rios  evacuated  the  Visayas  Islands 
and  brought  his  Spanish  troops  to  Manila,  en  route  for  Spain,  January, 

1899,  he  himself  remained  in  Manila  as  a  Spanish  Government  Agent 
to  obtain  the  release  of  the  prisoners.  For  the  special  purpose,  by 
courtesy  of  the  American  authorities,  he  held  a  kind  of  semi-official 
position ;  but  he  did  not  care  to  risk  his  person  within  the  rebel 
lines.  A  Spanish  merchant,  Don  Antonio  Fuset,  president  of  the 
Spanish  Club,  undertook  the  negotiations,  and  succeeded  in  inducing 
Apolinario  Mabini  to  issue  a  decree  signed  by  Aguinaldo  and  himself, 
dated  January  22,  1899,  giving  liberty  to  all  invalid  civilians  and 
soldiers.  Simultaneously  the  Spanish  Press  in  Manila  was  abusing 
Aguinaldo  and  his  officers,  calling  them  monkeys  and  using  epithets 
which  brought  down  their  vengeance  on  the  captives  themselves. 

The  outbreak  of  the  War  of  Independence  (February  4,  1899) 
precluded  direct  American  intervention  in  favour  of  the  Spanish 
prisoners.  General  Rios,  whose  importance  was  being  overshadowed 
by  Senor  Fuset's  productive  activity,  cabled  to  Madrid  that  he  would 
attend  to  the  matter  himself.  But  the  didactic  tone  of  his  letters  to 
Aguinaldo  was  not  conducive  to  a  happy  result,  and  having  frankly 
confessed  his  failure,  the  general  made  an  appeal  to  the  consuls  and 
foreign  merchants  to  exercise  conjointly  their  influence.  A  letter 
of  appeal  from  them  was  therefore  drawn  up  and  confided  for  delivery 


540  Baron  Du  Marais'  ill-fated  mission 

in  the  insurgent  camp  to  my  late  friend  Baron  Du  Marais.1  This 
chivalrous  gentleman,  well  known  as  the  personification  of  integrity 
and  honour,  had  resided  many  years  in  the  Islands  and  spoke  Tagalog 
fluently.  On  reaching  the  insurgent  camp  he  was  imprisoned  on  the 
charge  of  being  a  spy,  but  was  shortly  afterwards  released,  and  on  his 
way  back  to  the  capital  he  was  waylaid  by  the  natives,  who  foully 
murdered  him.  Senor  Fuset  then  resumed  his  labours,  and,  as  a  result 
of  his  appeal  to  the  generosity  of  his  countrymen,  he  was  able  to  set  out 
for  Boac  and  Batangas  in  the  little  steamer  Castellano  to  carry  supplies 
to  the  prisoners  detained  in  those  localities.  On  his  journey  he  dis- 
tributed to  them  500  cotton  suits,  290  pairs  of  shoes,  100  pairs  of 
alpargatas  (a  sort  of  hempen  shoe  or  sandal  made  in  Spain),  14,375 
packets  of  cigarettes,  and  P.1,287.  Several  subsequent  expeditions 
carried  supplies  to  the  prisoners,  the  total  amount  of  material  aid 
furnished  to  them,  in  goods  and  money,  being  estimated  at  P.60,000. 

After  five  months  of  fruitless  effort  General  Diego  de  los  Rios  left 
Manila  for  Spain  on  June  3,  1899,  and  was  succeeded  by  General 
Nicolas  Jaramillo  as  the  negotiator  representing  Spain.  Moreover,  it 
was  desirable  to  recall  General  Rios,  whose  cablegrams  commenting 
on  the  Americans-'  military  operations  were  making  him  a  persona  non 
grata  in  official  circles. 

With  the  requisite  passes  procured  from  Aguinaldo,  two  Spanish 
envoys,  Senores  Toral  and  Rio,  and  the  Filipino  Enrique  Marcaida  set 
out  for  the  insurgent  seat  of  government,  which  was  then  at  Tarlac. 
On  their  arrival  there  (June  23)  Aguinaldo  appointed  three  commissioners 
to  meet  them.  At  the  first  meeting  the  Filipinos  agreed  to  liberate  all 
except  the  friars,  because  these    might   raise    trouble.       At   the    next 

1  Baron  Honore  Frederic  Adhemar  Bourgeois  du  Marais,  a  Frenchman  of  noble 
birth  and  noble  sentiments,  was  the  son  of  Viscount  Bourgeois  du  Marais.  Born 
at  Bourg  Port,  in  the  Algerian  province  of  Constantina,  in  1882  he  left  Europe 
with  a  party  of  gentlemen  colonists  in  the  s.s.  Nouvelle  Bretagne,  intending  to  settle 
in  Port  Breton,  in  Australasia.  The  vessel  having  put  into  Manila,  she  was  detained 
for  debt,  but  escaped  from  port  in  the  teeth  of  a  hurricane.  A  Spanish  gunboat 
went  in  pursuit  and  brought  her  back,  and  Baron  Du  Marais  decided  to  remain  in 
the  Philippines.  For  several  years  he  was  associated  with  his  countryman  M. 
Daillard  in  the  development  of  the  Jalajala  Estate  {vide  p.  3G0).  On  M.  Daillard's 
decease  he  became  the  representative  of  the  "  Compania  Tabacalera  "  at  their  vast 
estate  of  Santa  Lucia  (Tarlac),  which  prospered  under  his  able  management.  His 
wonderful  tact  in  the  handling  of  natives  secured  their  attachment  to  him.  After 
fifteen  years'  absence  from  home  he  went  to  Europe  to  recruit  his  health,  returning  to 
the  Islands  in  November,  1898.  After  the  ill-fated  mission  of  humanity  referred  to 
above,  his  body  lay  hidden  in  the  jungle  for  nearly  two  years,  until  November, 
1900,  when  it  was  discovered  and  brought  to  Manila  for  interment  at  the  Paco 
cemetery.  The  funeral,  which  took  place  on  November  25,  was  one  of  the  most 
imposing  ceremonies  of  the  kind  ever  witnessed  in  Manila.  Monsignor  Chapelle 
officiated  at  the  Requiem  mass  celebrated  at  the  Cathedral  in  the  presence  of  the 
chief  American  authorities,  the  French  and  Spanish  Consuls-General  and  repre- 
sentatives of  the  foreign  residents,  Chambers  of  Commerce,  the  Army  and  Navy, 
the  Clubs,  the  Press,  and  every  important  collectivity.  The  cortege  was,  moreover, 
escorted  by  a  large  body  of  troops  to  the  last  resting-place  of  this  gallant  hero. 


The  captors  state  their  terms  of  release  541 

meeting  they  offered  liberty  to  all  on  the  following  terms,  impossible  of 
acceptance  by  the  Spanish  commissioners,  viz.  : — 

(1)  Spain  is  to  recognize  the  Independence  of  the  Philippines 
and  repudiate  the  cession  of  the  Islands  to  America. 

(2)  After  the  recognition  and  repudiation  stipulated  in  Clause  1, 
the  Philippine  Republic  will  liberate  all  the  prisoners,  without 
exception,  and  will  pay  their  expenses  back  to  Spain.  If  Spain 
cannot  possibly  accede  to  the  conditions  of  Clause  1,  the  Philippine 
Republic  will  accept,  in  lieu  thereof,  arms,  munitions  and  provisions, 
or  their  money  equivalent. 

(3)  The  Spanish  Government  is  to  exchange  the  receipts  given 
for  money  subscribed  to  the  Philippine  loan  for  the  certificates  of 
that  loan.1 

The  Filipinos  declined  to  say  what  sum  they  would  consider  an 
equivalent,  as  per  Clause  2,  and  invited  the  Spaniards  to  make  an  offer. 
The  Spaniards  then  proposed  P.l, 000,000  . 

On  June  29,  at  the  third  conference,  the  Filipinos  refused  to  accept 
less  than  P.6,000,000.  This  demand  stupefied  the  Spaniards,  who 
said  they  would  return  to  consult  General  Jaramillo  ;  but  they  were 
reluctant  to  leave  the  matter  unsettled,  and  a  last  conference  was  held 
the  next  day,  when  the  Spaniards  raised  their  offer  to  P.2,000,000. 
The  Filipinos  then  reduced  their  demand  to  P. 3,000,000,  which  the 
Spaniards  objected  to  ;  but  they  were  successful  in  obtaining  the  liberty 
of  the  Baler  garrison  and  22  invalids,  with  all  of  whom  they  returned 
to  Manila  (vide  Baler  garrison,  p.  494). 

On  July  5  a  decree  was  issued  from  Tarlac,  signed  by  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  and  countersigned  by  his  minister,  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  to  the 
effect  that  all  invalid  prisoners  would  be  at  liberty  to  embark  at  certain 
ports  designated,  if  vessels  were  sent  for  them  flying  only  the  Spanish 
flag  and  a  white  one  bearing  the  Red  Cross.  Difficulties,  however,  arose 
with  the  American  authorities  which  impeded  the  execution  of  this  plan. 
General  Jaramillo  was  preparing  to  send  his  commissioners  again  to 
Tarlac  when  he  received  a  cablegram  from  Madrid  telling  him  to 
suspend  further  overtures  to  the  insurgents  because  international 
complications  were  threatened.  It  appears  that  America  objected  to 
the  proposal  to  pay  to  the  insurgents  a  large  sum  of  money. 

On  August  9  General  Jaramillo  wished  to  send  the  Spanish  warship 
General  A  lava,  or  a  Spanish  merchant  vessel  with  the  Red  Cross  flag,  to 
San  Fernando  de  la  Union  with  provisions  for  the  prisoners,  but  General 

1  By  Royal  Decree  of  June,  1897,  a  Philippine  Loan  was  authorized,  secured  on 
Custom-house  revenue  and  general  guarantee  of  Spain.  The  Loan  was  for  200 
millions  of  pesetas  in  hypothecary  bonds  of  the  Philippine  Treasury,  bearing  6  per 
cent,  interest,  redeemable  at  par  in  40  years. 

Series  A.     250,000  Bonds  of  500  pts.  =  125  millions 
Series  B.     750,000      „      „  100    „    =    75         „ 
First  issue  of  100  millions  A  at  92  per  cent,  was  made  on  July  15,  1897. 


542  Further  efforts  to  release  the  prisoners 

E.  S.  Otis  objected  to  the  proposed  proceeding  on  the  ground  that  it 
would  compromise  the  dignity  of  America.  But  General  Jaramillo 
still  persisted  in  his  project,  and  after  a  lapse  of  three  days  he  again 
addressed  a  note  on  the  subject  to  General  E.  S.  Otis,  from  whom  he 
received  another  negative  reply.  On  September  5  General  Jaramillo 
informed  General  Otis  that  the  prisoners  were  concentrated  in  the  ports 
named  in  the  insurgents'1  decree,  and  solicited  permission  to  send  a  vessel 
flying  the  Red  Cross  flag  to  receive  them.  Three  days  afterwards 
General  Otis  replied  that  a  recognition  of  Aguinaldo's  pretension  to 
designate  certain  ports  for  the  Spaniards1  embarkation  would  be  not 
only  humiliating  but  ridiculous.  Furthermore,  he  was  expecting  rein- 
forcements shortly,  with  which  peace  would  be  assured  and  all  the  ports 
re-opened,  and  then  America  would  co-operate  for  the  liberty  of 
the  prisoners.  General  Jaramillo  replied  to  this  communication  by 
addressing  to  General  Otis  a  lengthy  philosophical  epistle  on  the 
principles  involved  in  the  question,  but  as  General  Otis  did  not  care  to 
continue  the  correspondence,  General  Jaramillo  sought  to  bring  pressure 
on  him  by  notifying  him  that  the  s.s.  P.  de  Satrustegui  would  be 
detained  48  hours  in  order  to  learn  his  decision  as  to  whether  that 
vessel  could  call  for  the  prisoners.  As  General  Otis  did  not  reply  within 
the  prescribed  period  General  Jaramillo  went  to  see  him  personally  and 
ineffectually  opened  his  heart  to  him  in  very  energetic  terms,  which 
General  Otis  complacently  tolerated  but  persisted  in  his  negative 
resolution,  and  the  interview  ended  with  the  suggestion  that  General 
Jaramillo  should  obtain  Aguinaldo's  consent  for  a  vessel  carrying  the 
American  flag  to  enter  the  ports  and  bring  away  the  prisoners. 

About  this  time  an  incident  occurred  which,  but  for  the  graciousness 
of  General  Otis,  might  have  operated  very  adversely  to  the  interests 
of  those  concerned.  In  September,  1899,  a  Spanish  lady  arrived  in 
Manila  saying  that  she  was  the  representative  of  a  Society  of  Barcelona 
Ladies  formed  to  negotiate  the  liberation  of  the  pi'isoners.  She  brought 
with  her  a  petition  addressed  to  Aguinaldo,  said  to  bear  about  3,000 
signatures.  But  unfortunately  the  document  contained  so  many 
offensive  allusions  to  the  Americans  that  General  Jaramillo  declined 
to  be  associated  with  it  in  any  way.  No  obstacle  was  placed  in  the 
way  of  the  lady  if  she  wished  to  present  her  petition  privately  to 
Aguinaldo ;  but,  apparently  out  of  spite,  she  had  a  large  number  of 
copies  printed  and  published  broadcast  in  Manila.  General  Jaramillo 
felt  it  his  duty  to  apologize  to  General  Otis  and  repudiate  all  connexion 
with  this  offensive  proceeding,  which  General  Otis  very  affably  excused 
as  an  eccentricity  not  worthy  of  serious  notice. 

On  September  29  the  Spanish  commissioners,  Toral  and  Rio,  again 
started  for  the  insurgent  capital,  Tarlac.  The  proposal  for  vessels  to 
enter  the  ports  under  the  American  flag  was  rejected  by  Aguinaldo's 
advisers,  Pedro  A.  Paterno  and  Felipe  Buencamino,  and  negotiations 


The  Spanish  Commissioners   stratagem  fails  543 

were  resumed  on  the  money  indemnity  basis.  The  Aguinaldo  party 
had  already  had  sore  experience  of  the  worth  of  an  agreement  made 
with  Spanish  officials,  and  during  the  discussion  they  raised  the 
question  of  the  validity  of  their  powers  and  the  guarantee  for  their 
proposed  undertakings.  The  real  difficulty  was  that  America  might 
object  to  Spain  officially  making  any  compact  whatsoever  which  must 
necessarily  involve  a  recognition  of  the  Philippine  Republic  ;  and  even 
as  it  was,  the  renewed  suggestion  of  a  payment  of  millions  of  dollars 
was  a  secret  negotiation.  The  Spanish  commissioners  started  by 
proposing  that  Aguinaldo  should  give  up  80  per  cent,  of  the  prisoners 
on  certain  conditions  to  be  agreed  upon  thereafter,  and  retain  the  20  per 
cent,  as  guarantee  for  the  fulfilment  of  these  hypothetical  terms  ;  more- 
over, even  the  20  per  cent,  were  to  be  concentrated  at  a  place  to  be 
mutually  agreed  upon,  etc.  The  artfulness  of  the  commissioners1  scheme 
was  too  apparent  for  Paterno  and  Buencamino  to  accept  it.  The 
commissioners  then  presented  the  Insurgent  Government  with  a 
voluminous  philosophical  dissertation  on  the  subject,  whilst  the  Fili- 
pinos sought  brief  facts  and  tangible  conditions.  The  Filipinos  then 
offered  to  address  a  note  to  the  Spanish  Consul  in  Manila  to  the  effect 
that  the  prisoners  who  were  infirm  would  be  delivered  at  certain  ports 
as  already  stated,  and  that  he  could  send  ships  for  them  on  certain 
terms.  Still  the  commissioners  lingered  in  Tarlac,  and  on  October  23 
the  Filipinos  made  the  following  proposals,  which  were  practically  an 
intimation  to  close  the  debate. 

1.  Recognition    of    the    Philippine    Republic    as    soon    as    the 
difficulties  with  America  should  be  overcome. 

2.  The  payment  of  seven  millions  of  pesos. 

These  conditions  having  been  rejected  by  the  commissioners, 
Aguinaldo's  advisers  drew  up  a  document  stating  the  reasons  why 
the  negotiations  had  fallen  through,  with  special  reference  to  the 
insufficiency  of  the  commissioners'1  powers  and  the  inadmissibility  of 
their  attitude  in  desiring  to  treat  with  Aguinaldo  individually  instead 
of  with  his  Government,  for  which  reasons  the  Philippine  Republic 
formally  declared  its  resolution  definitely  to  cease  all  negotiations  with 
the  Spanish  commissioners,  preferring  to  deal  directly  with  the  Spanish 
Government.  Not  satisfied  with  this  formal  intimation  the  com- 
missioners asked  that  the  conditions  of  the  liberation  already  granted 
since  January  to  the  invalid  prisoners  should  be  modified,  and  that 
they  should  be  handed  over  to  them — the  very  persons  already  declared 
to  be  insufficiently  authorized.  In  response  to  this  importunity  the 
requisite  passports  were  immediately  sent  to  the  commissioners  to 
enable  them  to  quit  the  Philippine  Republic's  seat  of  government 
and  territory  forthwith. 

Apart  from  the  moral  aspect  of  the  case,  and  regarded  only  in  the 
light  of  a  business  transaction,  it  does  not  appear  that  the  Filipinos 


544  The  end  of  the  Spaniards'  captivity 

were  ever  offered  a  solid  guarantee  for  the  fulfilment  of  any  of  the 
proposed  conditions.  But  the  insuperable  difficulty  was  Spain's  in- 
ability to  comply  with  the  Filipinos'1  essential  condition  of  recognition 
of  the  Philippine  Republic. 

Finally,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  War  of  Independence,  the  American 
troops  drove  the  insurgents  so  hard,  capturing  town  after  town,  that 
they  were  constrained  to  abandon  the  custody  of  the  Spanish  survivors, 
who  flocked  in  groups  to  the  American  posts,  and  eventually  embarked 
for  their  native  land.  On  May  20,  1900,  the  Spanish  Commission 
received  a  letter  from  the  insurgent  General  Trias  stating  that  orders 
had  been  issued  to  liberate  all  the  prisoners. 

In  due  course  the  Spanish  warships  sunk  at  the  Battle  of  Cavite 
were  raised  by  the  Americans,  and  the  dead  bodies  of  Spain's  defenders 
on  that  memorable  day  were  handed  over  to  a  Spanish  Commission. 
The  same  organization  also  took  charge  of  the  bodies  recovered  from 
Baler  (east  coast  of  Luzon),  and  after  a  Requiem  mass  was  said  at  the 
Cathedral  these  mortal  remains  were  conducted  with  appropriate 
solemnity  on  board  the  s.s.  Isla  de  Pcmay,  which  left  Manila  for 
Barcelona  on  February  14,  1904. 


545 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

END   OF   THE   WAR   OF   INDEPENDENCE   AND   AFTER 

In  the  month  of  May,  1901,  the  prisons  were  overflowing  with  captured 
insurgents,  and  the  military  authorities  found  an  ostensible  reason 
for  liberating  a  number  of  them.  A  General  Order  was  issued  that 
to  "  signalize  the  recent  surrender  of  General  Manuel  Tinio l  and 
other  prominent  leaders,1-'  one  thousand  prisoners  of  war  would  be 
released  on  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  The  flame  of  organized 
insurrection  was  almost  extinguished,  but  there  still  remained  some 
dangerous  embers.  Bands  of  armed  natives  wandered  through  the 
provinces  under  the  name  of  insurgents,  and  on  July  31,  1901,  one  of 
Aguinaldo's  subordinate  generals,  named  Miguel  Malvar,  a  native  of 
Santo  Tomas  (Batangas)  issued  a  manifesto  from  the  "  Slopes  of  the 
Maquiling 11  (Laguna  Province),  announcing  that  he  had  assumed  the 
position  of  Supreme  Chief.  Before  the  war  he  had  little  to  lose,  but 
Ashing  in  troubled  waters  and  gulling  the  people  with  anting-anting 
and  the  "  signs  in  the  clouds r'  proved  to  be  a  profitable  occupation  to 
many.  An  expedition  was  sent  against  him,  and  he  was  utterly  routed 
in  an  engagement  which  took  place  near  his  native  town.  After  Miguel 
Malvar  surrendered  (April  16,  1902)  and  Vicente  Lucban  was  captured 
in  Samar  (April  27,  1902),  the  war  (officially  termed  "  insurrec- 
tion ")  actually  terminated,  and  was  formally  declared  ended  on  the 
publication  of  President  Roosevelt's  Peace  Proclamation  and  Amnesty 
grant,  dated  July  4,  1902.  A  sedition  law  was  passed  under  which 
every  disturber  of  the  public  peace  would  be  thenceforth  arraigned, 
and  all  acts  of  violence,  pillage,  etc.,  would  come  under  the  common 
laws  affecting  those  crimes.  In  short,  insurgency  ceased  to  be  a 
valid  plea ;  if  it  existed  in  fact,  officially  it  had  become  a  dead  letter. 
Those  who  still  lingered  in  the  penumbra  between  belligerence  and 
brigandage  Avere  thenceforth  treated  as  common  outlaws  whose  acts  bore 

1  Born  at  Aliaga  (Nueva  Ecija)  June  17,  1877,  he  raised  a  troop  of  rebels 
in  his  native  town  and  joined  General  Llaneras.  Appointed  colonel  in  June, 
1897,  he  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who  retired  to  Hong-Kong  after  the  alleged  Treaty 
of  Biac-na-batd.  He  returned  to  the  Islands  with  Aguinaldo,  and  became  a  general 
officer  at  the  age  of  twenty-three  years. 

35 


546  Notorious  outlaws — Apohnario  Mabini 

no  political  significance  whatever.  The  notorious  "  General "  San 
Miguel,  for  a  long  time  the  terror  of  Rizal  Province,  was  given  no 
quarter,  but  shot  on  the  field  at  Corral-na-bato  in  March,  1903.  One 
of  the  famous  bandits,  claiming  to  be  an  insurgent,  was  Faustino 
Guillermo,  who  made  laws,  levied  tribute,  issued  army  commissions, 
divided  the  country  up  into  military  departments,  and  defied  the 
Government  until  his  stratagem  to  induce  the  constabulary  to  desert 
brought  about  his  own  capture  in  the  Bosoboso  Mountain  (Mdrong) 
in  June,  1903.  A  mass  of  papers  seized  revealed  his  pretension  to  be 
a  patriotic  saviour  of  his  people,  but  it  is  difficult  indeed  to  follow 
the  reasoning  of  a  man  who  starts  on  that  line  by  sacking  his  own 
countrymen's  villages.  Another  interesting  individual  was  Artemio 
^Ricarte,  formerly  a  primary  schoolmaster.  In  1899  he  led  a  column 
under  Aguinaldo,  and  was  subsequently  his  general  specially  commissioned 
to  raise  revolt  inside  the  capital ;  but  the  attempt  failed,  and  many 
arrests  followed.  During  the  war  he  was  captured  by  the  Americans, 
to  whom  he  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  was  deported  to 
Guam.  In  Washington  it  was  decided  to  release  the  political  prisoners 
on  that  island,  and  Ricarte  and  Mabini  were  brought  back  to  Manila. 
As  Ricarte  still  refused  to  take  the  oath,  he  was  banished,  and  went 
to  Hong-Kong  in  February,  1903.  In  the  following  December  he 
returned  to  Manila  disguised  as  a  seaman,  and  stole  ashore  in  the 
crowd  of  stevedore  labourers.  Assuming  the  ludicrous  title  of  the 
"  Viper j"  he  established  what  he  called  the  M triumvirate ■"  government 
in  the  provinces,  and  declared  war  on  the  Americans.  His  operations 
in  this  direction  were  mostly  limited  to  sending  crackbrained  letters 
to  the  Civil  Governor  in  Manila  from  his  "  camp  in  the  sky,'1  but  his 
perturbation  of  the  rural  districts  had  to  be  suppressed.  At  length, 
after  a  long  search,  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  the  cockpit  in  Mariveles  » 
in  May,  1904.  He  and  his  confederates  were  brought  to  trial  on  the 
two  counts  of  carrying  arms  without  licence  and  sedition,  the  revelations 
of  the  "  triumvirate,'1  which  were  comical  in  the  extreme,  affording 
much  amusement  to  the  reading  public.  The  judgement  of  the  court 
on  Ricarte  was  six  years'  imprisonment  and  a  fine  of  ^6,000. 

Apolinario  Mabini,  Ricarte's  companion  in  exile,  was  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  figures  in  the  War  of  Independence.  Of  poor  parent- 
age, he  was  born  at  Tanauan  (Batangas)  in  May,  1864,  and  having 
finished  his  studies  in  Manila  he  took  up  the  law  as  a  profession,  living 
in  obscurity  until  the  Rebellion,  during  which  he  became  the  recognized 
leader  of  the  Irreconcilables  and  Prime  Minister  in  the  Malolos  Govern- 
ment. In  the  political  sphere  he  was  the  soul  of  the  insurgent  movement, 
the  ruling  power  behind  the  presidency  of  Aguinaldo.  It  was  he  who 
drafted  the  Constitution  of  the  Philippine  Republic,  dated  January  21, 
1899  {vide  p.  486).  Taken  prisoner  by  the  Americans  in  December,  1899, 
he  was  imprisoned  on  his  refusal  to  subscribe  to  the  oath  of  allegiance.  On 


Brigands  of  the  old  and  of  the  new  type  547 

August  1,  1900,  he  was  granted  leave  to  appear  before  the  Philippine 
Commission,  presided  over  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Taft.  He  desired  to  show 
that,  according  to  his  lights,  he  was  not  stubbornly  holding  out  against 
reason.  As  Mabini  was  not  permitted  to  discuss  abstract  matters,  and 
Mr.  Taft  reiterated  the  intention  to  establish  American  sovereignty  in  the 
Islands,  their  views  were  at  variance,  and  Mabini  was  deported  to  Guam,  / 

but  allowed  the  privilege  of  taking  his  son  there  as  his  companion  in  J 

exile.  On  his  return  to  Manila  in  February,  1903,  he  reluctantly  took 
the  required  oath  and  was  permitted  to  remain  in  the  capital.  Suffer- 
ing from  paralysis  for  years  previous,  his  mental  energy,  as  a  chronic 
invalid,  was  amazing.  Three  months  after  his  return  to  the  metropolis 
he  was  seized  with  cholera,  to  which  he  succumbed  on  May  13,  1903,  at 
the  early  age  of  thirty-nine,  to  the  great  regret  of  his  countrymen  and 
of  his  many  European  admirers. 

The  Irreconcilables,  even  at  the  present  day,  persist  in  qualifying  as 
legitimate  warfare  that  condition  of  provincial  perturbation  which  the 
Americans  and  the  Federal  Party  hold  to  be  outlawry  and  brigandage. 
Hence  the  most  desperate  leaders  and  their  bands  of  cut-throats  are,  in 
the  Irreconcilables"  phraseology,  merely  insurgents  still  protesting 
against  American  dominion.  As  late  as  February,  1902,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  revive  the  war  in  Leyte  Island.  At  that  date  a  certain 
Florentino  Penaranda,  styling  himself  the  Insurrectionary  Political- 
Military  Chief,  issued  a  proclamation  in  his  island  addressed  "  in 
particular  to  those  who  are  serving  under  the  Americans.'"  This 
document,  the  preamble  of  which  is  indited  in  lofty  language,  carrying 
the  reader  mentally  all  round  North  and  South  America,  Abyssinia  and 
Europe,  terminates  with  a  concession  of  pardon  to  all  who  repent  their 
delinquency  in  serving  the  Americans,  and  an  invitation  to  Filipinos 
and  foreigners  to  join  his  standard.  It  had  little  immediate  effect,  but 
it  may  have  given  an  impulse  to  the  brigandage  which  was  subsequently 
carried  on  so  ferociously  under  a  notorious,  wary  ruffian  named  Tumayo. 
Thousands,  too  long  accustomed  to  a  lawless,  emotional  existence  to 
settle  down  to  prosaic  civil  life,  went  to  swell  the  ranks  of  brigands,  but 
it  would  exceed  the  limits  of  this  work  to  refer  to  the  over  15,000 
expeditions  made  to  suppress  them.  Brigandage  (vide  p.  235)  has  been 
rife  in  the  Islands  for  a  century  and  a  half,  and  will  probably  continue  to 
exist  until  a  network  of  railways  in  each  large  island  makes  it  almost 
impossible.  But  brigandage  in  Spanish  times  was  very  mild  compared 
with  what  it  is  now.  Such  a  thing  as  a  common  highwayman  was 
almost  unknown.  The  brigands  of  that  period — the  Tulisanes  of  the 
north  and  the  Pulajanes  of  the  south — went  in  parties  who  took  days  to 
concoct  a  plan  for  attacking  a  country  residence,  or  a  homestead,  for 
robbery  and  murder.  The  assault  was  almost  invariably  made  at  night, 
and  the  marauders  lived  in  the  mountains,  avoiding  the  highroads  and 
the  well-known  tracks.     The  traveller  might  then  go  about  the  Islands 


548  Some  cases  of fiendishness 


for  years  without  ever  seeing  a  brigand  ;  now  that  they  have  increased 
so  enormously  since  the  war,  there  is  not  business  enough  for  them  in 
the  old  way,  and  they  infest  the  highways  and  villages.  One  effect  of 
the  revolution  has  been  to  diminish  greatly  the  awe  with  which1  the 
native  regarded  the  European  before  they  had  crossed  swords  in  regular 
warfare.  Again,  since  1898,  the  fact  that  here  and  there  a  white  man 
made  common  cause  with  outlaws  has  had  a  detrimental  effect  on  the 
white  man's  prestige,  and  the  new  caste  of  bandits  which  has  come  into 
existence  is  far  more  audacious  than  its  predecessor.  Formerly  the  out- 
laws had  only  bowie-knives  and  a  few  fowling-pieces  ;  now  they  have  an 
ample  supply  of  rifles.  Hence,  since  the  American  advent,  the  single 
traveller  and  his  servant  journey  at  great  risk  in  the  so-called  civilized 
provinces,  especially  if  the  traveller  has  Anglo-Saxon  features.  Parties 
of  three  or  four,  well  armed,  are  fairly  safe.  Fierce  fights  with  outlaws 
are  of  common  occurrence  ;  a  full  record  of  brigand  depredations  would 
fill  a  volume,  and  one  can  only  here  refer  to  a  few  remarkable  cases. 

Early  in  1904  a  Spanish  planter  of  many  years1  standing,  named 
Amechazurra,  and  his  brother-in-law,  Joaquin  Guaso,  were  kidnapped 
and  held  for  ransom.  When  the  sum  was  carried  to  the  brigands1 
haunt,  Guaso  was  found  with  his  wrists  broken  and  severely  tortured 
with  bowie-knife  cuts  and  lance-thrusts.  Having  no  power  to  use  his 
hands,  his  black  beard  was  full  of  white  maggots.  In  this  state  he  was 
delivered  to  his  rescuers  and  died  the  next  day.  Since  the  close  of  the 
war  up  to  the  present  day  the  provinces  of  Batangas  and  Cavite,  less 
than  a  day's  journey  from  the  capital,  have  not  ceased  to  be  in  a 
deplorable  condition  of  lawlessness.  The  principal  leaders,  Montalon 
and  Felizardo,1  were  formerly  officers  under  the  command  of  the 
insurgent  General  Manuel  Trias,  who  surrendered  to  the  Americans  and 
afterwards  accepted  office  as  Civil  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Cavite. 
In  this  capacity  he  made  many  unsuccessful  attempts  to  capture  his 
former  colleagues,  but  owing  to  his  failure  to  restore  tranquillity  to  the 
province  he  resigned  his  governorship  in  1903.  The  Montalon  and 
Felizardo    bands,  well    armed,    constantly   overran    the    two    adjoining 

1  At  one  time  Cornelio  Felizardo  had  an  American  in  his  gang.  This  degenerate, 
Luis  A.  Unselt,  was  fortunately  captured  and  sentenced,  on  April  6,  1904,  to  twenty- 
five  years'  imprisonment  as  a  deserter  from  the  constabulary  and  bandit. 

Previous  to  this  event,  the  piracy  of  Johnston  and  Hermann  in  the  southern 
islands  caused  much  sensation  at  the  time. 

In  September,  1905,  it  was  rumoured  that,  in  order  to  escape  capture,  Cornelio 
Felizardo  had  committed  suicide. 

One  can  judge  of  the  ferocity  of  these  men  by  Clause  3  of  what  Julian  Montalon 
calls  his  Law  No.  9.     Dated  April  10,  1904,  it  says  :— 

"The  Filipino  who  serves  the  American  Government  as  scout,  constabulary  or 
"  secret-service  man,  who  does  not  sympathize  with  his  native  country,  shall,  if 
"  caught,  immediately  suffer  the  penalty  of  having  the  tendons  of  his  feet  cut,  and 
"  the  fingers  of  both  hands  crushed." 

There  were  many  cases  of  cutting  off  the  lips  ;  two  victims  of  this  atrocity  were 
brought  to  iManila  in  1905,  during  El  Renacimimto  trial  (vide  p.  550). 


The  Montalon  and  Felizardo  outlaw  bands         549 

provinces  to  mirrder  the  people,  pillage  their  homes,  and  set  tire  to  the 
villages.  They  bore  an  inveterate  hatred  towards  all  who  accepted 
American  dominion,  and  specially  detested  their  former  chief  Trias,  who, 
since  his  return  from  the  St.  Louis  Exhibition,  has  shown  a  very  pro- 
American  tendency.  The  history  of  their  crimes  covers  a  period  of  five 
years.  Felizardo  was  remarkable  for  his  audacity,  his  fine  horsemanship, 
and  his  expert  marksmanship.  During  an  attack  on  Paranaque,  mounted 
on  a  beautiful  pony  stolen  from  the  race-track  of  Pasay,  he  rode  swiftly 
past  a  constabulary  sentinel,  who  shot  at  him  and  missed  him,  whilst 
Felizardo,  from  his  seat  in  the  saddle,  shot  the  sentinel  dead.  The 
evening  before  the  day  Governor  Taft  intended  to  sail  for  the  United 
States,  on  his  retirement  from  the  governorship,  Montalon  hanged  two 
constabulary  men  at  a  place  within  sight  of  Manila.  In  December,  1904, 
all  this  district  was  so  infested  with  cut-throats  that  Manuel  Trias, 
although  no  longer  an  official,  offered  to  organize  and  lead  a  party  of 
300  volunteers  against  them.  On  January  24,  1905,  the  same  bandits, 
Felizardo  and  Montalon,  at  the  head  of  about  300  of  their  class, 
including  two  American  negroes,  raided  Trias's  native  town  of  San 
Francisco  de  Malabon,  murdered  an  American  surgeon  and  one 
constabulary  private,  and  seriously  wounded  three  more.  They  looted 
the  municipal  treasury  of  2,000  pesos  and  25  carbines,  and  carried  off 
Trias's  wife  and  two  children,  presumably  to  hold  them  for  ransom.  The 
chief  object  of  the  attack  was  to  murder  Trias,  their  arch-enemy,  but  he 
was  away  from  home  at  the  time.  On  his  return  he  set  out  in  pursuit 
of  the  band  at  the  head  of  the  native  constabulary.  The  outlaws  had 
about  160  small  firearms,  and  during  the  chase  several  fierce  fights  took 
place.  Being  hunted  from  place  to  place  incessantly,  they  eventually 
released  Trias's  wife  and  children  so  as  to  facilitate  their  own  escape. 
Constabulary  was  insufficient  to  cope  with  the  marauders,  and  regular 
troops  had  to  be  sent  to  these  provinces.  In  February,  1905,  a  posse 
of  25  Moro  fighting-men  was  brought  up  from  Siassi  (Tapul  group)  to 
hunt  down  the  brigands.  Launches  patrolled  the  Bay  of  Manila  with 
constabulary  on  board  to  intercept  the  passage  of  brigands  from  one 
province  to  another,  for  lawlessness  was,  more  or  less,  constantly  rife  in 
several  of  the  Luzon  provinces  and  half  a  dozen  other  islands  for  years 
after  the  end  of  the  war.  From  1902  onwards,  half  the  provinces  of 
Albay,  Bulacan,  Bataan,  Cavite,  Ilocos  Sur,  and  the  islands  of  Camaguin, 
Samar,  Leyte,  Negros,  Cebu,  etc.,  have  been  infested,  at  different  times, 
with  brigands,  or  latter-day  insurgents,  as  the  different  parties  choose 
to  call  them.  The  regular  troops,  the  constabulary,  and  other  armed 
forces  combined  were  unable  to  exterminate  brigandage.  The  system 
of  "  concentration "  circuits,  which  had  given  such  adverse  results 
during  the  Rebellion  {vide  p.  392),  was  revived  in  the  provinces  of 
Batangas  and  Cavite,  obliging  the  waverers  between  submission  and 
recalcitration  to  accept  a  defined  legal  or  illegal  status.     Consequently 


5.50  The  "  Guards  of  Honour  " 

many  of  the  common  people  went  to  swell  the  roving  bands  of  outlaws, 
whilst  those  who  had  a  greater  love  for  home,  or  property  at  stake, 
remained  within  the  prescribed  limits,  in  discontented,  sullen  compliance 
with  the  inevitable.  The  system  interrupted  the  people's  usual 
occupations,  retarded  agriculture,  and  produced  general  dissatisfaction. 
The  Insular  Government  then  had  recourse  to  an  extreme  measure 
which  practically  implied  the  imposition  of  compulsory  military  service 
on  every  male  American,  foreign,  or  native  inhabitant  between  the  ages  of 
eighteen  to  fifty  years,  with  the  exception  of  certain  professions  specified 
in  the  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  1309,  dated  March  22,  1905. 
Under  this  law  the  native  mayor  of  a  town  can  compel  any  able-bodied 
American  (not  exempted  under  the  Act)  to  give  five  days  a  month 
service  in  hunting  down  brigands,  under  a  maximum  penalty  of  P.100 
fine  and  three  months1  imprisonment.  And,  subject  to  the  same  penalty 
for  refusal,  any  proprietor  or  tenant  (white,  coloured,  or  native)  residing 
in  any  municipality,  or  ward,  must  report,  within  24  hours,  to  the 
municipal  authority,  the  name,  residence,  and  description  of  any  person 
(not  being  a  resident)  to  whom  he  gave  assistance  or  lodging.  In  no 
colony  where  the  value  of  the  white  man's  prestige  is  appreciated  would 
such  a  law  have  been  promulgated. 

The  proceedings  of  the  constabulary  in  the  disturbed  provinces 
having  been  publicly  impugned  in  a  long  series  of  articles  and  reports 
published  in  the  Manila  newspaper  El  Renacimiento,  the  editors  of 
that  public  organ  were  brought  to  trial  on  a  charge  of  libel  in  July, 
1905.  The  substance  of  the  published  allegations  was  that  peaceable 
citizens  were  molested  in  their  homes  and  were  coerced  into  performing 
constabulary  and  military  duties  by  becoming  unwilling  brigand- 
hunters.  Among  other  witnesses  who  appeared  at  the  trial  was 
Emilio  Aguinaldo,  who  testified  that  he  had  been  forced  to  leave  his 
home  and  present  himself  to  a  constabulary  officer,  who,  he  affirmed, 
bullied  and  insulted  him  because  he  refused  to  leave  his  daily  occu- 
pations and  risk  his  life  in  brigand-hunting.  In  view  of  the  peculiar 
position  of  Aguinaldo  as  a  fallen  foe,  perhaps  it  would  have  been  better 
not  to  have  disturbed  him  in  his  peaceful  life  as  a  law-abiding  citizen, 
lest  the  world  should  misconstrue  the  intention. 

Confined  to  Pangasinan  and  La  Union  provinces,  there  is  an 
organization  known  as  the  "  Guards  of  Honour.11  Its  recruits  are 
very  numerous,  their  chief  vocation  being  cattle-stealing  and  filching 
other  people's  goods  without  unnecessary  violence.  It  is  feared  they 
may  extend  their  operations  to  other  branches  of  perversity.  The 
society  is  said  to  be  a  continuation  of  the  Guardia  de  Honor  created 
by  the  Spaniards  and  stimulated  by  the  friars  in  Pangasinan  as  a 
check  on  the  rebels  during  the  events  of  1896-98.  At  the  American 
advent  they  continued  to  operate  independently  against  the  insurgents, 
whom    they    harassed  very  considerably   during  the    flight  northwards 


The  Pulajan  in  gloomy  Sdmar  551 

from  Tarlac.  It  was  to  escape  the  vengeance  of  this  party  that 
Aguinaldo's  Secretary  of  State  (according  to  his  verbal  statement 
to  me)  allowed  himself  to  fall  prisoner  to  the  Americans. 

The  Pidajanes  of  Samar  seem  to  be  as  much  in  possession  of 
that  Island  as  the  Americans  themselves,  and  its  history,  from  the 
revolution  up  to  date,  is  a  lugubrious  repetition  of  bloodshed,  pillage, 
and  incendiarism.  The  deeds  of  the  notorious  Vicente  Lucban 
were  condoned  under  the  Amnesty  of  1902,  but  the  marauding 
organization  is  maintained  and  revived  by  brigands  of  the  first  water. 
Every  move  of  the  government  troops  is  known  to  the  pidajanes.  The 
spy,  stationed  at  a  pass,  after  shouting  the  news  of  the  enemy's 
approach  to  the  next  spy,  darts  into  the  jungle,  and  so  on  all  along 
the  line,  in  most  orderly  fashion,  until  the  main  column  is  advised. 
In  July,  1901,  they  slaughtered  half  the  inhabitants  of  the  little 
coast  village  of  Taviran,  mutilated  their  corpses,  and  then  set 
out  for  the  town  of  Santa  Elena,  which  Avas  burnt  to  the  ground.  In 
December  of  that  year  over  a  thousand  pidajanes  besieged  the  town 
of  Taft  (formerly  Tubig),  held  by  a  detachment  of  native  scouts, 
whilst  another  party,  hidden  in  the  mountains,  fell  like  an  avalanche 
upon  a  squad  of  43  scouts,  led  by  an  American  lieutenant,  on  their 
way  to  the  town  of  Dolores,  and  in  ten  minutes  killed  the  officer 
and  37  of  his  men.  After  this  mournful  victory  the  brigands  went  to 
reinforce  their  comrades  at  Taft,  swelling  their  forces  en  roide,  so 
that  the  besiegers  of  Taft  amounted  to  a  total  of  about  2,000  men. 
About  the  same  time  some  400  pidajanes  were  met  by  a  few  hundred 
so-called  native  volunteers,  who,  instead  of  fighting,  joined  forces  and 
attacked  a  scout  detachment  whilst  crossing  a  river.  Twenty  of  the 
scouts  were  cut  to  pieces  and  mutilated,  whilst  thirteen  more  died 
of  their  wounds. 

Communication  in  the  Island  is  extremely  difficult ;  the  maintenance 
of  telegraph-lines  is  impossible  through  a  hostile  country,  and  messages 
sent  by  natives  are  often  intercepted,  or,  as  sometimes  happens,  the 
messengers,  to  save  their  lives,  naturally  make  common  cause  with  the 
bandits  whom  they  meet  on  the  way.  The  hemp-growers  and  coast- 
trading  population,  who  have  no  sympathy  with  the  brigands,  are 
indeed  obliged,  for  their  own  security,  to  give  them  passive  support. 
Hundreds  in  the  coast  villages  who  are  too  poor  to  give,  have  to  flee 
into  hiding  and  live  like  animals  in  dread  of  constabulary  and  pidajanes 
alike.  Between  "  insurgency ,1  and  "  brigandage,"1  in  this  Island,  there 
was  never  a  very  wide  difference,  and  when  General  Allen,  the  Chief 
of  the  Constabulary,  took  the  field  in  person  in  December,  1904,  he 
had  reason  to  believe  that  the  notorious  ex-insurgent  Colonel  Guevara 
was  the  moving  spirit  in  the  lawlessness.  Guevara,  who  had  been 
disappointed  at  not  securing  the  civil  governorship  of  the  Island,  was 
suddenly    seized    and   confined   at    Catbalogan  jail  to  await   his    trial. 


552  Noble  sacrifices  to  duty  in  Samar 

The  Samar  pulajanes  are  organized  like  regular  troops,  with  their 
generals  and  officers,  but  they  are  deluded  by  a  sort  of  mystic  re- 
ligious teaching  under  the  guidance  of  a  native  pope.  In  January,  1905, 
the  town  of  Balangiga  (vide  p.  536),  so  sadly  famous  in  the  history 
of  Samar  on  account  of  the  massacre  of  American  troops  during  the 
war,  became  a  pulajan  recruiting  station.  A  raid  upon  the  place 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  twenty  chiefs,  gorgeously  uniformed,  with 
gaudy  anting-anting  amulets  on  their  breasts  to  protect  them  from 
American  bullets.  At  this  time  the  regimental  Camp  Connell,  at 
Calbayoc,  was  so  depleted  of  troops  that  less  than  a  hundred  men  were 
left  to  defend  it.  Situated  on  a  pretty  site,  the  camp  consists  of  two 
lines  of  wooden  buildings  running  along  the  shore  for  about  a  mile. 
At  one  extremity  is  the  hospital  and  at  the  other  the  quartermaster's 
depot.  It  has  no  defences  whatever,  and  as  I  rode  along  the  central 
avenue  of  beautiful  palms,  after  meeting  the  ladies  at  a  ball,  I  pictured 
to  myself  the  chapter  of  horror  which  a  determined  attack  might  one 
day  add  to  the  doleful  annals  of  dark  Samar. 

Matters  became  so  serious  that  in  March,  1905,  the  divisional 
commander,  General  Corbin,  joined  General  Allen  in  the  operations 
in  this  Island.  Full  of  tragedy  is  the  record  of  this  region,  and 
amongst  its  numerous  heroes  was  a  Captain  Hendryx.  In  1902, 
whilst  out  with  a  detachment  of  constabulary,  he  was  attacked,  defeated, 
and  reported  killed.  He  was  seen  to  drop  and  roll  into  a  gully.  But 
four  days  later  there  wandered  back  to  the  camp  a  man  half  dead 
with  hunger  and  covered  with  festering  wounds,  some  so  infected  that, 
but  for  the  application  of  tobacco,  gangrene  would  have  set  in.  It 
was  Captain  Hendryx.  Delirious  for  a  while,  he  finally  recovered  and 
resumed  his  duties.  A  couple  of  years  afterwards  he  was  shipwrecked 
going  round  the  coast  on  the  Masbate.  For  days  he  and  the  ship- 
master alone  battled  with  the  stormy  waves,  a  howling  wind  ahead, 
and  a  murderous  rabble  on  the  coast  waiting  for  their  blood.  On  the 
verge  of  death  they  reached  a  desolate  spot  whence  the  poor  captain 
saved  his  body  from  destruction,  but  with  prostrate  nerves,  rendering 
him  quite  unfit  for  further  service.  And  the  carnage  in  the  Samar 
jungles,  which  has  caused  many  a  sorrow  in  the  homeland,  continues 
to  the  present  day  with  unabated  ferocity.  By  nature  a  lovely  island, 
picturesque  in  the  extreme,  there  is  a  gloom  in  its  loveliness.  The 
friendly  native  has  fled  for  his  life ;  the  patches  of  lowland  once 
planted  with  sweet  potatoes  or  rows  of  hemp-trees,  are  merging  into 
jungle  for  want  of  the  tiller's  hand.  The  voice  of  an  unseen  man  gives 
one  a  shudder,  lest  it  be  that  of  a  fanatic  lurking  in  the  cogon  grass 
to  seek  his  fellow's  blood.  Near  the  coast,  half-burnt  bamboos  show 
where  villages  once  stood ;  bleached  human  bones  mark  the  sites  of 
human  conflict,  whilst  decay  and  mournful  silence  impress  one  with 
the    desolation    of  this   fertile   land.      The  narrow  navigable   channel 


Army  and  Constabulary  Statistics  553 

separating  Samar  from  Leyte  Island  is  one  of  the  most  delightful  bits 
of  tropical  scenery. 

The  Constabulary  Service  Reports  for  1903  and  1904  show  that 
in  the  former  period  there  were  357  engagements  between  brigand 
bands  and  the  constabulary  (exclusive  of  the  army  operations),  and 
in  the  latter  period  235  similar  engagements.  More  than  5,000 
expeditions  were  undertaken  against  the  outlaws  in  each  year;  1,185 
outlaws  were  killed  in  1903,  and  431  in  1904,  2,722  were  wounded 
or  captured  in  1903,  and  1,503  in  1904  ;  3,446  arms  of  all  sorts  were 
seized  in  1903,  and  994  in  1904.  The  constabulary  losses  in  killed, 
wounded,  died  of  wounds  and  disease,  and  deserted  were  223  in  1904. 
In  Cavite  Province  alone,  with  a  population  of  134,779,  there  were, 
in  1903,  over  400  expeditions,  resulting  in  20  brigands  killed,  23 
wounded,  and  253  captured.  At  this  date  brigandage  is  one  of  the 
greatest  deterrents  to  the  prosperous  development  of  the  Islands. 

The  Adjutant-General's  Report  issued  in  Washington  in  December, 
1901,  gives  some  interesting  figures  relating  to  the  Army,  for  the 
War  of  Independence  period,  i.e.,  from  February  4,  1899,  to  June  30, 
1901.     The  total  number  of  troops  sent  to  the  Islands  was  as  follows, 

viz. : — 

Officers.  Men. 

Regular  Army 1,342  60,933 

Volunteers 2,135  47,867 

37477  108,800 

Some  were  returning  from,  whilst  others  were  going  to  the  Islands ; 
the  largest  number  in  the  Islands  at  any  one  time  (year  1900)  was  about 
70,000  men. 

The  total  casualties  in  the  above  period  were  as  follows,  viz. :- — 

Officers.  Men.  Total. 

Dead  (all  causes)           ...         115  3,384  3,499 

Wounded 170  2,609  2,779 

285  5,993  6,278 

In  the  same  period  the  following  arms  were  taken  from  the  insurgents 
(captured  and  surrendered) : — 

Revolvers     .         .         .         868         Cannon      .         .         .         122 
Rifles  .         .         .    15,693         Bowie-knives      .         .      3,516 

The  Insurgent  Navy,  consisting  of  four  small  steamers  purchased  in 
Singapore  and  a  few  steam-launches,  dwindled  away  to  nothing.  The 
•'  Admiral,'1  who  lived  on  shore  at  Gagalangin  (near  Manila),  escaped 
to  Hong-Kong,  but  returned  to  Manila,  surrendered,  and  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  on  March  3,  1905. 

#  *  *  "  -   #  *  * 

Sedition,  in  its  more  virulent  and  active  forms,  having  been  frustrated 
by  the  authorities  since  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  the  Irreconcilables 


554  Seditious  Plays 


conceived  the  idea  of  inflaming  the  passions  of  the  people  through  the 
medium  of  the  native  drama.  How  the  seditious  dramatists  could  have 
ever  hoped  to  succeed  in  the  capital  itself,  in  public  theatres,  before  the 
eyes  of  the  Americans,  is  one  of  those  mysteries  which  the  closest 
student  of  native  philosophy  must  fail  to  solve. 

The  most  notable  of  these  plays  were  Hindi  aco  patay  ("  I  am  not 
dead  "),  U along  sugat  ("  There  is  no  wound  "),  Dabas  ngpilac  ("  Power  of 
Silver  "),  and  Cahapon,  Ngayon  at  Bucas  ("  Yesterday,  to-day,  and  to- 
morrow11). In  each  case  there  was  an  extra  last  scene  not  on  the 
programme.  Secret  police  and  American  spectators  besieged  the  stage, 
and  after  a  free  fight,  a  cracking  of  heads,  and  a  riotous  scuffle  the 
curtain  dropped  (if  there  were  anything  left  of  it)  on  a  general  panic 
of  the  innocent  and  the  arrest  of  the  guilty.  The  latter  were  brought 
to  trial,  and  their  careers  cut  short  by  process  of  law. 

The  simple  plot  of  Hindi  aco  patay  is  as  follows,  viz.  : — Maimbot 
(personifying  America)  is  establishing  dominion  over  the  Islands, 
assisted  by  his  son  Macamcam  (American  Government),  and  Katuiran 
(Reason,  Right,  and  Justice)  is  called  upon  to  condemn  the  conduct  of 
a  renegade  Filipino  who  has  accepted  America's  dominion,  and  thereby 
become  an  outcast  among  his  own  people  and  even  his  own  family. 
There  is  to  be  a  wedding,  but,  before  it  takes  place,  a  funeral  cortege 
passes  the  house  of  Karangalan  (the  bride)  with  the  body  of  Tangulan 
(the  fighting  patriot).  Maimbot  (America)  exclaims,  "  Go,  bury  that 
man,  that  Karangalan  and  her  mother  may  see  him  no  more.11 
Tangulan,  however,  rising  from  his  coffin,  tells  them,  "  They  must  not 
be  married,  for  I  am  not  dead."  And  as  he  cries  Hindi  aco  patay, 
"  I  am  not  dead,1''  a  radiant  sun  appears,  rising  above  the  mountain 
peaks,  simultaneously  with  the  red  flag  of  Philippine  liberty.  Then 
Katuiran  (Reason,  Right,  and  Justice)  declares  that  "  Independence 
has  returned,11  and  goes  on  to  explain  that  the  new  insurrection  having 
discouraged  America  in  her  attempt  to  enslave  the  people,  she  will  await 
a  better  opportunity.  The  flag  of  Philippine  Independence  is  then 
waved  to  salute  the  sun  which  has  shone  upon  the  Filipinos  to 
regenerate  them  and  cast  away  their  bondage. 

The  theme  of  Cahapon,  Ngayon  at  Bucas  is  somewhat  similar — a 
protest  against  American  rule,  a  threat  to  rise  and  expel  it,  a  call  to 
arms,  and  a  final  triumph  of  the  Revolution.  About  the  same  time 
(May,  1903)  a  seditious  play  entitled  Cadena  de  Oro  ("The  golden 
chain  ")  was  produced  in  Batangas,  and  its  author  was  prosecuted.  It 
must,  however,  be  pointed  out  that  there  are  also  many  excellent  plays 
written  in  Tagalog,  with  liberty  to  produce  them,  one  of  the  best  native 
dramatists  being  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno. 

There  will  probably  be  for  a  long  time  to  come  a  certain  amount  of 
disaffection  and  a  class  of  wire-pullers,  men  of  property,  chiefly  half- 
castes,  constantly  in  the  background,  urging  the  masses  forward  to  their 


Landowner  skip  is  conducive  to  order  555 

own  destruction.  Lucrative  employments  have  satisfied  the  ambition 
of  so  many  educated  Filipinos  who  must  find  a  living,  that  the  same 
principle — a  creation  of  material  interest — might  perhaps  be  advantage- 
ously extended  to  the  uneducated  classes.  AW  the  malcontents  cannot 
become  State  dependents,  but  they  might  easily  be  helped  to  acquire  an 
interest  in  the  soil.  The  native  who  has  his  patch  of  settled  land  with 
unassailable  title  would  be  loth  to  risk  his  all  for  the  chimerical 
advantages  of  insurrection.  The  native  boor  who  has  worked  land  for 
years  on  sufferance,  without  title,  exposed  to  eviction  by  a  more  cunning 
individual  clever  enough  to  follow  the  tortuous  path  which  leads  to  land 
settlement  with  absolute  title,  falls  an  easy  prev  to  the  instigator  of 
rebellion.  These  illiterate  people  need  more  than  a  liberal  land  law  — 
they  need  to  be  taken  in  hand  like  children  and  placed  upon  the 
parcelled-out  State  lands  with  indisputable  titles  thereto.  And  if 
American  enterprise  were  fostered  and  encouraged  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  their  holdings,  good  example  might  root  them  to  the  soil  and  convert 
the  bohman  into  the  industrious  husbandman. 

The  poorest  native  who  cannot  sow  for  himself  must  necessarily  feed 
on  what  his  neighbour  reaps,  and  hunger  compels  him  to  become  a 
wandering  criminal.  It  is  not  difficult  partially  to  account  for  the 
greater  number  in  this  condition  to-day  as  compared  with  Spanish  times. 
In  those  days  there  was  what  the  natives  termed  cayinin.  It  was  a 
temporary  clearance  of  a  patch  of  State  land  on  which  the  native  would 
raise  a  crop  one,  two,  or  more  seasons.  Having  no  legal  right  to  the 
soil  he  tilled,  and  consequently  no  attachment  to  it,  he  would  move  on 
to  other  virgin  land  and  repeat  the  operation.  In  making  the  clearance 
the  squatter  had  no  respect  for  State  property,  and  the  damage  which 
he  did  in  indiscriminate  destruction  of  valuable  timber  by  fire  was  not 
inconsiderable.  The  law  did  not  countenance  the  cayinin,  but  serious 
measures  were  seldom  taken  to  prevent  it.  The  local  or  municipal 
headmen  refrained  from  interference  because,  having  no  interest  whatever 
in  public  lands,  they  did  not  care,  as  landowners,  to  go  out  of  their  way 
to  create  a  bad  feeling  against  themselves  which  might  one  day  have 
fatal  consequences.  Although  no  one  would  for  a  moment  suggest  a 
revival  of  the  system,  there  is  the  undeniable  fact  that  in  Spanish  times 
thousands  of  natives  lived  for  years  in  this  way,  and  if  they  had  been 
summarily  evicted,  or  prosecuted  by  a  forest  bureau,  necessity  would 
have  driven  them  into  brigandage.  High  wages,  government  service, 
and  public  works  are  no  remedy ;  on  the  contrary,  if  the  people  are 
thereby  attracted  to  the  towns,  what  will  become  of  the  true  source  of 
Philippine  wealth,  which  is  agriculture  ?  Even  in  industrial  England 
the  cry  of  "  Back  to  the  soil  ^  has  been  lately  raised  by  an  eminent 
Englishman  known  by  name  to  every  educated  American. 


556 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 

MODERN   MANILA 

Commanding  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay  there  is  the  Island  of  Corregidor, 
situated  27  miles  south-west  of  the  city,  towards  which  the  traveller  glances 
in  vain,  expecting  to  descry  something  of  a  modern  fortress,  bristling 
with  artillery  of  the  latest  type  which,  if  there,  might  hold  the  only 
channels  leading  to  the  capital  against  a  hostile  fleet.  The  anchorage 
for  steamers  is  still  half  a  mile  to  a  mile  and  a  half  away  from  the 
Pasig  River,  but  the  new  artificial  port,  commenced  by  the  Spaniards, 
is  being  actively  brought  to  completion  by  the  Americans,  so  that  the 
day  may  come  when  the  ocean  traveller  will  be  able  to  walk  from  the 
steamer  down  a  gangway  to  a  quay  and  land  on  the  south,  or  Walled 
City,  side  of  the  capital. 

In  the  city  and  beautiful  suburbs  of  Manila  many  changes  and 
some  improvements  have  been  effected  since  1898.  After  cleansing 
the  city  to  a  certain  extent,  embellishment  was  commenced,  and 
lastly,  works  of  general  public  utility  were  undertaken.  Public  spaces 
were  laid  out  as  lawns  with  walks  around  them  ;  the  old  botanical- 
gardens  enclosure  was  removed  and  the  site  converted  into  a  delightful 
promenade  ;  the  Luneta  Esplanade, — the  joy  of  the  Manila  elite  who 
seek  the  sea-breezes  on  foot  or  driving — was  reformed,  the  field  of 
Bagumbayan,  which  recalls  so  many  sad  historical  reminiscences  since 
1872,  was  drained  ;  breaches  were  made  in  the  city  Avails  to  facilitate 
the  entry  of  American  vehicles ;  new  thoroughfares  were  opened  ;  an 
iron  bridge,  commenced  by  the  Spaniards,  was  completed  ;  a  new  Town 
Hall,  a  splendidly-equipped  Government  Laboratory,  a  Government 
Civil  Hospital,  and  a  Government  Printing  Office  were  built ;  an  immense 
ice-factory  was  erected  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  to  meet  the 
American    demand    for   that   luxury x ;  also   a   large   refrigerated-meat 

1  This  establishment  was  put  up  for  sale  by  tender  in  1904.     The  prospectus 
stated  as  follows  : — 

Revenue  for  one  year  .....         gold  0332,194.17 
Disbursements     '„ 198,338.93 

Profit  $133,855.24 

Reserve  price  one  million  dollars  gold.  Conditions  of  payment  one-third  cash,  and 
two-thirds  in  three  annual  payments  with  six  per  cent,  interest  per  annum 
guaranteed  by  mortgage  on  the  building  and  plant  or  other  acceptable  security.  It 
was  not  stated  whether  the  sale  included  a  monopoly  of  army  supply. 


Innovations  under  American  rule  557 

store,  chiefly  for  army  supply,  was  constructed,  meat,  poultry,  vegetables, 

and  other  foodstuffs  having  to  be  imported  on  account  of  the  dearth  of 

beef  and   tilth   cattle   due    to    rinderpest.       Fresh    meat    for    private 

consumption  (i.e.,  exclusive  of  army  and  navy)  is  imported  into  Manila 

to  the   value  of  about  $700,000  gold  per  annum.     Reforms  of  more 

urgent  public  necessity  were  then  introduced.     Existing  market-places 

were  improved,  new  ones  were  opened  in  Tondo  and  the  Walled  City  ; 

an  excellent  slaughter-house  was  established  ;  the  Bridge  of  Spain  was 

widened  ;  a  splendidly-equipped   fire-engine   and   brigade  service,   with 

150  fire-alarm   boxes  about  the  city  and  suburbs,  was  organized  and  is 

doing  admirable  work  ;  roads  in  the  distant  suburbs  were  put  in  good 

condition,  and  the   reform   which  all    Manila  was  looking  forward  to, 

namely,  the  repair  of  the  roads  and  pavements  in  the  E&colta,  the  Rosario, 

and  other  principal  thoroughfares  in  the  heart   of  the  business  quarter 

of  Binondo,  was  postponed  for  six  years.     Up  to  the  middle  of  1904 

they   were  in  a  deplorable  condition.     The  sensation,  whilst  in  a  gig, 

of  rattling    over  the  uneven  stone  blocks   was  as   if  the  whole  vehicle 

might  at  any  moment  be  shattered  into  a  hundred  fragments.     The 

improvement  has  come  at  last,  and  these   streets  are  now  almost  of  a 

billiard-table  smoothness.     The  General  Post  Office  has  been  removed 

from  the  congested  thoroughfare  of  the  Escolta  to  a  more  commodious 

site.     Electric  tramcars,  in  supersession  of  horse-traction,  run  through 

the  city  and  suburbs  since  April  10,  1905.     Electric  lighting,  initiated 

in    Spanish    times,    is    now    in  general   use,  and  electric  fans — a  poor 

substitute   for   the    punkah — work   horizontally    from    the    ceilings   of 

many    shops,    offices,    hotels,    and    private    houses.     In    the    residential 

environs  of  the  city  many  acres  of  ground  have  been  covered  with  new 

houses  ;  the   once  respectable  quarter  of  Sampaloc  *  has  lost  its  good 

name    since    it    became    the   favourite   haunt    of    Asiatic   and    white 

prostitutes   who  were   not  tolerated    in   Spanish  times.     On  the  other 

hand,   the   suburbs   of  Ermita    and    Malate,   which    are   practically    a 

continuation  of  Manila  along  the  seashore  from  the  Luneta  Esplanade, 

are  becoming  more  and  more  the  fashionable  residential  centre.     About 

Sampaloc  there  is  a  little  colony  of  Japanese  shopkeepers,  and  another 

group    of  Japanese   fishermen    inhabits   Tondo.      The   Japanese   have 

their  Consulate  in  Manila  since  the  American  advent,  their  suburban 

Buddhist  temple  was    inaugurated   in  San  Roque  on  April  22,  1905, 

and  in  the  same  year  there  was  a  small  Japanese  banking-house  in  the 

suburb  of  Santa  Cruz. 

The  Bilibid  Jail  has  been  reformed  almost  beyond  recognition  as 
the  old  Spanish  prison.  A  great  wall  runs  through  the  centre,  dividing 
the  long-term  from  the  short-term  prisoners.  In  the  centre  is  the 
sentry-box,  and  from  this  and  all  along  the  top  of  the  wall  every 
movement  of  the  prisoners  can  be  watched  by  the  soldier  on  guard. 
1  Sampaloc  signifies  Tamarind  in  Tagalog. 


558  Modern  Manila 


Nevertheless,  a  batch  of  convicts  occasionally  breaks  jail,  and  those 
who  are  not  shot  down  escape.  Gangs  of  them  are  drafted  off  for 
road-making  in  the  provinces,  where,  on  rare  occasions,  a  few  have 
been  able  to  escape  and  rejoin  the  brigands.  In  March,  1905,  a 
squad  of  42  convicts  working  in  Albay  Province  made  a  dash  for 
freedom,  and  40  of  them  got  away. 

With  the  liberty  accorded  them  under  the  new  dominion  the 
Filipinos  have  their  freemason  lodges  and  numerous  casinos}  There 
are  American  clubs  for  all  classes  of  society — the  "  Army  and  Navy,"" 
the  "  University,11  the  "  United  States,"  a  dozen  other  smaller  social 
meeting-houses,  and  societies  with  quaint  denominations  such  as 
"  Knights  of  Pythias,"  "  Haymakers,"  "  Red  Cloud  Tribe,"  "  Knights 
of  the  Golden  Eagle,"  etc.  Other  nationalities  have  their  clubs  too  ; 
the  Cercle  Francais  is  now  located  in  Calk  Alcala  ;  the  English  Club, 
which  was  formerly  at  Nagtajan  on  the  river-bank,  has  been  removed 
to  Ermita  on  the  seashore,  and  under  the  new  regime  the  Chinese 
have  their  club-house,  opened  in  1904,  in  Calle  Dasmarinas,  where  a 
reception  was  given  to  the  Gov.-General  and  the  elite  of  Manila  society. 
The  entertainment  was  very  sumptuous,  the  chief  attractions  being  the 
fantastic  decorations,  the  gorgeous  "joss  house"  to  a  dead  hero,  and 
the  chapel  in  honour  of  the  Virgin  del  Pilar. 

Several  new  theatres  have  been  opened,  the  leading  one  being  the 
National,  now  called  the  "  Grand  Opera  House  "  ;  comedy  is  played  at 
the  Paz ;  the  Zorrilla  (of  former  times)  is  fairly  well-built,  but  its 
acoustic  properties  are  extremely  defective,  and  the  other  playhouses 
are,  more  properly  speaking,  large  booths,  such  as  the  Libertad,  the 
Tqft,  the  Variedades,  and  the  Rizal.  In  the  last  two  very  amusing 
Tagalog  plays  are  performed  in  dialect.  There  is  one  large  music- 
hall,  and  a  number  of  cinematograph  shows  combined  with  variety 
entertainments. 

There  are  numerous  second-  and  third-rate  hotels  in  the  city  and 
suburbs.  The  old  "  Fonda  Lala,"  which  existed  for  many  years  in  the 
Plaza  del  Conde,  Binondo,  as  the  leading  hotel  in  Spanish  days,  is 
now  converted  into  a  large  bazaar,  called  the  "  Siglo  XX.,"  and  its 
successor,  the  "  Hotel  de  Oriente,"  was  purchased  by  the  Insular 
Government  for  use  as  public  offices.  The  old  days  of  comfortable 
hackney-carriages  in  hundreds  about  the  Manila  streets,  at  50  cents  Mex. 
an  hour,  are  gone  for  ever.  One  may  now  search  hours  for  one,  and,  if 
found,  have  to  pay  four  or  five  times  the  old  tariff.  Besides  the  fact 
that  everything  costs  more,  the  scarcity  is  due  to  Surra  {vide  p.  336), 
which  has  enormously  reduced  the  pony  stock.  There  are  occasionally 
sales  of  American  horses,  and  it  is  now  one  of  the  novelties  to  see  them 
driven  in  carriages,  and  American  ladies  riding  straddle-legged  on  tall 
hacks.  In  Spanish  days  no  European  gentleman  or  lady  could  be  seen 
1  The  first  Philippine  club  was  opened  on  November  (i,  1898. 


Innovations  under  American  rule  559 


in  a  carroniata  l  (gig)  about  Manila  ;  now  this  vehicle  is  in  general  use 
for  both  sexes  of  all  classes.  Bicycles  were  known  in  the  Islands  ten 
years  ago,  but  soon  fell  into  disuse  on  account  of  the  bad  roads ; 
however,   this  means  of  locomotion  is  fast  reviving. 

The  Press  is  represented  by  a  large  number  of  American,  Spanish 
and  dialect  newspapers.    These  last  were  not  permitted  in  Spanish  times. 

Innumerable  laundries,  barbers'  shops,  Indian  and  Japanese  bazaars, 
shoe-black  stalls,  tailors'1  shops,  book-shops,  restaurants,  small  hotels, 
sweetmeat  stalls,  newspaper  kiosks,  American  drinking-bars,  etc.,  have 
much  altered  the  appearance  of  the  city.  The  Filipino,  who  formerly 
drank  nothing  but  water,  now  quaffs  his  iced  keg-beer  or  cocktail  with 
great  gusto,  but  civilization  has  not  yet  made  him  a  drunkard. 
American  drinking-shops,  or  "  saloons,'"  as  they  call  them,  are  all  over 
the  place,  except  in  certain  streets  in  Binondo,  where  they  have  been 
prohibited,  as  a  public  nuisance,  since  April  1, 1901.  It  was  ascertained 
at  the  time  of  the  American  occupation  that  there  were  2,206  native 
shops  in  Manila  where  drinks  were  sold,  yet  no  native  was  ever  seen 
drunk.  This  number  was  compulsorily  reduced  to  400  for  a  native 
population  of  about  190,000,  whilst  the  number  of  ''saloons11  on 
February  1,  1900,  was  224  for  about  5,000  Americans  (exclusive  of 
soldiers,  who  presumably  would  not  be  about  the  drinking-bars  whilst  the 
war  was  on).  But  "  saloon 11  licences  are  a  large  source  of  revenue  to 
the  municipality,  the  cost  being  from  $1,200  gold  downwards  per 
annum.  A  "  saloon,11  however,  cannot  now  be  established  in  defiance  of 
the  general  wishes  of  the  neighbours.  There  is  a  law  (similar  in 
spirit  to  the  proposed  Option  Law  in  England)  compelling  the 
intending  "  saloon 11  keeper  to  advertise  in  several  papers  for  several 
days  his  intention  to  open  such  a  place,  so  that  the  public  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  opposing  that  intention  if  they  desire  to  do  so. 

The  American  advent  has  abolished  the  peaceful  solitude  of  the 
Walled  City  where,  in  Spanish  days,  dwelt  the  friar  in  secluded  sanctity 
— where  dignitaries  and  officials  were  separated  by  a  river  from  the 
bubbling  world  of  money-makers.  An  avalanche  of  drinking-bars, 
toilet-saloons,  restaurants,  livery  stables,  and  other  catering  concerns  has 
invaded  the  ancient  abodes  of  men  who  made  Philippine  history.  The 
very  names  of  the  city  streets  remind  one  of  so  many  episodes  in  the 
Islands1  progress  towards  civilization  that  to-day  one  is  led  to  pause  in 
pensive  silence  before  the  escutcheon  above  the  door  of  what  was  once  a 
noble  residence,  to  read  below  a  wall-placard,  "  Horses  and  buggies  for 

hire.     The   best    turn-out  in    the    city.     Telephone  No.  .11     This 

levelling  spirit  is  gradually  converting  the  historic  Walled  City  into  a 
busy  retail  trading-centre.     For  a  long  time  the  question  of  demolishing 

1  The  carromata  is  a  two-wheeled  spring  vehicle  with  a  light  roof  to  keep  off 
the  sun  and  rain.  In  Spanish  times  it  was  commonly  used  by  the  natives  in  Manila 
and  by  all  classes  in  the  provinces,  being  a  light,  strong,  and  useful  conveyance. 


500  The  Insular  Government 

the  city  walls  has  been  debated.  Surely  those  who  advocate  the  destruc- 
tion of  this  fine  historical  monument  cannot  be  of  that  class  of 
Americans  whose  delight  is  to  travel  thousands  of  miles,  at  great  ex- 
pense, only  to  glance  at  antiquities  not  more  interesting,  in  the  possession 
of  others,  and  who  would  fain  transport  Shakespeare's  house  bodily  to 
American  soil.  The  moat  surrounding  the  Walled  City  is  already  being 
filled  up,  but  posterity  will  be  grateful  for  the  preservation  of  those 
ancient  bulwarks — landmarks  of  a  decadent  but  once  glorious  civilization. 
Most  of  the  Spanish  feast-days  have  been  abolished,  including  the 
St.  Andrew's  day  {vide  Li-  ma-hong,  p.  50),  and  the  following  have  been 
officially  substituted,  viz.  : — 

New  Yeai''s  Day    .         .  January  1  Independence  Day  .  July  4 

Washington's  birthday  .   February  22  Occupation  Day    .  .  August  13 

Holy  Thursday      .                   —        —  Thanksgiving  Day  .  November  24 

Good  Friday           .         .         —         —  Christmas  Day       .  .  December  25 

Decoration  Day      .          .   May  31  Rizal  Day      .         .  .  December  30 

Manila  was  formerly, the  capital  of  the  province  of  that  name,  as 
well  as  the  Philippine  metropolis.  Since  the  American  occupation  the 
city  and  suburbs  form  a  kind  of  federal  zone  ;  what  was  once  Manila 
Province  is  now  known  as  Rizal  Province,  and  with  it  is  incorporated 
that  territory  formerly  designated  Morong  District,  the  capital  town  of 
this  newly-created  province  being  Pasig. 

The  Municipal  Board  of  Manila  is  composed  of  five  persons,  namely  a 
Philippine  mayor  and  one  Philippine  and  three  American  members,  who 
are  practically  all  nominees  of  the  Insular  Government.  The  emolument 
of  the  mayor  and  of  each  member  is  $4,500.  The  Board,  assisted  by 
a  staff  of  20  persons,  native  and  American,  has  the  control  of  the 
ten  following  departments,  viz.  : — Police,  Fire,  Law,  Police  Courts, 
Justice  of  the  Peace  Courts,  Public  Works,  Assessments  and  Collections, 
Deeds  Register,  City  Schools,  and  Sheriffs  Office  connected  with  the 
government  of  the  federal  zone  of  Manila. 

Manila  is  the  seat  of  the  Insular  Government,  which  comprises  (1) 
the  Philippine  Commission  (Legislative),  composed  of  eight  members, 
of  whom  five  (including  the  president)  are  Americans  and  three  are 
Filipinos  ;  (2)  the  Civil  Commission  (Executive),  the  president  of  which 
holds  the  dual  office  of  President  of  the  Philippine  Commission  and 
Gov.-General,  whilst  the  four  secretaries  of  Interior,  Finance  and 
Justice,  Public  Instruction,  and  Commerce  and  Police  are  those  same 
Americans  who  hold  office  as  members  of  the  Philippine  Commission. 
The  Philippine  Commission  is  empowered  to  pass  statutes,  subject  to 
ratification  by  Congress,  the  enacting  clause  being,  By  authority  of  the 
United  States,  he  it  enacted  hy  the  Philippine  Commission.  The  Insular 
Government  communicates  with  the  Washington  Government  through 
the  Department  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  War. 

Up  to  the  end  of  1904  the  chief  authority  in  these  Islands  was 


Emoluments  of  High   Officials 


561 


styled  the  "  Civil  Governor.11     Thenceforth,  by  special  Act  of  Congress, 
the  title  was  changed  to  that  of  "  Governor-General.11 

The  Emoluments  of  the  Members  of  the  Insular  Government,  the 
Chiefs  of  Departments,  and  the  principal  officers  are  as  follows,  viz. l : — 

$  gold 
President  of  the  Philippine  and  Civil  Commissions  ....  20,000 
Pour  American  Members  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  ex-officio 

Members  of  the  Civil  Commission    .....  each  15,500 
Three  Philippine  Members  of  the  Philippine  Commission         .  each     5,000 

Department)! 
Architecture  Bureau  . 
Archives,    Patents,  Copyright   and 

Trade  Marks 
Agriculture  Bureau  . 
Audit  Office       .... 
Bilibid  Prison    .... 
2  Civil  Service  Board  . 
Court  of  First  Instance,  Manila 

do  do  do        provincial 

do  Land  Registration 

do  Customs  Appeal . 

Civil  Hospital    .... 
Civil  Sanatorium  (Benguet) 
Constabulary      .... 
Coast  Guard  and  Transport  Office 
Cold  Storage  and  Ice-Plant 
Customs  and  Immigration  . 
Engineering  Department   . 
Ethnological  Survey  . 
Education  Department 
Forestry  Bureau 
Laboratories  (Gov.)    . 
2  Manila  Port  Works 
Mining  Bureau  .... 
Non-Christian  Tribes  Bureau 
Official  Gazette,  The    . 
-  Purchasing  Agent    . 
Public  Lands  Office   . 
Public  Health    .... 
Public  Printing  Office 
Post  Office  .... 

Public  Lands      .... 
Supreme  Court  .... 
do  do     ...         . 

Treasury  Office .... 
Weather  Bureau 

1  Vide  "  Official  Roster  of  the  Officers  and  Employees  in  the  Civil  Service  in 
the  Philippine  Islands."     Manila,  Bureau  of  Public  Printing,  1904. 

2  Independent  Offices,  i.e.,  not  under  control  of  a  Civil  Commission  Secretary. 

3  Under  the  "■  Cooper  Bill,"  which  came  into  operation  on  March  20,  1905,  the 
Insular  Government  was  authorized  to  increase  the  salaries  of  the  Chief  Justice 
and  the  associated  judges  to  $10,500  and  $10,000  gold  respectively.  Under  the 
same  Act,  judges  of  First  Instance  can  be  called  upon  to  serve  in  the  Supreme 
Court  when  needed  to  form  a  quorum,  for  which  service  they  are  allowed  ten  pesos 
per  day  besides  their  travelling  expenses  from  and  to  the  place  of  their  permanent 
appointments.  By  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  1,314,  the  salaries  of  the  Chief 
Justice  and  associate  judges  were  fixed  at  $10,000  each. 

36 


.     Chief 

.     4,000 

Chief 

.     3,000 

.     Chief 

.     4,000 

Auditor 

.     7,000 

Warden 

.     3,000 

.     Chief  Examiner . 

.     4,000 

.     each  Judge 

.     5,500 

.     Judge          .          .   $4, 

500  to     5,000 

Judge 

.     5,000 

do 

.     4,500 

.     Chief  Physician  . 

.     3,000 

Chief  Physician  . 

.     2,400 

Executive  Officer 

5,500 

Chief  (Navy  pay) 

— 

Superintendent  . 

.     3,600 

.     Collector  of  Customs 

.     7,000 

Consulting  Engineer 

.     5,000 

.     Chief 

.     3,500 

Gen.  Superintendent 

.     6,000 

.     Chief 

.     3,000 

Superintendent  . 

.     6,000 

.     Chief  (Army  pav) 

— 

.     Chief 

.     3,000 

.     Editor 

.     1,800 

. 

.     4,500 

.     Chief 

.     3,200 

.     Commissioner     . 

.     3,500 

.     Public  Printer    . 

.     4,000 

Director 

.     6,000 

.     Chief 

.     3,200 

Chief  Justice  3    . 

.     7,500 

each  associate  Judge :' 

.     7,000 

.     Treasurer  . 

.     7,000 

.     Director     . 

.     2,500 

562  The  Schurman  Commission 


The  total  cost  of  the  Civil  Service  for  the  year  1903  amounted 
to  8,014,098.77  pesos  {vide  "  Official  Gazette,"  Vol.  II.,  No.  8,  dated 
February  4,  1904),  equal  to  $4,007,049.38  gold. 

At  the  time  of  the  American  occupation  (1898)  the  Government 
was  necessarily  military,  the  first  governor  being  Maj. -General  Elwell 
S.  Otis  up  to  May  5,  1900,  when  he  returned  to  America  and  was 
immediately  succeeded  by  Maj. -General  Arthur  McArthur.  On  January 
20,  1899,  during  General  Otis's  governorship,  a  Commission  of  Inquest 
was  appointed  under  the  presidency  of  Dr.  Jacob  Gould  Schurman 
known  as  the  Schurman  Commission,  which  arrived  in  Manila  on  May  2 
to  investigate  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Islands.  The  Commission  was 
instructed  to  "  endeavour,  without  interference  with  the  military 
"  authorities  of  the  United  States  now  in  control  in  the  Philippines, 
"  to  ascertain  what  amelioration  in  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants 
"  and  what  improvements  in  public  order  may  be  practicable.11  The 
other  members  of  the  Commission  were  Rear-Admiral  George  Dewey, 
Charles  Denby,  Maj. -General  Elwell  S.  Otis,  and  Dean  C.  Worcester. 
Admiral  Dewev,  however,  was  soon  relieved  of  his  obligation  to  remain 
on  the  Commission,  and  sailed  from  Manila  on  May  19  on  the  Olympia 
for  New  York,  via  Europe.  The  commissioners'1  inquiries  into  everything 
concerning  the  Islands,  during  their  few  months1  sojourn,  are  embodied 
in  a  published  report,  dated  December  20,  1900.1  The  War  of 
Independence  was  being  waged  during  the  whole  time,  and  military 
government,  with  full  administrative  powers,  continued,  as  heretofore, 
until  September  1,  1900.  In  the  meantime  the  Washington  Govern- 
ment resolved  that  military  rule  in  the  Islands  should  be  superseded 
by  civil  government.  The  pacified  provinces,  and  those  in  conditions 
considered  fit  for  civil  administration,  were  to  be  so  established,  and 
pending  the  conclusion  of  the  war  and  the  subsidence  of  brigandage, 
the  remainder  of  the  Archipelago  was  to  be  administered  as  military 
districts.  With  this  end  in  view,  on  March  16,  1900,  Judge  William 
H.  Taft 2  was  commissioned  to  the  Islands  and  sailed  from  San  Francisco 
(Cal.)  with  his  four  colleagues,  on  April  15,  for  Manila,  where  he  arrived 
on  June  3.  In  the  three  months1  interval,  pending  the  assumption  of 
legislative  power,  the  Taft  Commission  was  solely  occupied  in  investi- 
gating conditions.  To  each  commissioner  certain  subjects  were  assigned  ; 
for  example,  Mr.  Taft  took  up  the  Civil  Service,  Public  Lands,  and  the 

1  "  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commission,  1900."  Published  by  the  Government 
Printing  Office,  Washington,  1901. 

2  Mr.  William  H.  Taft,  the  first  Civil  Governor  of  the  Philippines,  was  born 
at  Cincinnati  (Ohio)  on  September  15,  18.57.  His  father  was  a  jurist  of  repute, 
diplomat,  and  member  of  the  Cabinet.  After  his  preparatory  schooling'  in  his 
native  town,  W.  H.  Taft  graduated  at  Yale  University  in  1878,  studied  law  at 
Cincinnati  and  was  called  to  the  bar  in  1880.  Since  then  he  held  several  legal 
appointments  up  to  the  year  1900,  when  he  became  a  district  judge,  which  post  he 
resigned  on  being  commissioned  to  the  Philippine  Islands. 


The  Taft  Commission  563 

Friar  questions.  Each  commissioner  held  a  kind  of  Court  of  Inquiry, 
before  which  voluntary  evidence  was  taken.  This  testimony,  later  on, 
appeared  in  print,  and  its  perusal  shows  how  difficult  indeed  it  must 
have  been  for  the  Commission  to  have  distinguished  the  true  from  the 
false,  the  valuable  from  the  trivial.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end 
of  military  rule  in  the  Islands.  "  The  days  of  the  Empire,11  as  the 
military  still  designate  that  period,  were  numbered,  and  yet  not  without 
regret  by  several  native  communities,  as  evidenced  by  the  fact  that 
they  sent  petitions  to  the  authorities  in  Manila  against  the  change  to 
civil  government.  Many  law-abiding  natives  explained  to  me  that 
the  feature  in  military  rule  which  particularly  pleased  them  was  its 
prompt  action — such  a  contrast  to  the  only  civil  government  of  which 
they  had  had  any  experience.  About  two  years  later,  in  1903,  Lieut.- 
Gen.  Miles,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  U.S.  Army,  made  a  tour  in 
the  Islands  and  drew  up  a  report  on  the  conduct  of  military  operations, 
charging  military  officers  with  the  grossest  cruelty  to  the  natives.  A 
Senate  Commission  of  Inquest  was  appointed,  but  it  was  quite  im- 
possible to  prove  anything  conclusively  on  unimpeachable  evidence ;  the 
general  retired  from  his  command  without  the  blessing  of  his  comrades, 
and  the  matter  was  abated. 

The  Philippine  Commission  commenced  its  functions  as  the  legislative 
body,  with  limitary  executive  powers  in  addition,  on  September  1,  1900, 
the  military  governor  continuing  as  the  Chief  Executive  until  July  4, 
1901.  Up  to  that  date  the  civil  executive  authority  in  the  organized 
provinces  was  vested  in  the  military  governor.  From  that  date  Maj.- 
General  Adna  R.  Chaffee  relieved  Maj. -General  McArthur  in  the  sole 
capacity  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  military  division,  the  full 
executive  civil  power  having  been  transferred  to  the  Civil  Commission, 
and  thenceforth  the  Insular  Government  became  constituted  as  it  is  at 
present.  Governor  Taft  pursued  his  investigations  until  February, 
1901,  when  he  started  on  a  provincial  tour,  heard  opinions,  and  tendered 
the  hand  of  peace.  Municipalities  united  at  certain  centres  to  meet 
him  ;  the  rich  vied  with  each  other  to  regale  him  royally  ;  the  crowd 
Hocked  in  from  all  parts  to  greet  him  ;  the  women  smiled  in  their 
gala  dresses ;  the  men  were  obsequiousness  itself ;  delicate  viands 
were  placed  before  him,  and,  like  every  other  intelligent  traveller 
in  these  Islands,  he  was  charmed  by  that  distinguishing  trait  of 
the  Luzon  Islanders — that  hospitality  which  has  no  parity  elsewhere, 
and  for  which  words  cannot  be  found  adequately  to  describe  it  to 
the  reader.  As  Governor  Taft  himself  said  truly,  "  When  a  Filipino 
who  has  a  house  says  it  is  yours,  he  turns  out  his  family  and  puts 
you  in.111  Governor  Taffs  reception  was  only  that  which  had  been 
accorded  to  many  a  personage  before  his  day,  travelling  in  a  style 
befitting  his  rank.  He  returned  to  Manila,  captivated  by  the  fascinating 
1  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  331,  Part  I.,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session. 


564        The  "  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos  "  doctrine 

side  of  Philippine  character  :  the  reverse  side  he  could  never  know  by 
personal  experience,  and  the  natives  secured  in  him  a  champion  of  their 
cause — «  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos."  The  main  object  of  his  official 
progress  was  to  collect  information  for  new  legislation  anent  the 
municipalities.  Civil  government  was  rapidly  established  in  all  the 
provinces  which  were  peaceful  and  otherwise  suitable  for  it.  The  War 
of  Independence  was  drawing  to  a  close  (April,  1902),  and  meanwhile 
Governor  Taft  made  tours  to  Negros,  Cebu,  and  other  islands  to 
explain  and  inaugurate  the  new  regime  based  on  President  McKinley's 
Instructions  to  the  Taft  Commission,  dated  April  7,  1900.  Governor 
Taffs  administration  was  signalized  by  his  complacency  towards  the 
natives,  his  frequent  utterances  favourable  to  their  aspirations,  and  his 
discouragement  of  those  Americans  who  sought  to  make  quick  fortunes 
and  be  g-one.  But  there  were  other  Americans  than  these,  and  his 
favourite  theme,  "  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos,""  aroused  unconcealed 
dissatisfaction  among  the  many  immigrants,  especially  the  ex- volunteers, 
who  not  unnaturally  considered  they  had  won  a  right  to  exploit,  within 
reasonable  bounds,  the  "  new  possession  "  gained  by  conquest.  Adverse 
critics  contended  that  he  unduly  protected  the  Filipino  to  the  prejudice 
of  the  white  man's  interest.  Frank  and  unfettered  encouragement  of 
American  enterprise  would  surely  have  helped  the  professed  policy  of 
the  State,  which  was  to  lead  the  Filipinos  to  habits  of  industry ;  and 
how  could  this  have  been  more  easily  accomplished  than  by  individual 
example  ?  On  the  other  hand,  the  Filipinos,  in  conformity,  regarded 
him  as  their  patron  :  many  were  unconsciously  drawn  to  submission  by 
the  suavity  of  his  rule,  whilst  his  courtesy  towards  the  vanquished 
served  as  the  keynote  to  his  countrymen  to  moderate  their  antipathy 
for  the  native  and  remove  the  social  barriers  to  a  better  understanding. 
And,  in  effect,  his  example  did  serve  to  promote  a  rapprochement 
between  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered. 

Appointed  to  the  Secretaryship  of  War,  ex-Governor  Taft  left  the 
Philippines  in  January,  1904,  to  take  up  his  new  office,  and  was 
succeeded  in  the  presidency  of  the  Philippine  and  Civil  Commissions  by 
Mr.  Luke  E.  Wright.1  On  his  way  back  to  the  United  States  ex- 
Governor  Taft  was  entertained  by  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  and  on  his 
arrival  in  his  native  city  of  Cincinnati  (Ohio)  he  made  a  remarkable 
speech  on  the  subject  of  the  Philippines,  the  published  reports  of  which 
contain  the  following  significant  passage: — '"The  Filipinos  elected  the 
"  provincial  governor  and  we  appointed  the  treasurer.     We  went  there 

1  Mr.  Luke  E.  Wright,  the  second  Civil  Governor  and  first  Gov. -General  of  the 
Philippines,  was  born  in  Tennessee  in  1847,  the  son  of  Judge  Archibald  Wright.  At 
the  age  of  sixteen  he  took  arms  in  the  Confederate  interest  in  the  War  of  Secession. 
Called  to  the  bar  in  1868,  he  became  a  partner  in  his  father's  firm  and  held  several 
important  legal  appointments.  At  the  age  of  twenty-four  he  became  Attorney- 
General,  and  held  this  post  for  eight  years.  A  Democrat  in  politics,  he  is 
a  strong  character,  as  generous  and  courteous  as  he  is  personally  courageous. 


The  Philippine  Civil  Service  565 

"  to  teach  the  Filipinos  honesty,  and  we  appointed  American  treasurers 
"  on  the  theory  that  the  Americans  could  not  steal.  Never,  never  have 
"  I  suffered  the  humiliation  that  came  to  me  when  seventeen  of  our 
"  disbursing  officers,  treasurers,  were  found  defaulters  !  They  are  now 
"  in  Bilibid  prison  serving  out  their  twenty-five  years." 

Since  then  the  Manila  Press  has  recorded  many  cases  of  breach  of 
public  trust  by  those  who  were  sent  to  teach  the  Islanders  how  to  rule 
themselves  {vide  p.  493).  The  financial  loss  arising  from  malfeasance 
on  the  part  of  any  civil  servant  is  made  good  to  the  Treasury  by  a 
Guarantee  Society,  which  gives  a  bond  in  each  case,  whilst  it  takes 
years  to  recover  the  consequent  loss  of  prestige  to  the  State.  The 
obvious  remedy  for  this  state  of  things  would  be  the  establishment  in 
America  of  a  Colonial  Civil  Service  into  which  only  youths  would  be 
admitted  for  training  in  the  several  departments.  Progressive  emolu- 
ment, with  the  prospect  of  a  long,  permanent  career  and  a  pension  at 
the  end  of  it  would  be  inducements  to  efficiency  and  moral  stability. 

The  Philippine  Civil  Service  is  open  to  all  United  States  citizens 
and  Filipinos  between  the  ages  of  18  and  40  years  in  accordance  with 
Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  5,  known  as  the  "  Civil  Service  Act," 
passed  September  19,  1900.  The  service  is  divided  into  "classified" 
and  "  unclassified."  The  former  division  is  strictly  subject  to  the 
provisions  of  the  above  Act ;  the  latter  indicates  the  positions  which 
may  be  filled  by  appointment  without  subjection  to  the  provisions  of 
the  said  Act.  The  Act  declares  its  purpose  to  be  "  the  establishment 
"  and  maintenance  of  an  efficient  and  honest  civil  service  in  the  Philippine 
"  Islands."  American  soldiers  who  have  less  than  six  months  to  serve 
can  apply  for  permission  to  be  examined  for  the  civil  service.  The  Act 
does  not  include  examination  for  civil  positions  in  the  Military  Division 
of  the  Islands,  but  the  Civil  Service  Board  is  empowered  to  hold  such 
examinations  to  fill  vacancies  as  they  may  occur  in  the  nine  military 
departments  which  employ  civilians.  General  examinations,  some  in 
English  only,  others  in  Spanish  only,  or  both,  are  held  every  Monday, 
and  special  examinations  which  include  those  for  scientific,  professional, 
and  technical  positions  are  taken  on  specified  dates.  The  commencing 
salaries  of  the  positions  offered  range  from  $1,200  downwards.  Medical 
attendance  is  furnished  gratis,  and  the  minimum  working  time  is 
six  and  a  half  hours  per  day,  except  from  April  1  until  June  15 — the 
hottest  weather— when  the  minimum  working  day  is  five  hours. 
American  women  are  employed  in  the  Post  Office. 

The  Civil  Commission  is  located  in  the  Walled  City  in  the  building 
which  was  formerly  the  Town  Hall,  a  new  Town  Hall  having  been  built 
outside  the  walls.  Occasionally,  when  public  interest  is  much  aroused 
on  the  subject  of  a  proposed  measure,  the  Commission  announces  that  a 
public  conference  will  be  held  for  the  expression  of  opinion  thereon.  A 
few  persons  state  their  views  before  the  Commissioners,  who  rebut  them 


566  Civil  rule  in  the  Christian  Provinces 

seance  tenante,  and  the  measure,  as  proposed,  usually  becomes  law,  unless 
outside  agitation  and  popular  clamour  induce  the  Commissioners  to 
modify  it.  At  times  the  proceedings  have  been  enlivened  by  sparkling 
humour.  A  worthy  and  patriotic  Filipino  once  gravely  prefaced  his 
speech  thus  :- — "  I  rise  to  speak,  inspired  by  Divine  Right" — but  he  had 
to  wait  until  the  roars  of  laughter  had  subsided.  When  the  "  Sedition 
Act  "  was  being  discussed,  a  less  worthy  auditor  declared  assassination 
of  the  Chief  of  a  State  to  be  merely  a  political  offence.  He  expected 
to  go  to  prison  and  pose  as  a  martyr-patriot,  but  the  Commission 
very  rightly  damped  his  ambition  by  declaring  him  to  be  a  fool 
irresponsible  for  his  acts. 

Philippine  Commission  Acts  are  passed  with  great  rapidity,  amended 
and  re-amended,  sometimes  several  times,  to  the  bewilderment  of  the 
public.  Out  of  862  Acts  passed  up  to  the  end  of  1903,  686  of  them 
were  amended  (some  five  times)  and  on  782  no  public  discussion  was 
allowed.  The  "Internal  Revenue  Law  of  1904"  had  not  been  in 
force  nine  months  when  it  was  amended  (March,  1905)  by  another  law. 
By  Philippine  Commission  Acts  Nos.  127  and  128  the  limits  of  the 
Surigao  and  Misamis  provinces  were  defined  and  afterwards  upset  by 
Act  No.  787.  The  policy  of  the  Americans  anent  the  Philippines 
was  continually  shifting  during  the  first  five  years  of  their  occupation, 
and  only  since  ex-Governor  Taft  became  Secretary  of  War  does  it 
seem  to  have  assumed  a  somewhat  more  stable  character. 

The  Archipelago  is  divided  into  41  provinces  (exclusive  of  the 
Moro  Province,  vide  p.  577),  all  under  civil  rule,  in  accordance  with 
Congress  Act  of  July  1,  1902,  and  War  Office  Order  of  July  4,  1902, 
whereby  the  remainder  of  military  government  ceased.  In  June, 
1904,  nearly  all  the  above  41  provinces  had  native  governors  with 
salaries  ranging  from  $3,000  gold  downwards.  In  most  of  these 
provinces  the  native  governor  and  two  American  officials  of  about 
equal  rank,  such  as  the  Treasurer  and  the  Supervisor,  form  a  Provincial 
Council,  but  the  member  who  disagrees  with  the  vote  of  the  other 
two  can  appeal  to  the  Gov. -General.  After  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence several  insurgent  chiefs  were  appointed  to  provincial 
governments ;  for  instance,  Cailles  in  La  Laguna,  Trias  in  Cavite, 
Climaco  in  Cebu,  etc.  For  obvious  reasons  the  system  is  advantageous. 
Juan  Cailles,  Governor  of  La  Laguna,  is  the  son  of  a  Frenchman 
who  married  a  native  in  one  of  the  French  colonies  and  then  settled 
in  these  Islands.  For  some  time  Juan  Cailles  was  registered  at  the 
French  Consulate  as  a  French  citizen.  As  commander  of  the 
insurgents  of  La  Laguna  and  Tayabas  during  the  War  of  Independence, 
he  maintained  strict  discipline  in  his  troops,  and  energetically  drew  the 
line  between  legitimate  warfare  and  common  freebooting. 

The  provincial  governor  may  be  either  elected  or  appointed  by 
the  Civil  Commission.     If  he  be  a  Filipino,  he  is  usually  elected  by 


Constabulary — Secret  Police  567 

vote  of  the  vice-presidents  (ex-mayors)  and  municipal  councillors  of 
the  province.  The  mayor  of  a  municipality  is  styled  "  Presidente.11 
Every  male  over  twenty-three  years  of  age  who  pays  taxes  amounting 
to  30  pesos,  or  who  possesses  500  pesos1  value  of  goods  is  eligible  for 
election  by  vote  of  the  townspeople.  He  holds  office  for  two  years, 
but  can  be  re-elected  for  a  consecutive  term.  The  municipalities  are 
of  four  classes  according  to  their  importance,  the  mayor's  salary  being 
as  follows,  viz. :  First  class,  1,200  pesos  ;  second  class,  1,000  pesos  ; 
third  class,  800  pesos  ;  and  fourth  class,  600  pesos.  Provincial  justices 
of  the  peace  are  paid  by  litigants1  fees  only.  For  municipal  improve- 
ments, or  other  urgent  necessity,  the  Insular  Government,  from  time 
to  time,  grants  loans  to  municipalities,  repayable  with  interest.  In 
some  cases  two  or  more  towns  have  been  wisely  merged  into  one 
municipality  :  for  instance,  Cauit,  Salinas,  and  Novaleta  (Cavite)  go 
together ;  Baliuag,  Bustos,  and  San  Rafael  (Bulacan)  form  one ; 
Barasoain  and  Malolos  (Bulacan)  are  united ;  as  are  also  Taal  and 
Lemery  (Batangas).  By  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  719  the 
51   municipalities  of  Yloilo  Province  were  reduced  to  17. 

Malolos  is  the  new  capital  of  Bulacan  Province,  and  the  two  former 
provinces  of  Camarines  Norte  and  Camarines  Sur  are  now  one,  under 
the  name  of  Ambos  Camarines.  In  the  dependent  wards  of  towns 
{barrios)  the  municipal  police  are  practically  the  only  official  representa- 
tives ;  the  post  of  lieutenant  (tcniente  de  barrio)  is  gratis  and  onerous, 
and  few  care  to  take  it. 

The  Guardia  Civil  or  Rural  Guard  of  Spanish  times  has  been 
superseded  by  the  Philippine  Constabulary  under  the  supreme  and 
independent  command  of  a  cavalry  captain  (U.S.A.)  holding  local 
rank  of  Brig. -General.  In  the  private  opinion  of  many  regular  army 
officers,  this  force  ought  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  Division 
Commander.  The  officers  are  American,  European,  and  Philippine. 
The  privates  are  Filipinos,  and  the  whole  force  is  about  7,000  sti'ong. 
The  function  of  this  body  is  to  maintain  order  in  rural  districts.  For 
some  time  there  were  cases  of  batches  of  the  rank-and-file  passing 
over  to  the  brigands  whom  they  were  sent  to  disperse  or  capture. 
However,  this  disturbing  element  has  been  gradually  eliminated,  and 
the  Philippine  Constabulary  has  since  performed  very  useful  service. 
Nevertheless,  many  educated  natives  desire  its  improvement  or  sup- 
pression, on  account  of  the  alleged  abuse  of  functions  to  the  prejudice 
of  peaceful  inhabitants  (vide  p.  550). 

Co-operating  with  municipal  police  and  the  Philippine  Constabulary 
there  is  an  organized  Secret  Police  Service.  It  is  a  heterogeneous 
band  of  many  nationalities,  including  Asiatics,  which,  as  an  executive 
force  to  investigate  crimes  known  to  have  been  committed,  renders  good 
service ;  as  an  initiative  force,  with  power,  with  or  without  authority,  to 
molest  peaceful  citizens  in  quest  of  imaginary  misdemeanours,  in  order 


.568  The  Vagrant  Act 


to  justify  the  necessity  of  its  employment,  it  is  an  unwelcome  institution 
to  all,  especially  the  lower-middle  and  common  classes,  amongst  whom 
it  can  operate  with  greater  impunity. 

Not  unfrequently  when  a  European  nation  acquires  a  new  tropical 
possession,  the  imaginative  mind  discovers  therein  unbounded  wealth 
which  the  eye  cannot  see,  hidden  stores  of  gold  procurable  only  by 
manual  labour,  and  fortune-making  possibilities  awaiting  whosoever 
has  the  courage  to  reveal  them.  The  propagation  of  these  fallacious 
notions  always  allures  to  the  new  territory  a  crowd  of  ne'er-do-weels, 
amongst  the  bond  Jide  workers,  who  ultimately  become  loafers  preying 
upon  the  generosity  of  the  toilers.  This  class  was  not  wanting  in  the 
Philippines  ;  some  had  followed  the  army  ;  others  who  had  finished 
their  term  of  voluntary  military  service  elected  to  remain  in  the 
visionary  El  Dorado.  Some  surreptitiously  opened  drinking-shanties ; 
others  exploited  feminine  frailty  or  eked  out  an  existence  by  beggarly 
imposition,  and  it  was  stated  by  a  provincial  governor  that,  to  his 
knowledge,  at  one  time,  there  were  80  of  this  class  in  his  province.1 
The  number  of  undesirables  Avas  so  great  that  it  became  necessary  for 
the  Insular  Government  to  pass  a  Vagrant  Act,  under  which  the  loafer 
could  be  arrested  and  disposed  of.  The  Act  declares  vagrancy  to  be  a 
misdemeanour,  and  provides  penalties  therefor  ;  but  it  has  always  been 
interpreted  in  a  generous  spirit  of  pity  for  the  delinquent,  to  whom  the 
option  of  a  free  passage  home  or  imprisonment  was  given,  generally 
resulting  in  his  quitting  the  Islands.  This  measure,  which  brought 
honour  to  its  devisers  and  relief  to  society,  was,  in  a  few  instances, 
abused  by  those  who  feigned  to  be  vagrants  in  order  to  secure  the 
passage  home,  but  these  were  judiciously  dealt  with  by  a  regulation 
imposing  upon  them  a  short  period  of  previous  training  in  stone-breaking 
to  fit  them  for  active  life  in  the  homeland. 

The  following  General  Order  was  issued  by  the  Division  Commander 
in  January,  1905,  viz. : — 

It  is  reported  by  the  Civil  Governor  that  in  several  places  in 
Luzon  there  have  gathered  numbers  of  dishonourably  discharged 
men  from  the  army  who  are  a  hindrance  to  progress  and  good 
order.  The  Division  Commander  desires  that  in  future  no  dis- 
honourably discharged  soldiers  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the  Islands, 
where  their  presence  is  very  undesirable.  It  is  therefore  directed 
that,   in    acting   on    cases  where    the    sentence    is    dishonourable 

1  "Should  we  wish  the  Filipino  people  to  judge  of  Americans  by  the  drunken, 
"  truculent  American  loafers  who  infest  the  small  towns  of  the  Islands,  living  on 
"  the  fruits  of  the  labour  of  Filipino  women,  and  who  give  us  more  trouble  than 
"any  other  element  in  the  Islands?  Should  we  wish  the  Filipino  people  to  judge 
"  of  American  standards  of  honesty  by  reading  the  humiliating  list  of  American 
"official  and  unofficial  defaulters  in  these  Islands?" — Extract  from  Governor  W.  11. 
TajYs  speech  at  the  Union  Reading  College,  Manila,  in  1903,  quoted  in  "  Population 
of  the  Philippines,"  Bulletin  1,  p.  9.     Published  by  the  Bureau  of  the  Census,  190-4. 


Army  strength — Military  division 


569 


discharge  without  confinement,  the  dishonourable  discharge  be 
made  to  take  effect  after  arrival  in  San  Francisco,  where  the 
men  so  discharged  should  be  sent  by  first  transport. 

The  Philippine  Archipelago  is  a  military  division  under  the  supreme 
command  of  a  Maj. -General.  The  commanders,  since  the  taking  of 
Manila  (1898),  have  been  successively  Maj. -Generals  Merritt,  Otis, 
McArthur,  Chaffee,  Davis,  Wade,  Corbin,  and  Wood. 

The  Division  is  administratively  subdivided  into  three  departments, 
namely  Luzon,  Visayas,  and  Mindanao,  the  two  former  being  com- 
manded by  Brig. -Generals  and  the  last  by  a  Maj. -General. 

The  Department  of  Luzon,  headquarters  at  Manila,  includes  the 
following  principal  islands,  viz.  Luzon,  Catanduanes,  Romblon,  Masbate, 
Marinduque,  Mindoro,  Sibuyan,  Polillo,  Ticao,  Tablas,  Lucbang,  and 
Burias. 

The  Department  of  Visayas,  headquarters  at  Yloilo,  embraces  the 
islands  of  Cebu,  Negros,  Panay,  Leyte,  Samar,  and  Bojol. 

The  Department  of  Mindanao,  headquarters  at  Zamboanga,  includes 
all  the  remaining  islands  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago. 

STATEMENT  OF  ARMY   STRENGTH   IN  THE   PHILIPPINES 
ON  JUNE   30,    1904 l 


Present. 

Absent. 

Present  and  Absent. 

Officers. 

Troops. 

Officers. 

Troops. 

Officers. 

Troops. 

General  Officers 

5 

0 

0 

0 

5 

0 

Gen.  Staff  Officers    . 

45 

0 

4 

0 

49 

0 

Non. -Com. Officers  at  posts 

0 

109 

0 

0 

0 

109 

Medical  Department 

93 

919 

10 

0 

103 

919 

2  Contract  Surgeons 

03 

0 

22 

0 

85 

0 

2  Contract  Dental  Surgeons 

17 

0 

o 

0 

17 

0 

Engineers 

25 

395 

1 

7 

26 

402 

Signal  Corps    . 

7 

353 

2 

1 

9 

354 

Ordnance  Corps 

2 

49 

0 

2 

2 

51 

Officers  temporarily  in  the 

Division 

33 

0 

0 

0 

33 

0 

Total  Cavalry  . 

172 

2,903 

27 

32 

199 

2,935 

Total  Artillery 

9 

293 

3 

0 

12 

293 

Total  Infantry. 

356 

7,020 

78 

70 

434 

7,090 

Total  American  Forces 

827 

12,041 

147 

112 

974 

12,153 

Philippine  Scouts 

77 

4,565 

23 

413 

100 

4,978 

Total  Strength    . 

904 

16,606 

170 

525 

1,074 

17,131 

1  From  a  statement  kindly  furnished  to  me  by  the  Adjutant-General,  Colonel 
W.   A  Simpson  (Manila). 

2  A    "  contract "    Surgeon  or   Dental  Surgeon   is  a  civilian  who  comes  to  the 
Islands  on  a  three-years'  contract.     He  is  only  temporarily  an  Army  officer. 

General  Officers'  pay  is  as  follows  ;  viz.  : — 

Lieut. -General,  Active  Service  $11,000;  retired  $8,250  gold. 

Maj. -General,         „  „      ,,  7,500 ;       „       ,,5,625    „ 

Brig. -General,        ,,  „      ,,  5,500 ;       ,,       ,,4,125    „ 

The  monthly  pay  of  a  private  serving  in  the  Islands  is  $15.60  gold. 


570  Scout  Corps — Military  prison 

Besides  the  American  troops,  there  is  a  voluntary  enlistment  of 
Filipinos,  forming  the  Philippine  Scout  Corps,  a  body  of  rural  police 
supplementary  to  the  constabulary,  commanded  by  a  major  and  100 
American  first  and  second  lieutenants.  Until  recently  the  troops  were 
stationed  over  the  Islands  in  98  camps  and  garrison  towns,  as  follows, 
viz. : — In  the  Department  of  Luzon  76,  Visayas  8,  and  Mindanao  14  ; 
but  this  number  is  now  considered  unnecessarily  large  and  is  being 
reduced  to  effect  economy. 

The  Army,  Navy,  and  Philippine  Scouts  expenses  are  entirely 
defrayed  by  the  United  States  Treasury.  A  military  prison  is  established 
in  the  little  Island  of  Malahi,  in  the  Laguna  de  Bay,  whence  the  escape 
of  a  prisoner  is  signalled  by  three  shots  from  a  cannon,  and  whoever 
captures  him  receives  a  <|30-reward.  As  the  original  notice  to  this 
effect  required  the  recovery  of  the  prisoner  "  alive  or  dead,-"  two  armed 
natives  went  in  pursuit  of  an  American  soldier.  To  be  quite  sure  of 
their  prey  they  adopted  the  safe  course  of  killing  him  first.  Such  an 
unexpected  interpretation  of  the  notice  as  the  grim  spectacle  of  an 
American's  head  was  naturally  repugnant  to  the  authorities,  and  the 
"  alive  or  dead  "  condition  was  thenceforth  expunged. 


571 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

THE   LAND   OF  THE   MOROS 

"  Allah  akbar  !  " 

The  Military  Department  of  Mindanao  comprises  the  large  island 
of  that  name  and  the  adjacent  insular  territories  inhabited  chiefly  by 
Mahometans,  called  by  the  Christians  Mows  (vide  p.  129,  et  seq.). 

The  natural  features  of  these  southern  islands  are,  in  general, 
similar  to  those  of  the  other  large  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  but  being 
peopled  by  races  (exclusive  of  the  settlers)  of  different  habits,  customs, 
religions,  and  languages,  some  aggressively  savage  and  warlike,  others 
more  or  less  tractable,  but  all  semi-civilized,  the  social  aspect  is  so 
distinct  from  that  of  the  islands  inhabited  by  the  christian  Filipinos 
as  almost  to  appear  like  another  quarter  of  the  tropical  globe. 

Early  in  the  year  1899  General  John  C.  Bates  was  appointed  to 
the  command  of  the  Mahometan  islands.     In  Mindanao  Island  there 
was  no   supreme  chieftain  with  whom  to  treat  for  the  gradual  intro- 
duction   of    civilization    and   American    methods,    the   whole   territory 
being  parcelled  out  and  ruled   by  petty  Sultans,  Dattos  or  chiefs,  in 
separate  independence.     In  the  Lake  Lanao  district,  for  instance,  there 
is  at  least  one  Datto  for  every  50  men.     The  only  individual  who  had 
any  pretence  to  general  control  of  the  Mahometan  population  was  Hadji l 
Mohammad  Jamalul  Kiram,  the  Sultan  of  Sulu 2  (vide  p.  141).     There- 
fore,  in  August,  1899,  General  Bates  and  this  petty  prince  made  an 
agreement  which  was  ratified  by  Congress  on  February  1  following,  on 
the  recommendation  of  the  Schurman  Commission  (vide  p.  562),  and 
thenceforth  came  into   force.      The  principal  conditions  of  this  con- 
vention were :    (1)  The    Sultan's  dignity  and  certain  monopoly  rights 
were  recognized   under  American  suzerainty.     (2)  An  annual  pension 
of  3,000  pesos  was  secured  to  him,  and  annual  salaries  ranging  from 
180  to  900  pesos  were  to  be  paid  to  eight  of  his   Dattos   and   one 
priest.     (3)  A  Moro  accused  of  crime  was   to    be   tried   by  a    Moro 
judge,  the  maximum  penalty  for  murder  being  fixed  at  105  pesos  (equal 

1  Hadji  signifies  Knight,  a  title  which  any  Mahometan  can  assume  after  having 
made  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca. 

2  The  Americans  occupied  and  the  Spaniards  evacuated  Jolo  on  May  20,  1899. 


572      The  Bates  Agreement  with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu 

to  about  ten  guineas),  which  was  a  fair  price  in  this  region,  from  the 
Moro  point  of  view,  for  life  here  is  held  very  cheap.  (4)  Absconding 
Americans  or  Sulus  were  to  be  mutually  surrendered.  (5)  The 
Americans  were  (a)  to  protect  the  Sultan  against  encroachments  by 
foreigners  or  European  nations ;  (b)  not  to  take  arms  against  the 
Sulus  without  consulting  the  Sultan  ;  (c)  not  to  transfer  their  dominion 
over  Jolo  to  others  except  in  agreement  with  the  Sultan  ;  (d)  to  be 
at  liberty  to  occupy  any  place  in  the  Sultan's  domains  without 
trespassing  on  lands  about  the  royal  residence,  except  as  a  military 
necessity  of  war  with  a  foreign  Power  ;  (e)  not  to  interfere  with  the 
Mahometan  religion,  or  its  rites,  or  its  customs ;  (f)  not  to  travel 
about  Sulu  Island  without  the  permission  of  the  Sultan,  who  would 
provide  an  escort.  (6)  The  American  flag  was  to  be  used  on  land 
and  at  sea.  (7)  The  Sulus  were  to  be  free  to  carry  their  native  arms. 
(8)  The  Sultan  was  at  liberty  to  collect  tribute  everywhere  in  his 
domains,  and  to  have  the  right  of  direct  intercourse  with  the  American 
Gov. -General. 

In  consideration  of  the  above,  the  Sultan  undertook  to  maintain 
order  between  his  Dattos,  to  repress  internecine  warfare,  and  gradually  to 
abolish  slavery  throughout  his  jurisdiction. 

Apparently  the  Sultan  entered  into  the  agreement  much  in  the  spirit 
of  Mr.  Micawber,  who  signed  the  I.O.U.,s  and  thanked  God  his  debts 
were  paid.  The  ruler  of  Sulu  was  not  over-willing  and  far  less  able  to 
give  effect  to  its  conditions,  his  power  being  more  nominal  than  real  in 
his  own  possessions,  and  in  Mindanao  almost  nil^  Nevertheless,  it  was 
a  politic  measure  on  the  Americans1  part,  because  its  non-fulfilment 
opened  the  way  for  the  adoption,  with  every  appearance  of  justification, 
of  more  direct  and  coercive  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  this  region. 
General  Bates  was  succeeded  by  other  generals  in  the  command  of  this 
district,  without  any  very  visible  progress  towards  definite  pacification 
and  subjection  to  civilization.  The  military  posts  on  the  coasts, 
evacuated  by  the  Spaniards,  were  occupied  by  American  troops  and  new 
ones  were  created,  but  every  attempt  to  establish  law  and  order  beyond 
their  limits,  on  the  white  man's  system,  was  wasted  effort.  When  the 
Spanish- American  War  broke  out,  the  Spanish  military  authorities  were 
on  the  point  of  maturing  a  plan  for  the  final  conquest  of  Mindanao. 
Due  to  the  persistent  activity  of  my  old  friend  General  Gonzalez  Parrado, 
they  had  already  achieved  much  in  the  Lake  Lanao  district,  through 
the  Marahui  campaign.  On  the  evacuation  of  the  Spaniards  the 
unrestrained  petty  chiefs  were  like  lions  released  from  captivity.  Blood- 
shed, oppression,  extortion,  and  all  the  instinctive  habits  of  the  shrewd 
savage  were  again  rife.  A  preconcerted  plan  of  campaign  brings  little 
definite  result ;  it  never  culminates  in  the  attainment  of  any  final  issue, 
for,  on  the  native  side,  there  is  neither  union  of  tribes  nor  any  combined 
organized    attempt  at   even  guerilla  warfare,  hence  the  destruction  of 


The  warKke  dattos  and  their  clansmen  573 

a  cotta  or  the  decimation  of  a  clan  has  no  immediate  and  lasting  moral 
effect  on  the  neighbouring  warlike  tribe.  Life  is  cheap  among  them  ; 
a  Moro  thinks  no  more  about  lopping  off  another's  head  than  he  does 
about  pulling  a  cocoanut  from  the  palm-tree.  The  chief  abhors  the 
white  man  because  he  interferes  with  the  chiefs  living  by  the  labour  of 
his  tribe,  and  the  tribesman  himself  is  too  ignorant  even  to  contemplate 
emancipation.  Subservience  to  the  bidding  of  the  wily  Datto,  poverty, 
squalidity,  and  tribal  warfare  for  bravado  or  interest  seem  as  natural 
to  the  Moro  as  the  sight  of  the  rising  sun.  Hence,  when  the  Americans 
resolved  to  change  all  this  and  marched  into  the  tribal  territories  for 
the  purpose,  the  war-gongs  rallied  the  fighting-men  to  resist  the  dreaded 
foe,  unconscious  of  his  mission  of  liberty  under  the  star-spangled  banner. 
The  sorrows  or  the  joys  of  one  tribe  are  no  concern  of  the  other  ;  thus 
there  was  seldom,  if  ever,  any  large  combination  of  forces,  and  the 
Americans  might  be  fighting  hard  in  the  Taraca  country,  or  around 
the  Lanao  Lake,  whilst  the  neighbouring  clan  silently  and  doggedly 
awaited  its  turn  for  hostilities.  The  signal  for  the  fray  would  be  the 
defiant  reply  of  a  chief  to  the  Americans'1  message  demanding  submission, 
or  a  voluntary  throwing  down  of  the  gauntlet  to  the  invader,  for  the 
Moro  is  valiant,  and  knows  no  cringing  cowardice  before  the  enemy. 
Troops  would  be  despatched  to  the  cotta,  or  fortress,  of  the  recalcitrant 
ruler,  whence  the  lantaca  cannon  would  come  into  action,  whilst  the 
surging  mob  of  warriors  would  open  fire  in  squads,  or  rush  forward  in 
a  body,  barong  or  kris  in  hand,  only  to  be  mown  down,  or  put  to  flight 
and  the  cotta  razed  to  the  ground.  A  detailed  account  of  the  military 
operations  in  these  islands  would  be  but  a  tedious  recital  of  continuous 
struggles  with  the  irresistible  white  man.  In  Mindanao,  the  Malanao 
tribes,  occupying  the  northern  regions  around  the  Lake  Lanao  districts, 
seem  to  have  offered  the  most  tenacious  resistance.  On  April  5,  1902, 
a  fierce  encounter  with  the  Bacdlod  tribes  ended  with  their  fort  being 
destroyed,  .120  Moros  killed,  and  11  Americans  wounded.  In  the 
following  month  the  bloody  battle  of  Bayan  brought  such  disastrous 
results  to  the  natives  that  they  willingly  accepted  peace  for  the  time 
being.  In  the  Taraca  River  engagement,  10  cottas  were  destroyed,  250 
Moros  were  killed,  52  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  booty  amounted  to 
36  cannon  and  60  rifles.  The  Moros  possessed  a  large  number  of 
Remington  rifles,  looted  from  the  Spaniards,  on  whom  they  had  often 
made  surprise  raids.  The  Bacdlod  and  the  Taraca  tribes,  although 
frequently  defeated,  gave  much  trouble  long  after  the  other  districts  had 
been  forced  into  submission. 

One  of  the  most  exciting  expeditions  was  that  of  Lieutenant  Forsyth, 
who  went  out  reconnoitring  with  15  men,  marching  from  Parang-Parang 
Camp  northwards.  Moros  came  to  meet  him  on  the  way  to  warn  him 
not  to  advance,  but  Forsyth  bravely  pushed  on  until  his  party,  surrounded 
by  hundreds  of  hostile  natives,  was  almost  all  destroyed.     Forsyth  and 


574  Captain  Pershings  heroic  exploits 

his  fellow-survivors  fled  into  an  unknown  region,  where  they  lost 
themselves,  and  all  would  have  perished  had  they  not  been  befriended 
by  a  Datto  who  enabled  them  to  get  back.  Then  Colonel  (now  Brig.- 
General)  F.  D.  Baldwin  set  out  from  Malabang  Camp  in  May,  attacked 
and  captured  the  cottas  of  the  Datto  of  Binadayan  and  the  Sultan  of 
Bayan  on  Lake  Lanao,  and  gained  a  signal  victory  over  them  with  a 
loss  of  seven  killed  and  44  wounded.  Lieutenant  Forsyth's  horses  and 
rifles  were  recovered,  and  the  Moros  suffered  so  severely  in  this  engage- 
ment that  it  was  hardly  thought  they  would  rise  again.  In  consequence 
of  this  humiliation  of  the  great  Sultan  of  Bayan,  many  minor  Lake 
Dattos  voluntarily  cultivated  friendly  relations  with  the  Americans. 
Even  among  the  recalcitrant  chiefs  there  was  a  lull  in  their  previous 
activity  until  they  suddenly  swept  down  on  the  American  troops  twelve 
times  in  succession,  killing  four  and  wounding  12  of  them.  The  whole 
Lanao  Lake  district  was  in  a  ferment  when,  on  September  28,  1902, 
Captain  John  J.  Pershing  was  detached  from  Baldwin's  force  to  lead 
another  expedition  against  them  "  composed  of  a  battalion  of  the 
7th  Infantry,  a  troop  of  the  15th  Cavalry,  and  two  platoons  of  the 
25th  Field  Artillery.11 1  Pershing  inflicted  such  a  crushing  defeat  on 
the  Macui  Moros,  destroying  many  of  their  strongholds,  one  Sultan 
and  a  large  number  of  his  warriors,  that  he  was  hailed  with  delight 
as  the  pacifier  of  Mindanao.  The  expedition  returned  with  a  total 
loss  of  only  two  Americans  wounded,  and  after  Pershing's  heroic 
exploit,  not  only  was  it  in  the  mouth  of  every  one,  "  there  is 
peace  in  Mindanao,"  but  in  the  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War 
for  1902,  p.  19,  there  is  a  paragraph  beginning  thus  : — "  Note  that 
"  the  insurrection  has  been  disposed  of  we  shall  be  able  to  turn  our 
"  attention,  not  merely  to  the  slave  trade,  but  to  the  already  existing 
"  slavery  among  the  Moros.11  But  peace  was  by  no  means  assured,  and 
again  Captain  J.  J.  Pershing  distinguished  himself  as  the  successful 
leader  of  an  expedition  in  the  Marahui  district.  Starting  from  Camp 
Vicars2  on  April  5,  1903,  with  150  men,  Maxim  guns,  mortars,  and 
artillery,  his  instructions  were  to  "  explore ,''  the  north  and  west  coast 
of  Lake  Lanao,  but  to  overcome  any  opposition  offered.  It  was  quite 
expected  that  his  progress  would  be  challenged,  hence  the  warlike 
preparations.  Arrived  at  Sugud,  the  Moros  kept  up  a  constant  fire 
from  the  hills  on  the  American  front.  On  the  high  ridge  running  down 
to  the  lake  the  Bacolod  fort  was  clearly  seen  flying  the  battle  flags  of 
defiance.  On  the  battlements  there  was  a  yelling  crowd  of  Moros 
beating  their  gongs,  rushing  to  and  fro,  flourishing  their  weapons,  and 
firing  their  lantaca  cannon  towards  the  Americans  ;  but  the  range  was 
too  great  to  have  any  effect.     The  artillery  was  brought  into  action, 

1  Vide  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  for  1902,  p.  18. 

2  Camp  Vicars  is  said  to  have  an  elevation  of  2,000  feet  above  the  sea.     Lake 
Lanao  is  reputed  to  be  1,500  feet  above  sea-level. 


Storming  the  Cottas  ;  American  pluck  575 

forcing  many  of  the  Moros  to  try  their  fortunes  in  the  open  ;  but  again 
and  again  they  were  repulsed,  and  by  nightfall  the  Bacdlod  ridge  was 
occupied  by  the  troops.  The  next  morning  the  mortars  were  brought 
into  play,  and  shells  were  dropped  into  the  fort  during  all  that  day  and 
night.  On  the  third  day  Captain  Pershing  decided  to  storm  the  fort ; 
bridges  were  constructed  across  the  ravines,  Maxim  guns  poured  shot 
through  the  loopholes,  and  finally  an  assault  party  of  10  men  rushed 
across  the  bridge  and  climbed  the  parapet,  where  they  were  met  by  the 
Moros,  with  whom  they  had  a  desperate  hand-to-hand  fight.  It  was  a 
fine  display  of  American  pluck.  The  attacking  party  was  quickly 
supported  bv  more  troops,  who  either  killed  or  captured  the  defenders. 
Finally  all  the  combustible  portion  of  the  fort  was  burnt  to  the  ground, 
12  cannon  were  captured,  and  about  60  Moros  were  slain.  The 
demolition  of  Bacolod  fort  was  a  great  surprise  to  the  Moros,  who  had 
considered  it  impregnable,  whilst  the  defeat  of  the  savage  Sultan  (the 
Panandungan)  destroyed  for  ever  his  former  unlimited  prestige  among 
the  tribe.  The  force  was  then  divided,  and  before  the  troops  reached 
camp  again  there  were  several  smaller  fights,  including  the  bombardment 
of  Calahui  cotta.  The  distance  traversed  by  this  expedition  was  about 
80  miles,  the  American  losses  being  one  man  killed  and  two  officers  and 
14  men  wounded.  For  this  signal  victory  the  War  Department  cabled 
its  thanks  to  Captain  J.  J.  Pershing  on  May  11. 

As  to  the  management  of  the  Moros,  Captain  J.  J.  Pershing 
expresses  the  following  just  opinion,  viz.  : — "  As  far  as  is  consistent  with 
"  advancement,  a  government  by  a  Sultan,  or  a  Datto,  as  the  case  may 
"  be,  should  be  disturbed  as  little  as  possible  ;  that  is,  the  people  should 
"  be  managed  through  the  Dattos  themselves,11  etc. l 

The  last  general  in  command  of  the  District  of  Mindanao,  prior 
to  the  present  constitution  of  the  Moro  Province,  was  Brig. -General 
Samuel  Sumner,  who,  just  before  his  departure  therefrom,  wrote 
as  follows,  viz.  : — "  Murder  and  robbery  will  take  place  as  long  as  we 
"  are  in  the  country,  at  least  for  years  to  come.  The  Moro  is  a  savage, 
"  and  has  no  idea  of  law  and  order  as  we  understand  it.  Anarchy 
"  practically  prevails  throughout  the  region.  To  take  power  and 
"  control  away  from  the  Sultans  and  Dattos  until  we  can  inaugurate 
"  and  put  in  force  a  better  government  would  add  to  the  confusion 
"  already  existing.11 2 

The  instructions  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Philippine  Commission,  dated  April  7,  1900,  direct  as  follows,  viz. : — 
"  In  dealing  with  the  uncivilized  tribes  of  the  Islands  the  Commission 
"  shall  adopt  the  same  coui-se  followed  by  Congress  in  permitting  the 

1  Vide  Captain  J.  J.  Pershing's  Report  to  the  Adjutant-General  in  Manila,  dated 
(amp  Vicars,  Mindanao,  May  15,  1903. 

2  Vide  Brig. -General  Sumner's  Report  to  the  Adjutant-General  in  Manila,  dated 
Zamboanga,  Mindanao,  June  13,  1903. 


576      American  policy  in  Moroland — General  Wood 

"  tribes  of  our  North  American  Indians  to  maintain  their  tribal 
"  organizations  and  government,  and  under  which  many  of  those  tribes 
"  are  now  living  in  peace  and  contentment,  surrounded  by  a  civilization 
"  to  which  they  are  unable  or  unwilling  to  conform." 

From  the  American  point  of  view,  but  not  from  the  Moro  way  of 
looking  at  things,  an  apparent  state  of  anarchy  prevailed  everywhere ; 
but  the  Sultans  and  the  Dattos  took  very  good  care  not  to  tolerate 
what,  in  Europe,  one  would  term  anarchy,  tending  to  subvert  the 
local  rule.  There  is  no  written  code  of  Moro  justice.  If  a  Moro  stole 
a  buffalo  from  another,  and  the  case  were  brought  before  the  judge, 
this  functionary  and  the  local  chief  would,  by  custom,  expect  to  make 
some  profit  for  themselves  out  of  the  dispute.  The  thief  would  have 
to  pay  a  fine  to  the  headman  or  go  into  slavery,  but  having  no  money 
he  would  have  to  steal  it  to  purchase  his  freedom.  The  buffalo  being 
the  object  of  dispute  would  be  confiscated,  and  to  be  even  with  the 
defendant  for  the  loss  of  the  buffalo,  the  plantiff  would  lop  off  the 
defendant's  head  if  he  were  a  man  of  means  and  could  afford  to  pay 
105  pesos  fine  for  his  revenge. 

The  real  difficulty  was,  and  still  is,  that  there  is  no  Sultan,  or 
Datto,  of  very  extended  authority  to  lay  hold  of  and  subdue,  and  whose 
defeat  or  surrender  would  entail  the  submission  of  a  whole  district  or 
tribe.  The  work  of  subjection  has  to  be  performed  piecemeal  among 
the  hundreds  of  Dattos,  each  of  whom,  by  established  custom,  can  only 
act  for  himself  and  his  own  retainers,  for  every  Datto  would  resent,  at 
the  risk  of  his  life,  any  dictation  from  another.  All  this  is  extremely 
irritating  to  the  white  commander,  who  would  prefer  to  bring  matters 
to  a  definite  crisis  by  one  or  more  decisive  contests,  impossible*  of 
realization,  however,  in  Mindanao  or  Sulu  Islands. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Archipelago  when  it  was  decided  to  appoint  a  Maj. -General  to  command 
it  and  create  a  semi-independent  government  for  its  local  administration. 
Maj. -General  Leonard  Wood1  was  happily  chosen  for  this  arduous 
and  delicate  task,  and  on  July  25,  1903,  he  took  up  his  appointment, 
holding  it  for  about  two  years,  when  he  was  transferred  to  Manila  to 
command  the  Division  in  succession  to  Maj. -General  Henry  C.  Corbin. 

This  region,  now  called  the  Moro  Province,  was  established  under 

1  Maj. -General  Leonard  Wood,  born  October  9,  I860,  was  a  doctor  of  medicine 
by  profession.  On  the  outbreak  of  war  with  Spain  he  was  appointed  Colonel  of  the 
First  Volunteer  Cavalry  in  Cuba,  with  Mr.  Roosevelt  (now  the  United  States 
President)  as  Lieut. -Colonel.  At  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  promoted  to  Brig.- 
General,  and  on  December  13,  1899,  received  the  appointment  of  Military  Governor 
of  Cuba,  which  he  held  until  the  government  of  that  island  was  transferred  to 
Senor  Palma  Estrada,  the  first  President  of  the  Cuban  Republic.  To  his  brilliant 
reputation  for  statesmanship  gained  in  the  Antilles,  General  Wood  lias  now  added 
the  fame  of  a  successful  organizer  of  the  Southern  Philippines.  Beloved  by  his 
subordinates,  his  large-hearted  geniality  wins  him  the  admiration  of  all  who 
know  him,  and  even  the  respect  of  the  savage  whom  he  had  to  coerce. 


Constitution  of  the  Moro  Province  577 

Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  787  of  June  1,  1903  (which  came  into 
effect  on  July  15  following),  and  includes  all  Mindanao1  except  the 
larger  portion  of  Misamis  Province  and  all  Surigao  Province  (N.  and  E.), 
which  are  under  civil  government,2  the  Jold  (Sulu)  Archipelago,  the  Tawi 
Tawi  group,  and  all  the  islands  south  of  Lat.  8°  N.,  excepting  therefrom 
Palauan  (Paragua)  and  Balabac  Islands  and  the  islands  immediately 
adjacent  thereto,  but  including  the  Island  of  Cagayan  de  Jold.  The 
seat  of  government  is  at  Zamboanga,  the  headquarters  of  the  mili- 
tary district,  whose  commander  (Maj. -General  Wood)  acted  in 
the  dual  capacity  (but  not  ex-ojjicio)  of  military  commander  and 
President  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  the  Moro  Province,  which  was 
organized  September  2,  1903,  and  is  composed  as  follows,  viz. : — 

Legislative  Council  Emolument 

President,  the  Provincial  Governor       .         .  $6,000  gold 


Provincial  Secretary     . 

„  Treasurer     . 

,,  Attorney 

,,  Superintendent  of  Schools 

„  Engineer 


(if  he  he  a  civilian).3 

Not  exceeding 

$4,000  gold 

each. 


The  Council  has  power  to  enact  laws  "  by  authority  of  and  subject 
to  annulment  or  amendment  by  the  Philippine  Commission,"  and  four 
members  of  the  six  constitute  a  quorum  for  legislative  action.  The 
Provincial  Governor  is  responsible,  and  must  report  from  time  to  time 
to  the  Gov.-General  of  the  Philippines.  The  province  is  sub-divided 
into  five  governmental  districts,  and  one  sub-district  under  governors 
and  lieut.-governor  respectively.4 

Districts  Emolument  of  Governor 

Zamhoanga  (including  Basflan  Is.)         .         .     ^ 
Jold  (Sulu)  (  ,,         Tawi  Tawi  group)        .      |      Not  exceeding 

Lanao  (         „         Yligan  and  Lake  Lanao)    >•         $3,500  gold  if 

Cottabato     (         ,,         Polloc)        .         .         .      I  he  be  a  civilian. 

Davao  (         „         Catil)  .         .  J 

fNot  exceeding 
$2,000  gold,  if 
he  be  a  civilian. 

1  Mindanao,  the  name  of  this  southern  island,  signifies  "Man  of  the  Lake." 

2  The  limits  and  area  of  that  portion  of  the  Island  under  civil  government  are 
defined  in  Philippine  Commission  Acts  Nos.  127  and  128,  amended  by  Act  No.  787. 
It  is  approximately  all  that  land  north  of  8°  N.  lat.  and  east  of  123°  34'  E.  long. 

3  Under  the  above-cited  Act  No.  787,  any  military  officer,  from  the  commander 
of  the  district  downwards,  holding  concurrent  civil  office  in  the  province 
receives  his  army  pay,  plus  20  per  cent,  of  the  same  as  remuneration  for  his  civil 
service.  The  combined  emolument  of  a  major-general  as  military  commander  and 
provincial  governor  would,  therefore,  be  $9,000  gold. 

4  Under  Spanish  rule  the  Moro  country  was  divided  thus  : — Seven  districts, 
namely,  Zamboanga,  Misamis,  Surigao,  Davao,  Cottabato,  Basilan,  and  Lanao,  all 
under  the  Gov.-General  of  Mindanao.  Jold  was  ruled  independently  of  Mindanao 
under  another  governor. 

37 


578    Moro  Province ;   Municipalities;   Tribal  Wards 

Each  district  is  controlled  by  a  District  Council  composed  of  the 
governor,  the  secretary,  and  the  treasurer.  At  present  all  the  district 
governors  are  army  officers. (*  Yi©  [tf  **$&"*   fP'n^,/lS) 

Section  15  of  the  above  Act  No.  787  provides  that  governors  and 
secretaries  of  districts  must  learn  and  pass  an  examination  in  the 
dialects  of  their  localities  within  18  months  after  taking  office,  or  be 
subject  to  dismissal. 

Under  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  82,  entitled  "  The  Municipal 
Code,"  amended  in  its  application  to  the  Moro  Province  by  the 
Legislative  Council  of  the  Moro  Province  Act  No.  35,  of  January  27, 
1904,  the  Moro  districts  and  sub-districts  are  furthermore  sub-divided 
in  the  following  manner,  viz.  : — 

Municipalities  are  established  in  the  district  or  sub-district  capital 
towns,  and  wherever  there  is  a  population  sufficiently  large  and  en- 
lightened to  be  entitled  to  municipal  rights.1  A  president  (mayor), 
vice-president,  or  councillor  must  be  between  twenty-six  and  sixty-five 
years  of  age,  and  must  intelligently  speak,  read,  and  write  Spanish, 
English,  or  the  principal  local  dialect.  Ecclesiastics,  soldiers  in 
active  service,  and  persons  receiving  emolument  from  public  funds  are 
debarred  from  these  offices.  Every  municipal  officer  must  give  a  bond 
with  two  or  more  sureties  equal  to  at  least  half  of  the  amount  of 
annual  funds  which  will  probably  pass  through  his  hands.  The 
maximum  salary  of  a  president  (mayor)  is  P.  1,200,  and  that  of 
municipal  secretary  P.600.  Certain  other  officers  are  also  paid,  but 
the  vice-presidency  and  councillorships  are  honorary  posts.  A  person 
elected  to  office  by  the  people  is  not  permitted  to  decline  it,  except 
for  certain  reasons  defined  in  the  code,  subject  to  a  maximum 
penalty  of  six  months'1  imprisonment.  The  mayor's  symbol  of 
office  is  a  cane  with  a  silver  knob,  plated  ferrule,  and  black  cord 
and  tassels. 

Natives  whose  habits  and  social  condition  will  not  yet  permit  their 
inclusion  in  a  municipality  are  segregated  into  Tribal  Wards  2  (Legis- 
lative Council  Act  No.  39,  of  February  19,  1904).  The  headman  is 
generally  the  chief  recognized  by  his  race  or  people  as  such,  and  is 
immediately  responsible  to  the  district  governor  by  whom  he  is 
appointed.  His  annual  salary  ranges  from  P.240  to  P.  1,800,  and 
his  badge  of  office  is  a  baldric  of  red  leather  with  a  metal  disc,  bearing 
an  impression  of  the  Moro  Province  seal.  He  and  his  advisory  council 
perform  the  usual  municipal  functions  on  a  minor  scale,  and  are  per- 
mitted to  "  conform  to  the  local  customs  of  the  inhabitants,  unless 

1  Up  to  June  30,  1904,  there  was  a  total  of  12  municipalities  organized. 

2  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  787,  Section  13,  Clause  H,  provides  that  the 
Moro  Government  is  to  "  vest  in  their  local  or  tribe  rulers  as  nearly  as  possible 
the  same  authority  over  the  people  as  they  now  exercise."  Clause  L  :  ' '  To  enact 
laws  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  the  suppression  of  all  slave-hunting  and 
slave  trade." 


Tribal  Ward  districts — Finances  579 

"  such  customs  are  contrary  to  law  or  repugnant  to  the  usages  or  moral 
"  sense  of  civilized  peoples.11 

A  Tribal  Ward  is  furthermore  divided  into  Tribal  Ward  Districts. 
The  district  headman  is  the  deputy  of  the  tribal  ward  headman  to  whom 
he  is  immediately  responsible.  His  annual  salary  ranges  from  P.96  to 
P.600,  and  his  badge  of  office  is  a  baldric  of  yellow  canvas  with  a 
metal  disc  as  mentioned  above.  The  tribal  ward  headman's  district 
deputies  together  constitute  the  police  force  of  the  whole  ward.  Tribal 
ward  headmen  and  their  district  deputies  are  not  required  to  give  bond. 
At  any  time,  on  certain  conditions,  a  member  of  a  tribal  ward  can  apply 
for  full  citizenship  in  a  municipality.  In  short,  the  governmental 
system  adopted  is  intended  to  raise  the  native  progressively  from 
savagery  to  municipal  life. 

The  sources  of  Revenue  are  briefly  as  follows,  viz  : — 

Provincial. — Property  tax  (£  per  cent,  of  assessed  value),  in- 
dustrial, cedula  (poll  tax  of  1  peso  for  each  male  over  18  years), 
stamps,  court  fees,  fines,  sales  of  supplies  to  municipalities,  and  forestry 
collection. 

Municipal. — Ownership  and  transfer  of  cattle,  rents  and  profits, 
licences,  fines  and  carts. 

Customs  Revenues  in  the  five  ports  of  entry,  viz  : — Jold,  Zamboanga, 
Cottabato,  Siassi,  and  Bongao. 

The  Summary  of  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 1904,  stands  thus  : — 

Revenue 
Provincial  Taxes  and  Forestry  payments      ....     P.  114,713.60 
Customs  Revenue .         .         222,664.39 


P.  337,378. 05 


Expenditure 

Provincial P.  174,361. 70 

Appropriated  for  Public  Works 26,181.76 

Customs  Expenses       ........  53  170.62 

Balance  available 83,663.97 


P.337,378.05 


The  maintenance  of  the  Constabulary  Force,  Post  Office  Department, 
and  Courts  of  First  Instance  in  this  Province  is  an  Insular  Government 
charge. 

The  revenue  collected  within  the  province  (including  the  customs 
receipts)  is  spent  therein.  No  remittance  of  funds  is  made  to  the 
Insular  Treasury,  but  provincial  accounts  are  subject  to  Insular  Govern- 
ment audit,  and  have  to  be  rendered  to  Manila. 


580  Moro  Province  armed  forces — Ali  defiant 

The  troops  assigned  to  this  command  are  as  follows,  viz.1 : — 


Present  and  Absent. 

Officers. 

Troops. 

Contract  and   Dental   Surgeons   and   attached  ) 
Staff      .......       ] 

236 
25 

3,766 

Total  American  forces          ..... 
Native  troops        ....... 

261 
11 

3,766 
543 

Total  Strength,  Military  District 
Philippine  Constabulary  (Moro  and  Christian  ) 
mixed)  under  Civil  Government  orders        ) 

272 
22 

4,309 
530 

294 

4,839 

On  General  Wood's  recommendation,  the  Bates  Agreement  (vide 
p.  571)  was  rescinded  on  the  ground  that  it  was  an  obstacle  to  good 
government.  In  truth,  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  was  probably  quite  as  unable 
as  he  was  unwilling  to  carry  out  its  provisions.  However,  under 
Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  1259  (amended  by  Act  No.  1320  of 
April  12,  1905),  certain  small  annual  money  allowances  are  made  to  the 
present  Sultan  of  Sulu  and  his  principal  advisers. 

In  Mindanao,  trouble  again  arose  on  the  east  shore  of  Lake  Lanao, 
and  an  expedition  was  organized  to  march  against  the  Taracas,  who 
were,  however,  only  temporarily  subdued.  Defiant  messages  were  sent 
by  the  Dattos,  and  General  Wood  decided  to  conduct  operations  in 
person.  According  to  private  information  given  to  me  by  officers  in 
Mindanao  some  months  after  the  battle,  immense  slaughter  was  inflicted 
on  this  tribe,  whose  cottas  were  annihilated,  and  they  were  utterly  crushed 
for  the  time  being.  About  the  beginning  of  1904  the  depredations  of 
the  Moros  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Cottabato  River  were  revolting 
beyond  all  toleration.  Cottabato  town  was  pillaged  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Datto  Ali  and  of  his  brother,  Datto  Djimbangan.  In  March 
an  expedition  invested  the  Serenaya  territory  in  the  Cottabato  district 
and  operated  from  the  4th  to  the  14th  of  that  month  without  any 
American  casualties.  Datto  Ali's  fort  at  Kudaraiigan  was  taken  and 
destroyed.3     This  formidable  stronghold  is  described  by  General  Wood 

1  From  a  statement  kindly  furnished  to  me  by  the  Military  and  Provincial 
Governor,  Maj. -General  Leonard  Wood,  June,  1904. 

2  At  Malabang  about  500,  at  Parang-Parang  205,  and  at  Jolri  744. 

3  Kudarangan  Cotta  was  situated  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Datto 
Piang's  fort  stands  at  the  junction  o\  this  river  and  the  Bacat  River.  Fort  Reina 
Regente,  established  in  this  neighbourhood,  was  the  most  inland  Spanish  stronghold 
in  Mindanao,  and  was  at  one  period  in  Spanish  times  garrisoned  by  800  to  1,000 
convict  troops  (disdplinarios). 


General  Wood's  victory  at  Kudarangan  581 

thus  : — "  It  was  larger  than  twenty  of  the  largest  cottas  of  the  Lake 
"region  or  Sulu,  and  would  have  easily  held  a  garrison  of  four  or 
"  five  thousand  men.  It  was  well  located,  well  built,  well  armed,  and 
"  amply  supplied  with  ammunition.  There  were  embrasures  for  120 
"  pieces  of  artillery.  Eighty-five  pieces  were  captured,  among  them 
"  many  large  cannon  of  from  3  inches  to  5h  inches  calibre.  The  other 
'*  pieces  in  the  work,  small  lantacas,  were  carried  off  or  thrown  into 
"  the  river  "  (vide  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Moro  Province). 

Datto  Ali  thenceforth  became  a  fugitive  with  some  60  armed 
followers  and  about  a  hundred  others  whom  he  pressed  into  his  service 
as  carriers.  After  the  battle,  Datto  Djimbangan,  Ali's  brother,  was 
taken  unawares  at  his  ranche  by  a  detachment  of  American  troops.  He 
was  conducted  as  a  prisoner  to  Cottabato,  and  in  February,  1905,  he  was 
transferred  to  the  Zamboanga  jail  to  await  his  trial  for  sedition  and 
rebellion.  Again  the  Taracas  ventured  on  a  series  of  attacks  on  the 
American  military  posts  in  the  locality.  A  body  of  troops  was 
despatched  there  in  March,  and  after  ten  days'*  operations  this  tribe 
was  routed  and  dispersed,  the  American  casualties  being  two  men 
killed,  one  drowned,  10  wounded,  and  one  officer  slightly  wounded.  On 
May  8  a  party  of  39  men  and  two  officers,  reconnoitring  about 
Simbalan,  up  the  Cottabato  Vallev,  was  attacked,  13  men  being  killed, 
two  taken  prisoners,  six  wounded,  and  the  two  officers  killed.  It  would 
appear  that  the  guides  were  conducting  the  party  safely,  when  a 
lieutenant  insisted  on  taking  another  route  and  landed  his  troops  in 
a  plateau  covered  with  cogon  (pampas-grass)  about  eight  feet  high.  On 
emerging  from  this  they  all  got  into  a  stream,  where  the  Moros  suddenly 
fell  upon  them.  The  punitive  Simpetan  Expedition  immediately  set 
out  for  that  district  and  successfully  operated  from  the  13th  to  the  28th 
of  May  without  any  American  casualties.  Datto  Ali,  who  was  again  on 
the  warpath,  is  the  son-in-law  of  old  Datto  Piang,  the  terror  of  the 
neighbourhood  in  his  younger  days  and  also  just  after  the  evacuation  by 
the  Spaniards.  Ali  declared  that  he  would  not  yield  to  the  Americans 
one  iota  of  his  independence,  or  liberate  his  slaves,  and  swore  vengeance 
on  all  who  went  in  his  pursuit.  Being  the  hereditary  Datto,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  valley  generally  sympathized  with  him,  at  least 
passively.  In  the  latter  half  of  1904,  constant  endeavour  was  made  to 
effect  the  capture  of  this  chieftain,  whilst  old  Datto  Piang,  the  son  of 
a  Chinaman  with  a  keen  eye  to  business,  supplied  the  Americans  with 
baggage-carriers  at  a  peso  a  day  per  man  for  the  troops  sent  to  hunt 
down  his  refractory  son-in-law.  Active  operations  were  sustained 
against  him,  and  from  the  military  posts  of  Malabang  (formerly  a  Moro 
slave-market)  and  Parang-Parang  on  the  Illana  Bay  coast  there  were 
continually  small  punitive  parties  scouring  the  district  here  and  there. 
At  the  former  camp  I  was  the  guest  of  the  genial  Colonel  Philip  Reade, 
in  command  of  the  23rd  Infantry,  when  Lieutenant  C.  R.  Lewis  was 


582  Datto  Pedro  Cuevas  of  Basilan  Island 

brought  in  wounded  from  a  Cottabato  River  sortie.  Colonel  Reade, 
whose  regiment  had  had  about  the  roughest  work  of  any  in  the  Island, 
had  certainly  inspired  his  men  with  the  never-know-when-you-are-beaten 
spirit,  for  the  report  of  a  reverse  set  them  all  longing  to  be  the  chosen 
ones  for  the  next  party.  But  up  to  July,  1905,  Datto  Ali  had  been 
able  to  elude  capture,  although  General  Wood  personally  conducted 
operations  against  him  a  year  before,  establishing  his  headquarters  at 
Cabacsalan,  near  the  Lake  Ligusan. 

The  most  ferocious  and  arrogant  Mindanao  tribes  occupy  regions 
within  easy  access  of  the  coast.  Perhaps  their  character  is  due  to  their 
having  led  more  adventurous  lives  by  land  and  sea  for  generations, 
plundering  the  tribes  of  the  interior  and  making  slave  raids  in  their 
vlntas  on  the  northern  islands  and  christian  native  coast  settlements. 
In  the  centre  of  the  Island  and  around  the  mountainous  region  of  the 
Apo  the  tribes  are  more  peaceful  and  submissive,  without  desire  or 
means  for  warfare.  Many  of  the  Bagobo  tribe  (which  I  have  twice 
visited),  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Davao,  have  come  down  to  settle 
in  villages  under  American  protection,  paying  only  an  occasional  visit 
to  their  tribal  territory  to  make  a  human  sacrifice. 

In  Basilan  Island,  a  dependency  of  Zamboanga,  about  13  miles 
distant,  Datto  Pedro  Cuevas  accepted  the  new  situation,  and  under  his 
influence  peace  was  assured  among  the  large  Moro  population  of  that 
island.  The  history  of  this  man's  career  bristles  with  stirring  episodes. 
Born  in  1845,  of  Tagalog  parentage,  he  started  life  as  a  Cavite  high- 
wayman, but  was  captured  and  deported  to  the  agricultural  colony  of 
San  Ramon,  near  Zamboanga,  where  he,  with  other  convicts,  attacked 
and  killed  three  of  the  European  overseers,  and  Cuevas  escaped  to 
Basilan  Island.  After  innumerable  difficulties,  involving  the  conquest 
of  a  score  of  villages,  he  gained  the  control  of  a  large  number  of  Yacan 
Moros  and  became  a  sort  of  chief.  Some  years  afterwards  the  Moros 
organized  an  attack  on  the  Christians  at  Zamboanga  and  Isabela  de 
Basilan,  and  Cuevas  offered  to  save  the  Spaniards  on  condition  of 
receiving  a  full  pardon.  Two  Spaniards  were  accordingly  sent  as 
hostages  to  Cuevas''  camp,  and  after  Isabela  was  freed  of  the  enemy  he 
came  to  see  the  Spanish  governor.  There  were  several  Spaniards 
present  at  the  interview,  and  it  is  related  that  one  of  them  let  slip  a 
phrase  implying  doubt  as  to  Cuevas'  worthiness  for  pardon,  whereupon 
the  undaunted  chief  remarked,  "  Sir,  I  thought  I  had  won  my  liberty, 
seeing  that,  but  for  me,  you  would  not  be  alive  to  accord  it.11  Thence- 
forth he  was  always  a  reliable  ally  of  the  Spaniards  against  Moro 
incursions.  In  1882  Cuevas  was  opposed  by  an  arrogant  Sulu  chief, 
Datto  Calun,  who  challenged  him  to  single  combat,  and  Cuevas  having 
slain  his  adversary,  the  tribe  of  the  vanquished  warrior,  admiring  the 
conqueror's  valour,  proclaimed  him  their  Datto,  which  title  was 
acknowledged  by  Datto  Aliudi,  the  claimant  to  the  Sulu  Sultanate.     Ox\ 


Cuevas  dies — Troubles  in  Sulu  Island  583 

July  6,  1904,  his  graceful  daughter  Urangwas  married,  with  Mahometan 
rites,  to  a  twenty-one-year-old  Spanish  half-caste,  Ramon  Laracoechea, 
who  was  introduced  to  me  by  his  father,  a  very  pleasant  Vizcayan, 
resident  in  the  Island  since  1876.  Educated  in  Manila,  the  son  speaks 
English,  Spanish,  Yacano  and  Joloano.  The  festivities  lasted  for  several 
days,  some  Americans  being  among  the  invited  guests.  Shortly  after 
this  event  the  Datto,  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine  years,  ended  his  adventurous 
career  in  this  world,  regretted  by  all.  In  expectation  of  the  demise  of 
Datto  Cuevas,  which  was  anticipated  months  before,  there  were  three 
aspirants  to  the  coming  vacant  dattoship  in  the  persons  of  the  son-in- 
law,  Ramon,  Cuevas*'  nephew,  and  an  American  of  humble  origin  and 
scant  education  who  had  married  a  Zamboanguena  woman. 

In  Sulu  Island  social  conditions  were  most  deplorable.  Under  the 
Bates  Agreement  the  Moros  became  turbulent,  and  even  attempted  to 
take  Jolo  town  by  assault.  In  August,  1903,  General  Wood  went  there, 
and  the  Dattos  having  been  invited  to  meet  him,  quite  a  crowd  of  them 
came,  accompanied  by  about  600  fighting-men  in  a  splendid  fleet  of 
armed  vintas  (war-canoes).  Precautions  had  to  be  taken  against 
possible  treachery,  and  a  company  of  troops  was  brought  into  the  town 
in  readiness  for  any  event.  The  object  of  the  meeting  was  to  discuss 
the  respective  limits  of  the  Dattos'  spheres,  but  owing  to  the  haughty, 
insolent  tone  of  the  chiefs,  nothing  definite  was  arrived  at.  When  they 
were  invited  to  state  their  claims,  they  arrogantly  replied,  "  We  have 
"no  information  to  give.  You  say  you  are  going  to  define  our  limits — 
"  well,  what  have  you  to  tell  us  ?  We  come  to  listen,  not  to  talk.'1 
Some  chiefs,  however,  feigned  to  offer  their  submission,  and  all  was 
apparently  quiet  for  a  time. 

Major  Hugh  L.  Scott  (14th  Cavalry)  was  then  appointed  (in 
September)  to  the  government  of  that  district.  The  Sultan  being  too 
weak  to  control  his  subordinates,  many  of  them  rallied  their  men  and 
independently  defied  all  interference  with  their  old  mode  of  living  and 
rule.  The  Sultan,  not  unnaturally,  was  averse  to  ceding  his  sovereign 
rights  to  any  one,  and  he  and  his  Dattos  obstructed,  as  far  as  they  could, 
the  Americans1  endeavours  to  better  the  conditions  of  the  people. 
Every  few  days  a,juramentado  {vide  pp.  146,  150)  would  enter  the  town 
and  attack  a  white  man  with  his  bcirong  in  broad  daylight.  There 
was  nothing  furtive  in  his  movements,  no  hiding  under  cover  to  take 
his  victim  unawares,  but  a  straight,  bold  frontal  attack.  Bdrong  in 
hand,  a  Moro  once  chased  a  soldier  though  the  street,  upstairs  into  a 
billiard-room,  and  down  the  other  steps,  where  he  was  shot  dead  by 
a  sentinel.  At  another  time  a  juramentado  obtained  access  into  the 
town  by  crawling  through  a  drain-pipe,  and  chased  two  soldiers  until 
he  was  killed.  Many  Americans  were  wounded  in  the  streets  of  Jold, 
but  the  aggressors  were  always  pursued  to  death.  Petty  hostilities, 
attacks  and  counter-attacks,  the  sallies  of  punitive  parties  to  avenge 


584     Gen.  Wood  in  Sulu ;  Panglima  Hassan  ;  Major  Scott 

some  violence  committed,  and  the  necessity  for  every  individual  in  the 
town,  civil  or  military,  being  armed  and  always  alert,  made  life  there 
one  of  continual  excitement  and  emotion. 

In  November,  1903,  the  attitude  of  the  Dattos  became  very  menacing. 
Datto  Andong  actually  cut  a  trench  just  outside  the  walled  town  of 
Jold  as  a  base  of  operations  against  the  Americans.  It  was  evident  that 
an  important  rising  of  chiefs  was  contemplated.  Major  Scott  having 
called  upon  the  biggest  chief,  Panglima  l  Hassan,  to  present  himself  and 
account  for  the  murder  of  an  American  survey  party,  he  came  with  a 
large  force,  estimated  at  about  4,000,  well  armed,  as  far  as  the  town 
walls.  He  said  he  wanted  to  enter  the  town  with  a  suite  of  only  700 
armed  men,  including  his  subordinate  Dattos.  Finally  Major  Scott 
agreed  to  his  entry  with  70  warriors,  but  still  the  position  was  threatening 
with  Hassan's  army  in  the  vicinity.  During  the  interview  Panglima 
Hassan  appeared  quite  friendly  ;  indeed,  whilst  he  and  the  major  were 
riding  together,  the  chief,  perceiving  that  his  host  was  unarmed,  gallantly 
remarked,  "  As  you  are  without  arms  I  will  relinquish  mine  also,1''  and 
at  once  took  oft'  his  barong  and  handed  it  to  his  attendant.  In  the 
meantime  Major  Scott  had  sent  a  request  to  General  Wood  for  more 
troops,  but  the  general,  who  had  only  just  finished  his  Taraca  operations, 
replied  that  he  would  come  to  Jold  himself.  Almost  simultaneously  with 
his  arrival  in  Zamboanga  the  general  had  the  satisfaction  to  receive  a 
message  from  the  Taraca  Datto  offering  his  submission,  and  asking  to 
be  judged  according  to  the  Koran.  On  General  Wood's  arrival  with 
troops  in  Jold  a  demand  was  made  on  Panglima  Hassan  to  surrender. 
After  protracted  negotiations  and  many  insolent  messages  from  Hassan, 
the  general  led  his  troops  down  to  Lake  Seite,  where  an  engagement 
took  place,  leaving  60  dead  Moros  on  the  field.  Panglima  Hassan, 
pursued  from  place  to  place,  lost  many  warriors  at  every  halt,  the  total 
being  estimated  at  400  to  500.  Cottas  were  razed  to  the  ground,  and 
the  notorious  Panglima  Hassan  himself  was  captured  on  November  14, 
with  a  loss,  so  far,  of  one  soldier  killed  and  five  wounded  on  the 
American  side.  Panglima  Hassan  was  being  escorted  into  Jold  town 
by  Major  Scott  and  other  officers  when  suddenly  the  chief,  pointing 
towards  a  native-built  house,  begged  the  major  to  save  his  family. 
Moved  by  compassion  and  influenced  by  Hassan's  previous  friendly 
attitude,  the  major  generously  consented,  and  as  they  all  approached  the 
entrance,  in  an  instant  out  rushed  the  "  family " — a  mob  of  armed 
Moros,  who  attacked  the  officers  whilst  the  Panglima  made  his  escape. 
Poor  Major  Scott  was  so  badly  cut  about  on  his  hands  that  he  had  to 
go  into  hospital  for  four  months,  and  I  noticed  that  he  had  had  one 
left-hand  finger  and  two  right-hand  half-fingers  amputated.  Unable  to 
handle  any  kind  of  weapon,  in  March,  1904,  he  led  his  troops  against 
the  cunning  Datto,  who  sent  out  a  large  body  of  fighting-men  to  meet 
1   Panglima  signifies  General,  or  Chief  of  Warriors. 


-  ME 

3ITY 


Major  Scott  vanquishes  Hassan — a  bichara         585 

him.  After  several  attacks  were  repelled,  Panglima  Hassan  took  to 
flight,  his  followers  all  the  time  decreasing  in  numbers  until,  with  only 
80  men,  the  chief  sought  refuge  in  his  cotta  at  Pang- Pang,  the  strongest 
fortress  in  the  Island.  Breaches  were  made  in  it,  and  Hassan  fled  for 
his  life  on  a  swift  pony,  with  only  two  retainers,  to  the  crater  of  an 
extinct  volcano,  which  was  quickly  surrounded  by  the  Americans. 
Each  time  a  head  appeared  above  the  crater  edge  a  volley  was  fired,  but 
the  wounded  chief  still  bravely  held  out  and  hit  some  soldiers  before  he 
died,  riddled  by  bullets,  on  March  4. 

Again,  in  May,  1905,  Datto  Pala,  of  Sulu  Island,  with  a  large 
following,  threatened  Jolo  town,  and  General  Wood  personally  led  the 
expedition  against  this  chief.  Eight  miles  from  Maybun  the  Moros 
had  dug  pits  and  placed  wires  to  impede  the  Americans1  advance,  but, 
notwithstanding  these  obstacles,  the  enemy  was  vigorously  attacked  and 
surrounded  near  the  Maybun  Lake,  three  miles  from  the  town.  After 
several  days1  desperate  fighting  the  cotta  of  Lumbo  was  captured,  and 
the  Datto  and  his  men  were  vanquished,  the  losses  being  about  seven 
Americans  killed,  about  20  wounded,  and  over  250  Moros  killed. 

In  June,  190  i,  Datto  Ambutong  had  a  dispute  with  another  about 
the  possession  of  some  property,  and  on  Major  Scott  being  appealed  to 
in  the  matter,  he  ordered  Ambutong  to  appear  before  him  in  Jolo  for  a 
bichara  (judicial  inquiry).  The  Datto,  in  a  sulky  mood,  at  first  refused 
to  come,  but  on  further  pressure  he  changed  his  mind.  Early  in  the 
morning  of  the  appointed  day  a  friendly  chief,  Datto  Timbang,  came 
into  town  with  four  retainers,  all  armed,  to  see  the  Governor.  Major 
Scott,  whose  guest  I  was,  kindly  invited  me  to  the  interview,  during 
which  it  transpired  that  Datto  Timbang  had  heard  Ambutong  declare 
he  would  come  to  the  bichara,  but  he  would  not  leave  it  without  taking 
heads.  Datto  Timbang  added  that  he  too  desired  to  attend  the  bichara 
/ith  his  bodyguard,  resolved  to  slay  Ambutong  if  he  observed  any 
threatening  move  on  his  part.  The  major  made  no  objection,  and  at 
the  appointed  hour  four  of  us — my  gallant  host,  Major  Barbour,  Captain 
Charles  and  myself— -went  to  the  bichara  at  the  Governor's  office  in  town. 
The  Governor  (i.e.,  the  major)  sat  at  his  desk,  and  we  other  three  took 
seats  just  behind  him.  Before  us  were  the  Datto  Ambutong,  his 
opponent  in  the  question  at  issue,  and,  a  yard  off  him,  the  friendly 
Datto  Timbang  and  his  followers,  each  with  his  hand  on  his  bdrong, 
ready  to  cut  down  Ambutong  at  a  stroke  if  need  be.  Whilst  the  case 
was  being  heard,  Hadji  Butu,  the  Sultan's  Prime  Minister,  and  Sultan 
Tattarassa,  of  Paragua  Island,  the  latter  afflicted  with  locomotor  ataxy, 
came  in,  saluted  us  all,  and  took  seats.  The  business  ended,  Datto 
Ambutong  rose  from  his  stool,  gave  his  hand  to  the  major,  and  then 
walked  to  the  back  of  him  to  salute  us.  I  thought  I  should  like  to 
handle  the  beautiful  bdrong  which  was  to  have  served  him  in  taking 
heads.     The  Datto  complaisantly  allowed  me  to  draw  it  from  the  sheath 


586    I>att€L  Kalbi  writes  to  his  "father"  Major  Scott 


and  pass  it  round  to  myTriends: Sharp  as  a  razor,  it  was  the  finest 

weapon  of  the  class  I  had  ever  touched.  The  handle  was  of  carved 
ivory  and  Camagon  wood  {vide  p.  314),  the  whole  instrument  being  valued 
at  quite  $100.  Datto  Tim  bang  was  watching,  and  the  occasion  was  not 
a  propitious  one  for  taking  christian  blood. 

The  following  translation  of  a  letter  which  Major  Hugh  L.  Scott 
courteously  gave  me  will  serve  to  illustrate  how  lightly  human  life  is 
appreciated  by  the  Moro. 

This  letter  from  your  son,  His  Highness  Datto  Mohammed 
Dahiatul  Kalbi,  to  my  father,  the  Governor  of  Sulu,  Major  Scott, 
and  to  my  younger  brother,  Sali. 

I  want  to  inform  you  that  at  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  of 
Saturday,  we  had  a  fight  with  Tallu.  I  have  taken  his  head,  but 
if  you  will  allow  it,  I  will  bury  it,  if  my  father  will  let  me  do  that, 
because  he  is  an  Islam  and  I  would  commit  an  offence.  It  scared 
my  wife  very  much  when  she  looked  at  the  head  in  my  house. 
Those  that  are  dead  were  Sadalani,  Namla,  Muhamad,  and  Salui. 
Beyond  that  I  have  not  investigated. 

With  greetings  to  my  father  and  to  my  younger  brother,  I  beg 
you,  my  younger  brother,  to  let  me  bury  the  head,  if  my  father 
does  not  feel  bad  about  it.  If  our  father  should  not  believe  that 
the  head  is  there,  come  to  our  house  and  see  yourself,  so  to  be 
sure.  I  would  not  soil  the  faith  my  father  has  in  me.  To  close 
I  herewith  send  the  kris  of  Orang  Kaya  Tallu.  The  end  of  the 
pen.     Sunday,  February  23,  1904. 

Whilst  I  was  in  Zamboanga  in  June,  1904,  Datto  Pedro  Cuevas, 
of  Basilan  Island,  sent  a  message  over  to  say  that  there  would  be  no 
more  trouble  with  certain  pirates  who  had  been  caught,  as  he  had  cut 
off  their  heads. 

It  would  fill  a  volume  to  recount  the  legends  of  the  sharks  near 
Cagayan  de  Jolo  which  wreck  ships  ;  the  Moro  who  heard  the  voice 
of  Allah  rising  from  a  floating  cocoanut  to  urge  him  to  denounce  the 
Sultan's  evil  ways  ;  the  new  prophet  who  could  point  at  any  object 
and  make  it  disappear,  and  a  hundred  other  superstitious  extravagances. 


Jold  {vide  p.  149),  one  of  the  prettiest  places  on  earth,  has  been 
improved  since  the  American  occupation.  Apart  from  the  many  new 
buildings  erected  for  military  convenience,  there  is  now  a  fine  jetty 
with  a  tramway,  a  landing-stage  for  small  vessels,  a  boys"  and  a 
girls'  school,  some  new  residences,  etc.  The  municipality  is  under  the 
presidency  of  a  military  officer,  and  the  clean,  orderly  aspect  of  the 
town  is  evidence  of  Anglo-Saxon  energy  in  its  administration.  In  1904 
there  was  only  one  drinking-saloon,  kept  by  a  Bohemian-born  American, 
who  paid  $6,000  a  year  for  his  monopoly  licence.     Much  to  the  disgust 


Jolo  town — H.H.   The  Sultan  of  Sulu  587 

of  the  military,  a  society  of  well-intentioned  temperance  ladies  in 
America  procured  the  prohibition  of  alcohol-selling  in  military 
canteens  and  Post  Exchanges.  The  eastern  extremity  of  Jolo  is  appro- 
priated for  military  purposes,  and  on  the  rising  ground  is  situated  the 
stabling  for  the  cavalry  horses.  There  is  a  large  military  hospital, 
well  appointed,  and  a  club-house  for  whites,  overlooking  the  picturesque 
harbour.  Outside  the  town  walls  towards  the  west  the  dwellings  of 
natives,  chiefly  from  other  islands  in  their  origin,  extend  about  a  mile 
as  far  as  Tulay,  where  the  Sultan  has  a  residence.  On  the  way  one 
passes  through  the  little  square,  in  the  centre  of  which  stands  a  monu- 
ment erected  to  commemorate  the  landing  here  of  Gov.-General 
Corcuera,  April  17,  1638.  During  my  last  visit  to  Jolo  I  called  upon 
His  Highness  the  Sultan  at  Tulay,  accompanied  by  the  civil  inter- 
preter, Mr.  J.  Schuck,  whose  late  father  I  had  known  many  years 
before.1  Tulay  signifies  bridge  in  Tagalog,  and  probably  this  place 
derives  its  name  from  the  bridge  spanning  the  rivulet,  which  forms  a 
natural  division  between  this  village  and  the  Jolo  ex-mural  western 
suburb.  Just  across  the  bridge,  in  most  unattractive  surroundings, 
stands  a  roofed  rough  pile  of  wooden  planks — the  residence  of  the 
Sultan.  At  a  few  paces  to  the  left  of  it  one  sees  another  gloomy 
structure,  smaller  and  more  cheerless  than  the  royal  abode — it  is  the 
domicile  of  Hadji  Butu,  the  Sultan's  Prime  Minister. 

Passing  through  the  ground-floor,  which  serves  as  a  vestibule  and 
storehouse  for  nondescript  rubbish,  I  was  met  by  several  armed  Moros 
who  conducted  me  up  a  dark  staircase,  the  lid  of  which,  at  the  top,  was 
raised  to  admit  me  to  the  royal  presence.  His  Highness,  the  Majasari 
Hadji  Mohammad  Jamalul  Kiram,  reclining  on  a  cane-bottomed  sofa, 
graciously  smiled,  and  extending  his  hand  towards  me,  motioned  to  me  to 
take  the  chair  in  front  of  him,  whilst  Mr.  Schuck  sat  on  the  sofa  beside 
the  Sultan.  His  Highness  is  about  thirty-six  years  of  age,  short,  thick 
set,  wearing  a  slight  moustache  and  his  hair  cropped  very  close.  With  a 
cotton  sarong  around  his  loins,  the  nakedness  of  his  body  down  to  the 
waist  was  only  covered  by  ajabul  (vide  p.  146)  thrown  loosely  over  him. 
Having  explained  that  I  was  desirous  of  paying  my  respects  to  the  son 
of  the  great  Sultan  whose  hospitality  I  had  enjoyed  years  ago  at 
Maybun,  I  was  offered  a  cigar  and  the  conversation  commenced.  Just 
at  that  moment  came  the  Prime  Minister,  who  spoke  a  little  English, 
and  at  the  back  of  me,  facing  the  Sultan,  stood  his  trusted  warriors  in 

1  The  father  of  Mr.  J.  Schuck  was  a  German  sea  captain,  who  got  into  trouble 
with  the  Spaniards  because  he  traded  directly  with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu.  His  ship 
and  all  he  possessed  were  seized,  and  Captain  Schuck  decided  to  settle  in  the  Island 
under  the  protection  of  the  Sultan.  He  took  a  Mora  wife,  became  a  very  prosperous 
planter,  and  the  Spaniards  were  eventually  only  too  glad  to  cultivate  his  friendship. 
He  died  in  1887,  leaving  three  sons ;  one  is  the  gentleman  mentioned  above, 
another  is  the  military  interpreter,  and  the  third  manages  the  fine  property  and 
trading  interests  of  the  family.     Mr.  J.  Schuck's  two  sisters-in-law  are  Moras. 


.588  American  policy  towards:  the  Moro  chiefs 

semi-circle,  attired  in  fantastic  garments  and  armed  to  the  teeth.  From 
time  to  time  a  dependent  would  come,  bend  the  knee  on  the  royal 
footstool  and  present  the  buyo  box,  or  a  message,  or  whatever  His 
Highness  called  for.  The  footstool  attracted  my  curiosity,  and  my  eye 
was  fixed  on  it  for  a  while  until  I  could  decipher  the  lettering,  which 
was  upside  down.  At  last  I  made  it  out — "  Van  Houten's  Cocoa." 
The  audience-chamber  needs  no  minute  description ;  it  can  be  all 
summed  up  in  bare  boards,  boxes,  bundles,  weapons,  dirt,  a  dilapidated 
writing-desk,  a  couple  of  old  chairs,  and  the  Sultan's  sofa-seat.  Of 
course  the  Sultan  had  a  grievance.  The  Americans,  he  said,  had 
appropriated  his  pearl-fisheries,  his  tribute-money,  and  other  sources  of 
valuable  income  ;  they  were  diverting  the  taxes  payable  to  him  into 
their  own  coffers,  with  detriment  to  his  estate  and  his  dignity  as  a  ruler.1 
The  questions  in  dispute  and  his  position  generally  were,  he  added,  to  be 
discussed  between  him  and  the  Insular  Government  in  Manila  in  the 
following  month.  Naturally,  the  study  of  the  man  and  his  surroundings 
interested  me  far  more  than  conversation  on  a  subject  which  was  not 
my  business.  Speaking  with  warmth,  at  every  gesture  the  jabul  would 
slide  down  to  his  waist,  exposing  his  bare  breast,  so  that  perhaps  I 
saw  more  of  the  Majasari  than  is  the  privilege  of  most  European 
visitors.  On  leave-taking  His  Highness  graciously  presented  me  with 
a  handsome  Moro  dress-sword  and  a  betel-cutter  set  in  a  solid  silver 
handle,  and,  in  return,  I  sent  him  my  portrait  from  Manila. 

Exactly  a  month  after  my  visit,  the  Sultan,  accompanied  by  Major 
Scott,  the  Governor  and  Commander  of  Jold,  came  and  made  a  short 
stay  in  Manila,  where  he  was  conducted  around  town  and  to  the  presence 
of  the  authorities.  Many  valuable  presents  were  officially  made  to  him, 
together  with  P. 5,000  pocket-money  to  console  him  for  the  postpone- 
ment sine  die  of  the  "  settlement r'  question.  Driving  round  in 
wagonettes,  his  retinue  saw  the  sights  of  the  capital  and  made  their 
purchases,  but  the  Sultan  himself  was  strictly  guarded  from  pressmen 
and  others  who  might  give  local  publicity  to  his  claims. 

America's  policy  with  regard  to  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  and  all  other 
Sultans  and  Dattos,  as  expounded  to  me  by  the  best  American 
authorities,  is  as  clear  as  crystal.  They  wish  all  these  petty  potentates 
were  elsewhere  ;  but  as  that  cannot  be,  they  must  be  shorn  of  all  power, 
princely  dignity  being  out  of  harmony  with  American  institutions. 
Nevertheless,  they  can  call  themselves  what  they  like  among  their  own 
people,  provided  that  in  their  relations  with  the  Government  of  the 
Islands  they  are  to  be  simple  citizens  with  dominion   over  their  own 

1  Vide  Legislative  Council  Act  No.  51,  relative  to  the  Pearl  Fisheries,  in  which  the 
Sultan  claims  hereditary  right.  Also  "  Annual  Report  of  Maj. -General  George  W. 
Davis,  1903,"  containing  Colonel  W.  M.  Wallace's  report  to  the  Adjutant-General 
to  the  effect  that  at  Cagayan  de  Jolo,  on  May  21,  1903,  he  gave  instructions  that  the 
Sultan's  emissaries  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  collect  the  customary  P.  5  per  capita  of 
tribute. 


The  Manguiguins  eventful  visit  to  Zamboanga     589 

personal  property,  but  not  over  that  of  others.  There  is  to  be  no 
sovereign  power,  great  or  small,  other  than  American,  and  tribal  wards 
are  to  supersede  dattoships.  The  Dattos  are  more  numerous  than 
Continental  barons,  and  of  varying  grades,  from  the  Panglima  Hassan 
type,  possessor  of  fortresses,  commander  of  5,000  men,  down  to  the 
titular  lord  of  four  score  acres  who  lounges  in  the  village,  in  filthy 
raiment,  closely  followed  by  two  juveniles,  the  one  carrying  his  bright 
metal  buyo  box,  in  case  he  needs  a  quid,  and  the  other  the  bearer  of  the 
bcirong,  lest  he  must  assert  his  dignity  by  force.  America  has  decreed 
that  from  these  and  all  their  compeers  the  Philippines  are  to  be  preserved. 
In  November,  1903,  the  District  Governor  of  Zamboanga  summoned 
the  Manguiguin,  or  Sultan  of  Mindanao  (vide  p.  131),  and  all  the 
Dattos  in  his  district  to  attend  a  durbar.  The  aged  Sultan  very 
reluctantly  responded  to  the  call,  and,  accompanied  by  his  Prime 
Minister,  Datto  Ducalat,  and  a  large  retinue,  the  royal  party  came  in 
about  250  armed  vintas.  When  they  were  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
port  they  sent  a  message  to  ask  if  they  would  be  allowed  to  salute  with 
their  lantacas,  and  the  i-eply  being  in  the  affirmative,  they  entered  the 
harbour  with  great  eclat,  amidst  the  booming  of  a  hundred  cannon. 
Interpreters  put  oft'  to  meet  them  and  escorted  them  to  the  landing- 
stage,  where  the  District  Governor  waited  to  receive  them.  The  Sultan 
wore  a  gorgeous  turban,  a  royal  sarong  worked  in  thread  of  gold,  and 
shoes  with  similar  adornments.  On  landing,  the  old  prince,  trembling 
from  top  to  toe,  with  despairing  glance  clutched  the  arm  of  the 
Governor  for  protection.  Never  before  had  he  seen  the  great  city  of 
Zamboanga ;  he  was  overcome  and  terrified  by  its  comparative 
grandeur,  and  possibly  by  the  imposing  figure  of  the  six-foot  Governor 
himself.  The  police  had  to  be  called  out  to  restrain  the  mobs  who 
watched  his  arrival.  On  the  other  hand,  as  the  Sultans,  the  Dattos 
and  their  suites  together  numbered  about  600,  and  from  other  places 
by  land  about  400  more  had  come,  all  armed,  many  of  the  townspeople, 
with  traditional  dread,  shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses,  believing 
that  such  a  vast  assemblage  of  Moros  might,  at  any  moment,  commence 
a  general  massacre.  It  is  well  known  that  the  question  of  public 
security  did  engage  the  attention  of  the  American  authorities,  for  the 
gathering  was  indeed  a  formidable  one,  and  at  the  moment  General 
Wood  was  in  Sulu  Island,  leading  his  troops  against  Panglima  Hassan. 
All  the  available  forces  were  therefore  held  in  readiness  to  meet  any 
emergency.  With  faltering  footsteps  and  shaking  like  an  aspen  leaf, 
the  Manguiguin,  followed  by  his  Dattos,  approached  the  double  lines 
of  soldiers  with  fixed  bayonets  stationed  on  the  quay.  There  was 
a  pause ;  the  Sultan,  who  in  his  youthful  days  had  known  no  fear, 
now  realized  the  folly  of  walking  into  the  jaws  of  death.  But  the 
Governor  assured  him,  through  the  interpreters,  that  he  was  doing 
him   the  greatest  honour  that  could  be  rendered  to  any  prince  or  to 


590      The  Manguiguin  had  never  seen  such  splendour 

the  great  president  of  the  greatest  republic.  Only  half  convinced 
and  full  of  suspicion,  the  Sultan  walked  on  in  a  daze,  as  though 
he  were  going  to  his  last  doom.  Having  emerged  safely  from  this  peril, 
the  great  durbar  was  held,  and  lasted  some  hours.  This  was  followed 
by  a  reception  at  the  Army  and  Navy  Club,  where  a  throne  was  erected 
under  a  canopy  for  the  Sultan,  with  seats  of  honour  around  it  for  the 
chief  Dattos.  The  reception  over,  the  royal  party  was  conducted  to 
.vhere  waffcmns  and  teams  awaited  them  to  take  them  to  a  suburb 
at  the  foothills  of  the  great  sierra.  The  Governor  purposely  had  the 
biggest  American  horses  and  the  largest  vehicles  brought  out  to  make 
an  impression.  The  Sultan  point  blank  refused  to  enter  the  waggon. 
He  had  run  the  gauntlet  through  rows  of  pointed  steel,  and  now  new 
horrors  awaited  him.  Perfectly  bewildered  at  the  sight  of  such 
enormous  animals,  he  turned  piteously  to  his  Prime  Minister  and 
invited  him  to  lead  the  way.  "  I  will  follow  your  Highness,"  the 
minister  discreetly  replied,  but  the  muscular  Governor,  Captain  John 
P.  Finley,  ended  the  palaver  by  gently  lifting  the  Sultan  into  the 
vehicle,  whilst  he  himself  immediately  entered  it,  and  the  timorous 
Prime  Minister  and  suite  summoned  up  courage  to  follow.  During  the 
drive  the  Governor  gave  the  word  to  the  teamsters  to  detach  the 
forecarriages  on  reaching  the  foothills  and  let  the  teams  go.  To  the 
great  amazement  of  the  Moro  chiefs,  the  waggons  suddenly  became 
stationary,  whilst  the  released  horses  galloped  on  ahead !  The  Sultan  and 
his  suite  glanced  at  each  other  speechless  with  fright.  Surely  now  their 
last  day  had  come !  So  this  was  the  trick  treacherously  prepared  for 
them  to  segregate  them  from  their  fighting-men  !  But  the  teams  were 
caught  again,  and  the  waggons  brought  them  safely  back  to  the  sight 
of  the  port  and  the  vintas.  Allah  had  turned  the  hearts  of  the  great 
white  men  and  rescued  his  chosen  people  in  the  hour  of  imminent 
danger.  The  durbar  was  continued  day  by  day  until  every  point  had 
been  discussed.  Meanwhile  the  Sultan  and  suite  daily  returned  to  their 
vintas  afloat  to  eat,  drink,  and  sleep,  whilst  in  the  town  of  Zamboanga 
the  christian  natives  quaked,  and  crowds  of  Moros  perambulated  the 
streets  in  rich  and  picturesque  costumes,  varying  in  design  according  to 
the  usage  of  their  tribes.  Before  the  departure  of  the  royal  visitor 
the  troops  were  formed  up,  military  evolutions  were  performed  with 
clockwork  precision,  and  volley  after  volley  was  fired  in  the  air.  The 
Sultan  declared  he  could  never  receive  the  Governor  with  such  splendour, 
but  he  wanted  him  to  promise  to  return  his  visit.  It  was  not  politic, 
however,  to  agree  to  do  so.  And  the  Sultan  and  his  people  left, 
passing  once  more  through  lines  of  troops  with  bayonets  fixed,  this 
time  with  a  firmer  step  than  when  they  landed,  thanking  the  Great 
Prophet  for  their  happy  deliverance  from  what  had  appeared  to  them 
a  dreamland  of  dreadful  novelty. 

The  Manguiguin  of  Mindanao  was  indeed  "  a  man  of  sorrows  and 


The  Moro  Province;   education;  progress         591 

acquainted  with  grief,"  for  in  the  days  of  his  decrepitude  he  was  jilted 
by  the  widow  of  Utto  (vide  p.  143),  the  once  celebrated  Cottabato 
Datto,  the  idol  of  the  Christian-haters. 

Education  is  one  of  the  chief  concerns  of  the  Moro  Province 
Government.  The  efforts  of  the  School  Department,  up  to  June  30, 1904, 
will  be  understood  from  the  following  official  statistics,  viz.1  : — 

Teachers  employed — 15  Americans,  50  Christian  Filipinos,  and  nine 
Mahometan  Filipinos. 

41  Schools  were  established. 

2,114  Children  were  on  the  school  rolls. 

1,342  Christian  children  attended  on  average. 

240  Moro  children  attended  on  average. 

P.46,898.17  were  expended  in  the  School  Department,  of  which 
P.28,355.09  were  disbursed  in  Zamboanga  District. 

Besides  the  public  schools,  the  Jesuits  are  permitted  to  continue 
their  excellent  work  of  civilization  and  education  in  their  own  schools 
wherever  they  have  a  mission  established. 

According  to  Moro  custom  the  fruit  of  a  man's  labour  belongs  to  the 
Datto  who  gives  the  man  a  subsistence.  The  Americans  are  teaching 
the  man  that  the  fruit  of  his  labour  is  his  own,  and,  for  that  purpose, 
market-places  are  established  at  many  centres  on  the  coast  with  the 
hope  of  inculcating  free-labour  notions,  so  that  the  seller  can  get  cash 
for  his  goods  and  keep  it.  I  visited  three  of  these  markets  on  the  south 
coast  of  Mindanao,  and  also  the  one  in  course  of  construction  at 
Zamboanga  (ward  of  Magay),  where  Governor  John  P.  Finley  was 
putting  his  heart  and  soul  into  his  scheme  for  creating  an  important 
Moro  Exchange.  By  Legislative  Council  Act  No.  55,  the  sum  of 
P.  1,850  was  appropriated  for  its  construction,  and  the  Governor  had 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Moros  themselves  to  contribute  P.1,300 
towards  its  completion.  The  Moros  are  urged  to  come  in  their  produce- 
laden  vintas  and  occupy  the  stalls  erected  for  them  in  the  large 
commodious  market-shed,  which  has  accommodation  for  carts  and  cattle 
if  need  be.  Boats  of  less  than  15  tons  gross  are  free  of  tax,  licence,  or 
documents  (Phil.  Com.  Act  No.  1354,  of  June  15,  1905).  Whenever 
any  trouble  arises  up  the  coast  the  Governor's  official  vinta  is  despatched, 
manned  by  Moros,  under  the  command  of  the  Governor's  messenger, 
Hadji  Nuno,  a  parvenu  Datto  whose  name  reveals  his  Spanish  origin. 

Everything  within  the  powers  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  the 
Moro  Province  seems  to  have  been  done  to  introduce  law,  order,  and 
administrative  uniformity,  constrain  violence,  propagate  knowledge  and 
set  the  inhabitants  on  the  path  of  morality  and  prosperity.  The  result 
of  a  century's  labour,  at  the  present  rate  of  development,  might,  how- 
ever, be  achieved  in  a  decade  if  the  Insular  Government  had  authority 
from  Washington  to   relax   the   rigidity  of  the  "  Philippines  for   the 

1  Vide  Report  of  the  Moro  Province  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1904. 


592  IWiat  the  Moro  Province  needs 


Filipinos  ,1  doctrine  in  the  special  case  of  the  Moro  Province.  It  is  true 
the  Moros  are  as  much  Filipinos  as  the  rest  of  the  Philippine  inhabit- 
ants, but  it  will  be  generations  before  they  can  know  how  to  enjoy 
their  birthright  without  the  example  of  energetic  white  men  who  are, 
naturally,  unwilling  to  come  and  philanthropic-ally  devote  their  lives 
to  "  pulling  the  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire  "  for  the  Moro.  They  want 
to  reap  some  material  advantage  for  themselves.  Gen.  Leonard  Wood, 
in  his  First  Annual  Report  of  the  Moro  Province,  remarks  :  — "  What 
"  is  needed  to  develop  this  portion  of  the  world  is  a  suitable  class  of 
"  settlers,  bringing  with  them  knowledge  of  modern  agricultural 
"  methods,  enterprise  and  some  capital.  ...  If  he  (the  Moro)  could 
"see  the  results  .  .  .  it  is  believed  that  his  ambition  would  be  stimulated 
"  and  that  his  development  would  be  comparatively  rapid.  In  short, 
"  a  scattering  of  good  agriculturists  throughout  the  province  would 
"  be  of  inestimable  value  to  the  people.  At  the  present  time  such 
"  a  class  of  settlers  is  not  coming,  and  it  is  not  believed  they  will  come 
"  until  much  more  liberal  inducements  are  offered  them,  especially 
"  in  the  way  of  obtaining  land  by  settlement.  Our  standing  among 
"the  people  of  these  Islands  has  been  much  injured  by  the  presence 
"of  a  large  and  tough  class  of  so-called  Americans  whose  energies 
"  have  been  principally  extended  in  the  construction,  maintenance  and 
"  patronage  of  rum  shops,  which  outnumber  other  American  business 
"  establishments.1'' 

The  American  who  would  go  to  Mindanao  to  settle  on  40  acres  of 
land  could  not  be  of  the  class  desired.1  A  maximum  of  1,000  acres  to 
an  individual  settler  and  10,000  acres  to  a  company  of  not  less  than  five 
persons,  would  produce  a  rapid  and  beneficial  development  of  Mindanao 
and  push  on  its  civilization  by  giant  strides.  There  would  be  little  fear 
of  the  natives1  rights  being  unduly  encroached  upon  by  whites  if,  in 
addition  to  the  Homestead  Law  conditions,  the  period  of  application 
for  land  were  limited  to  two  or  three  years  from  the  promulgation  of 
the  law,  with  solid  guarantees  to  prevent  a  flood  of  bogus  applications 
from  land-grabbers.  The  Treasurer,  in  his  First  Annual  Report  of  the 
Moro  Province,  says: — "It  is  not  reasonable  to  expect,  under  present 
"  conditions,  any  systematic  effort  on  their  (the  Moros1)  part  to  cultivate 
"the  soil,  as  they  know,  as  well  as  the  powers  that  be,  that  they 
"  have   no  assurance  that  the  land  they  will  improve   to-day  will  be 

1  Under  the  Homestead  Law,  39*54  acres  of  Government  land  may  be  acquired  by 
any  citizen  of  the  Philippine  Islands  or  of  the  United  States,  and  2,530  acres  by  a 
corporation.  The  grant  or  sale  of  such  land  is  subject  to  occupancy  and  cultivation 
of  the  acreage  for  a  period  of  not  less  than  five  years,  and  during  that  period  the 
purchaser  or  grantee  cannot  alienate  or  encumber  the  land  or  the  title  thereto. 
Six  consecutive  months'  absence  from  the  land,  during  the  above  period  of  five 
years,  cancels  the  grant.  The  land  granted  under  this  Act  cannot  be  seized  for 
debt  contracted  prior  to  the  grant.  Many  applications  have  already  been  made  for 
land  under  this  Act. 


The  prospect  in  the  Moro  Province  593 

"  theirs  to-morrow.  They  have  title  to  not  one  foot  of  land,  and 
"  no  guarantee  from  the  Government  that  present  improvements  will 
"be  theirs  when  they  are  finally  settled  by  the  former.  A  liberal 
"  land  laze  will  also  bring  an  influx  of  settlers  and  capital.  ...  It 
"  will  not  only  make  this  province  the  richest  part  of  the  Philippine 
"  Islands  and  the  State  the  beneficiary,  but  it  will  remove  the 
"  necessity  for  the  soldier  in  the  field.  No  other  legislation  is  going  to 
"  improve  financial  conditions  here  to  any  extent.  There  is  no  doubt 
"  the  Government  land  unsettled  and  untouched  in  this  province  amounts 
"  to  90  per  cent,  of  all  the  tillable  land,  and  equals  in  area  and  excels 
"  in  richness  that  of  all  the  tillable  land  of  Luzon.11 

The  District  of  Davao  is  far  more  developed  agriculturally  than  the 
other  four.  Planters  whom  I  know  personally  are  opening  up  land  and 
producing  large  quantities  of  hemp,  giving  employment  to  Bagobos  and 
others,  but  without  any  certainty  about  the  possession  of  the  land. 
Inexhaustible  forests  of  fine  timber  remain  undisturbed,  and  are  left  to 
decay  in  the  ordinary  course  of  nature,  whilst  shiploads  of  Oregon  pine 
arrive  for  public  works.  My  attendance  at  the  public  conferences  on 
the  timber-felling  question,  before  the  Philippine  Commission  in  Manila, 
did  not  help  me  to  appreciate  the  policy  underlying  the  Insular 
Government's  apparent  reluctance  to  stimulate  the  development  of  the 
timber  industry  ;  indeed,  it  is  not  easy  to  follow  the  working  of  the 
"Philippines  for  the  Filipinos11  policy  in  several  details. 

In  1904  General  Wood  recommended  to  the  Philippine  Commission 
the  incorporation  of  the  present  provinces  of  Misamis  and  Surigao  in 
the  Moro  Province,  seeing  that  the  people  of  those  provinces  and  the 
Moro  Province  belong  to  the  same  races  and  have  identical  interests.  As 
it  is,  the  hill  tribes  of  Misamis  find  themselves  between  two  jurisdictions, 
and  have  to  pass  nearly  a  hundred  miles  through  the  Moro  Province 
to  reach  the  sea  coast — an  anomaly  which  will  no  doubt  be  rectified 
by  including  the  whole  Island  of  Mindanao  in  the  Moro  Province. 

The  American  Government's  abstinence  from  proselytism  in  dealing 
with  the  Moros  is  more  likely  to  succeed  than  Spain's  well-meant 
"  policy  of  attraction  11  adopted  in  the  last  years  of  her  rule,  for  whatever 
progress  this  system  made  was  counterbalanced  by  the  futile  endeavour 
to  induce  the  Mahometans  to  change  their  religion.  Under  the  wise 
administration  set  in  progress  by  General  Leonard  Wood  there  is  a 
hopeful  future  for  Moroland. 


38 


594 


CHAPTER   XXX 

THE    SPANISH    FRIARS,    AFTER    1898 

The  Aglipayan  Schism.     Education.     Politics.     Population. 

With  the  American  dominion  came  free  cult.  No  public  money  is 
disbursed  for  the  support  of  any  religious  creed.  No  restraint  is  placed 
upon  the  practice  of  any  religion  exercised  with  due  regard  to  morality. 
Proselytism  in  public  schools  is  declared  illegal.1  The  prolonged  dis- 
cussion of  the  friars1  position  and  claims  encouraged  them  to  hope  that 
out  of  the  labyrinthine  negotiations  might  emerge  their  restoration  to 
the  Philippine  parishes.  For  a  while,  therefore,  hundreds  of  them 
remained  in  Manila,  others  anxiously  watched  the  course  of  events  from 
their  refuges  in  the  neighbouring  British  and  Portuguese  colonies,  and 
the  unpopular  Archbishop  Bernardino  Nozaleda  only  formally  resigned 
the  archbishopric  of  Manila  years  after  he  had  left  it.  Having  prudently 
retired  from  the  Colony  during  the  Rebellion,  he  returned  to  it  on  the 
American  occupation,  and  resumed  his  archiepiscopal  functions  until  the 
end  of  1899.  Preliminary  negotiations  in  Church  matters  were  facili- 
tated by  the  fact  of  the  Military  Governor  of  the  Islands  at  the  time 
being  a  Roman  Catholic,  an  American  army  chaplain  acting  as  chief 
intermediary  between  the  lay  and  ecclesiastical  authorities.  The 
common  people  were  quite  unable,  at  the  outset,  to  comprehend  that 
under  American  law  a  friar  could  be  in  their  midst  without  a  shred  of 
civil  power  or  jurisdiction.  There  were  Filipinos  of  all  classes,  some  in 
sympathy  with  the  American  cause,  who  were  as  loud  in  their  denuncia- 
tion of  the  proposed  return  of  the  friars  as  the  most  intransigent 
insurgents.      They   thought    of  them    most    in    their    lay  capacity  of 

1  "  No  teacher  or  other  person  shall  teach  or  criticize  the  doctrine  of  any  Church, 
"  religious  sect,  or  denomination,  or  shall  attempt  to  influence  the  pupils  for  or 
"  against  any  Church  or  religious  sect  in  any  public  school  established  under  this 
"  Act.  If  any  teacher  shall  intentionally  violate  this  section,  he  or  she  shall,  after 
"due  hearing,  be  dismissed  from  the  public  service.  Provided,  however,  that  it  shall 
"  be  lawful  for  the  priest,  or  minister  of  any  church  established  in  the  town  where 
"  a  public  school  is  situated  ...  to  teach  religion  for  one  half  an  hour  three  times 
"  a  week  in  the  school  building  to  those  public  school  pupils  whose  parents  or 
"guardians  desire  it,"  etc. — Section  lb'  of  the  Public  School  Act,  No.  74. 


Causes  of  the  anti-friar  feeling  595 

de  facto  Government  agents  all  over  the  Islands.  It  cannot  be  said  that 
the  parish  priests  originally  sought  to  discharge  civil  functions ;  they 
did  so,  at  first,  only  by  order  of  their  superiors,  who  were  the  de  facto 
rulers  in  the  capital,  and  afterwards  by  direct  initiative  of  the  lay 
authorities,  because  the  Spanish  Government  was  too  poor  to  employ 
civil  officials.  What  their  functions  were  is  explained  in  Chapter  xii. 
The  complaints  of  the  people  against  the  friars  constituted  the  leading 
theme  of  Dr.  Rizal's  writings,  notably  his  "  Noli  me  tangere,11  and  the 
expulsion  of  the  four  obnoxious  Religious  Orders  is  claimed  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  important  reforms  verbally  promised  in  connexion  with 
the  alleged  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato.  The  allegation  of  the  prelates  and 
other  members  of  the  regular  clergy  who  gave  evidence  before  the 
American  Civil  Commission  in  1900,  to  the  effect  that  the  Katipunan 
Society  members  invaded  the  parishes  only  to  murder  the  friars  and 
rob  the  churches,  should  be  weighed  against  the  fact  that  two  hundred 
thousand  Filipinos  were  ready  to  leave  glowing  life  for  grim  death  to 
rid  the  country  of  monastic  rule.  The  townspeople,  apparently  apathetic, 
were  afraid  to  express  their  opinion  of  the  friars  until  they  were  backed 
up  by  the  physical  force  of  the  Katipunan  legions.  It  was  the  conflict 
of  material  interests  and  the  friars1  censorship  which  created  the  breach 
between  the  vicar  and  the  people.  The  immorality  of  the  friars  was 
not  general  and  by  no  means  the  chief  ground,  if  any,  for  hostility 
against  them  ;  the  frailties  of  the  few  simply  weakened  the  prestige  of 
all  and  broke  the  pedestal  of  their  moral  superiority.  My  own  investi- 
gations convinced  me  that  the  friars1  incontinence  was  generally  regarded 
with  indifference  by  the  people ;  concubinage  being  so  common  among 
the  Filipinos  themselves  it  did  not  shock  them  in  the  pastor's  case. 
Moreover,  women  were  proud  of  the  paternity  of  their  children  begotten 
in  their  relationship  to  the  friars. 

When,  on  the  American  occupation,  the  friar  question  could  be  freely 
discussed,  hot  disputes  at  once  ensued  between  the  friar  party  and  the 
Philippine  clergy,  supported  by  the  people.  In  the  meantime,  an 
Apostolic  Delegate,  Monsignor  P.  L.  Chapelle,1  was  appointed  by 
the  Pope,  in  agreement  with  the  American  Government,  to  en- 
deavour to  adjust  the  friar  problem.  The  details  to  be  considered 
were  manifold,  but  the  questions  which  most  interested  the  public  were 
the  return  of  the  friars  to  the  parishes  and  the  settlement  of  their 
property  claims.  Monsignor  Chapelle  so  vigorously  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  friars  that  he  appeared  to  be  more  their  advocate  than 
an  independent  judge  in  the  controversy.      Many    friars,   anxious   to 

1  Placido  Louis  Chapelle,  Archbishop  of  New  Orleans,  was  born  in  France  in 
1842,  and,  at  the  age  of  seventeen  years,  emigrated  to  America,  where  he  entered 
the  priesthood.  In  1894  he  received  the  mitre  of  Santa  Fe,  and  in  1897  that  of  New 
Orleans.  In  1898  he  was  appointed  Apostolic  Delegate  to  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and 
the  Philippine  Islands.  His  mission  ended,  he  returned  to  New  Orleans,  where  he 
died  of  yellow  fever  in  August,  1905. 


596  Attitude  of  the  Philippine  clergy 

quit  the  Islands,  were  dissuaded  from  doing  so  by  this  prelate.1 
He  arrived  in  Manila  on  January  2,  1900,  and,  without  having  made 
any  personal  investigations  in  the  provinces,  by  the  16th  of  April  he 
deemed  himself  competent  to  declare  that  "  the  accusations  adduced 
"  against  them  (the  Religious  Orders)  are  the  merest  pretexts  of  shrewd 
"  and  anti-American  Filipino  politicians.11 2  As  a  matter  of  fact,  nothing 
anti-American,  or  American,  had  any  connexion  with  the  subject. 
The  struggle  to  expel  the  friars  from  these  Islands  was  initiated  years 
before  the  Americans  contemplated  intervention  in  Philippine  affairs. 
Open  rebellion  was  started  against  the  friars  twenty  months  before  the 
Battle  of  Cavite.  Nozaleda  and  Chapelle  wished  to  appoint  friars  to 
the  provincial  benefices,  whilst  protests  against  this  proposal  were  coming 
from  nearly  every  christian  quarter  of  the  Colony.  The  Filipinos  desired 
to  have  the  whole  administration  of  the  Church  in  their  own  hands  and, 
if  possible,  to  see  every  friar  leave  the  Archipelago.  The  representative 
Philippine  clergy  were  Dr.  Mariano  Sevilla,  Father  Rojas,  Father 
Changco,  and  Father  Singson.  The  great  champions  of  the  national 
cause  were  the  first  two,  who  stoutly  opposed  Nozaleda's  schemes.  Fierce 
discussions  arose  between  the  parties  ;  Father  Sevilla  and  party  defied 
Nozaleda  to  make  the  appointments  he  desired,  and  then  sent  a 
cablegram  to  the  Pope  to  the  following  effect :—"  Archbishop  and 
"  Apostolic  Delegate  want  to  appoint  friars  to  the  Philippine  benefices. 
"  The  Philippine  people  strongly  oppose.  Schism  imminent.11  Father 
Sevilla  could  not  be  wheedled  into  agreeing  to  Nozaleda's  and 
Chapelle's  plans,  so  he  was  sent  to  prison  for  two  months  in  the  Calle 
ae  Anda,  Manila,  and  deportation  to  the  Island  of  Guam  was 
menacingly  hinted  at.  When  the  reply  came  from  Rome,  disapproving 
of  the  action  of  the  two  prelates,  Father  Sevilla  was  released  from 
prison.  Nevertheless,  Nozaleda's  wrath  was  unappeased.  He  then 
proposed  that  the  benefices  should  be  shared  between  Filipinos  and 
friars,  whilst  Father  Sevilla  insisted  on  the  absolute  deposition  of  the 
friars.  At  this  time  there  were  472  members  of  the  four  confraternities 
in  the  Islands,  mostly  in  Manila.3  At  a  meeting  of  the  Philippine 
clergy  the  expulsion  of  the  friars  was  proposed  and  supported  by  a 
majority  ;  but  Father  Sevilla  vetoed  the  resolution,  and  his  ruling  was 
obeyed.  Moreover,  he  agreed  that  the  friars  should  hold  some  benefices 
in  and  near  Manila  and  the  ecclesiastical-educational  employments  in 
the  colleges.  "  We,11  said  Father  Sevilla,  "  are  for  the  Church  ;  let 
them    continue    their   work    of  education ;    it    is    not   our    function."" 

1  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  190,  p.  02,  50th  Congress,  2nd  Session. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  221. 

3  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion  (1896)  the  total  number  of  friars  of  the  four 
Orders  of  Dominicans,  Agustinians,  Recoletos,  and  Franciscans  in  these  Islands  was 
1,105,  of  whom  about  40  were  killed  by  the  rebels.  There  were,  moreover,  86 
Jesuit  priests,  81  Jesuit  lay  brothers  and  teachers,  10  Benedictines,  and  49  Paulists  ; 
but  all  these  were  outside  the  "  friar  question." 


The  question  of  the  f?iars"  lands  597 

Nozaleda  then  made  advances  towards  Father  Sevilla,  and  endeavoured 
to  cajole  him  by  the  offer  of  an  appointment,  which  he  repeatedly 
refused.  Rome,  for  the  time  being,  had  overruled  the  question  of  the 
benefices  contrary  to  Nozaleda's  wish.  For  the  moment  there  was 
nothing  further  for  the  Philippine  clergy  to  defend,  but  in  their  general 
interests  Father  Sevilla,  their  spokesman,  elected  to  remain  in  an  inde- 
pendent position  until  after  the  retirement  of  Monsignor  Chapelle,  when 
Father  Sevilla  became  parish  priest  of  Hagonoy  (Bulacan). 

The  outcome  of  the  controversy  respecting  the  benefices  was  that 
the  friars  could  be  sent  to  those  parishes  where  the  people  were  willing 
to  receive  them,  without  danger  of  giving  rise  to  public  disorder.  This 
was  in  accordance  with  President  McKinley's  Instructions  to  the  Taft 
Commission  dated  April  7,  1900,1  which  says :  "  No  form  of  religion 
and  no  minister  of  religion  shall  be  forced  upon  any  community  or 
upon  any  citizen  of  the  Islands.™ 

Archbishop  Nozaleda  left  for  Spain,  but  did  not  relinquish  his 
archbishopric  until  June,  1903. 2  In  his  absence  his  office  was 
administered  by  Father  Martin  Garcia  Alcocer,  the  Spanish  bishop 
of  Cebu,  whilst  the  bishopric  of  Cebu  was  left  in  charge  of  a  popular 
Chinese  half-caste  secular  priest,  Father  Singson,3  who  subsequently 
became  vicar  of  Cebu  on  the  appointment  of  an  American  prelate, 
Father  Hendrichs,   to  the  bishopric. 

In  the  matter  of  the  Friars'  lands,  it  was  apparently  impossible  to 
arrive  at  any  settlement  with  the  friars  themselves.  The  purchase  of 
their  estates  was  recommended  by  the  Insular  Government,  and  the 
Congress  at  Washington  favourably  entertained  that  proposal.  In  many 
places  the  tenants  refused  to  pay  rent  to  the  friars,  who  then  put  forward 
the  extraordinary  suggestion  that  the  Government  should  send  an  armed 
force  to  coerce  the  tenants.  The  Government  at  once  refused  to  do  this, 
pointing  out  that  the  ordinary  courts  were  open  to  them  the  same  as 
to  all  citizens.  Truly  the  friars  found  themselves  in  a  dilemma. 
By  the  rules  of  their  Order  they  could  not  sue  in  a  court  of  law ;  but 
under  the  Spanish  Government,  which  was  always  subservient  to  their 
will,  they  had  been  able  to  obtain  redress  by  force.  Under  the  American 
Government  these  immunities  and  privileges  ceased. 

In  1902  the  Civil  Governor  of  the  Philippines,  Mr.  W.  H.  Taft, 
visited  the  United  States,  and  on  May  9  in  that  year  he  was  com- 
missioned by  his  Government  to  visit  Rome  on  his  way  back  to  the 
Islands  in  order  to  negotiate  the  question  of  the  friars'1  lands  with  the 

1  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  190,  p.  2,  56th  Congress,  2nd  Session. 

2  Bernardino  Nozaleda,  a  native  of  Asturias,  Spain,  of  rustic  parentage,  was 
originally  a  professor  in  Manila,  where  he  became  Archbishop  in  1889.  In  1903  he 
was  nominated  for  the  archbishopric  of  Valencia,  Spain,  but  the  citizens  absolutely 
refused  to  receive  bim,  because  of  evil  report  concerning  him. 

8  In  May,  1904,  Father  Singson  was  appointed  by  His  Holiness  Domestic  Prelate 
of  the  Pope,  with  the  title  of  Monsignore. 


598        American  view  of  the   friars'  lands  question 

Holy   See.     The  instructions  issued  to  him  by  the  Secretary  of  War 
contain  the  following  paragraphs,  namely  l : — 

"  One  of  the  controlling  principles  of  our  Government  is  the  com- 
"  plete  separation  of  Church  and  State,  with  the  entire  freedom  of  each 
"  from    any  control    or   interference   by  the    other.     This    principle    is 
"  imperative  wherever  American  jurisdiction  extends,  and  no  modification 
"or  shading  thereof  can  be  a  subject  of  discussion.  .  .  .  By  reason  of 
"  the  separation,  the  Religious  Orders  can  no  longer  perform,  in  behalf 
"  of  the  State,  the  duties  in  relation  to  public  instruction  and  public 
"  charities  formerly  resting  upon  them.  .  .   .  They  find  themselves  the 
"  object  of  such  hostility  on  the  part  of  their  tenantry  against  them  as 
"  landlords,  and  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  parishes  against  them 
"  as  representatives  of  the  former  Government,  that  they  are  no  longer 
"  capable  of  serving  any  useful  purpose  for  the  Church.     No  rents  can 
"  be  collected  from  the  populous  communities  occupying  their  lands, 
"  unless  it  be  by  the  intervention  of  the  civil  government  with  armed 
"  force.     Speaking  generally,  for  several  years  past  the  friars,  formerly 
"  installed  over  the  parishes,  have  been  unable  to  remain  at  their  posts, 
"  and  are  collected  in  Manila  with  the  vain  hope  of  returning.     They 
"  will  not  be  voluntarily  accepted  again  by  the  people,  and  cannot  be 
"  restored  to  their  positions  except  by  forcible  intervention  on  the  part 
"  of  the   civil  government,  which   the    principles   of  our   Government 
"  forbid.  ...  It  is  for  the  interest  of  the  Church,  as  well  as  for  the 
"  State,  that  the  landed  proprietorship  of  the  Religious  Orders  in  the 
"  Philippine  Islands  should  cease,  and  that  if  the  Church  wishes  ...  to 
"  continue  its  ministration   among  the  people   of   the   Islands  ...   it 
"  should  seek  other  agents  therefor.     It  is  the  wish  of  our  Government, 
"  in  case  Congress  shall  grant  authority,  that  the  titles  of  the  Religious 
"  Orders  to  the  large  tracts  of  agricultural  lands  which  they  now  hold 
"  shall  be  extinguished,  but  that  full  and  fair  compensation   shall  be 
"  made  therefor.     It  is  not,  however,  deemed  to  be  for  the  interests  of 
"  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  that  ...  a  fund  should  thereby 
"  be  created  to  be  used  for  the  attempted  restoration  of  the  friars  to  the 
"  parishes  from  which  they  are  now  separated,  with  the  consequent  dis- 
"  turbance  of  law  and  order.     Your  errand  will  not  be,  in  any  sense  or 
"  degree,  diplomatic  in  its  nature ;  but  will  be  purely  a  business  matter 
"  of  negotiation  by  you,  as  Governor  of  the  Philippines,  for  the  purchase 
"  of  property  from  the  owners  thereof,  and  the  settlement  of  land  titles." 
Governor  Taft  arrived  in  Rome  in  June,  1902,  in  the  pontificate  of 
His  Holiness    Leo   XIII.,   whose    Secretary  of  State  was  Cardinal   M. 
Rampolla.     In  Governor  Taffs  address  to  His  Holiness,  the  following 
interesting  passage  occurs  :  "  On  behalf  of  the  Philippine  Government, 
"  it  is  proposed  to  buy  the  lands  of  the  Religious  Orders  with  the  hope 
"  that  the  funds  thus  furnished  may  lead  to  their  withdrawal  from  the 

1  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  for  1902,  p.  234.      Published  in  Washington. 


America  negotiates  with  the  Holy  See  599 

"  Islands,  and,  if  necessary,  a  substitution  therefor,  as  parish  priests,  of 
"  other  priests  whose  presence  would  not  be  dangerous  to  public  order." 

In  the  document  dated  June  22,  in  reply  to  Governor  Taftfs  address 
to  His  Holiness,  Cardinal  Rampolla  says :  "  As  to  the  Spanish  religious 
"  in  particular  belonging  to  the  Orders  mentioned  in  the  instructions, 
"  not  even  they  should  be  denied  to  return  to  those  parishes  where  the 
"  people  are  disposed  to  receive  them  without  disturbance  of  public 
"  order.  .  .  .  The  Holy  See  will  not  neglect  to  promote,  at  the  same 
"  time,  the  better  ecclesiastical  education  and  training  of  the  native 
"  clergy,  in  order  to  put  them  in  the  way,  according  to  their  fitness,  of 
"  taking  gradually  the  place  of  the  Religious  Orders  in  the  discharge 
"  of  the  pastoral  functions.  The  Holy  See  likewise  recognizes  that  in 
"  order  to  reconcile  more  fully  the  feelings  of  the  Filipinos  to  the 
"  religious  possessing  landed  estates,  the  sale  of  the  same  is  conducive 
"  thereto.  The  Holy  See  declares  it  is  disposed  to  furnish  the  new 
"  Apostolic  Delegate,  who  is  to  be  sent  to  the  Philippine  Islands,  with 
"  necessary  and  opportune  instructions  in  order  to  treat  amicably  this 
"  affair  in  understanding  with  the  American  Government  and  the  parties 
"  interested." 

In  the  same  document  the  Holy  See  asked  for  indemnity  for  "  the 
"  acts  of  vandalism  perpetrated  by  the  insurgents  in  the  destruction  of 
"  churches  and  the  appropriation  of  sacred  vestments,"  and  also  for  the 
damage  caused  by  the  occupation  by  the  American  Government  of 
"  episcopal  palaces,  seminaries,  convents,  rectories,  and  other  buildings 
intended  for  worship."  The  Holy  See  further  claimed  "  the  right  and 
"  the  liberty  of  administering  the  pious  trusts  of  ecclesiastical  origin,  or 
"of  Catholic  foundation,  which  do  not  owe  their  existence  to  the  civil 
"  power  exclusively  " ;  also  "  suitable  provisions  for  religious  teaching  in 
the  public  schools,  especially  the  primary." 

Governor  Taft,  in  his  reply  to  the  Holy  See,  dated  July  3,  expressed 
regret  at  the  suggested  appointment  of  a  new  Apostolic  Delegate,  and 
sought  to  bring  the  Holy  See  to  a  definite  contract.  For  the  settlement 
of  the  friars1  land  question  he  proposed  "  a  tribunal  of  arbitration  to  be 
"  composed  of  five  members — two  to  be  appointed  by  His  Holiness,  two 
"  to  be  appointed  by  the  Philippine  Government,  and  one,  the  fifth,  to 
"  be  selected  by  an  indifferent  person,  like  the  Governor-General  of 
"  India  "  ;  the  expenses  to  be  defrayed  wholly  by  the  Philippine  Govern- 
ment, and  the  tribunal  to  meet  in  the  City  of  Manila  not  later  than 
January  1,  1903.  He  further  proposed  that  the  lands  should  be  valued 
in  Mexican  dollars,  and  be  paid  for  in  three  cash  instalments  of  three, 
six,  and  nine  months  after  the  report  of  the  award  and  the  delivery  of 
the  deeds.  Furthermore,  that  "  the  payments  ought  to  be  made  to  the 
person  designated  by  the  Holy  See  to  receive  the  same,"  on  the  condition 
that  "  no  money  shall  be  paid  for  the  lands  to  be  purchased  until  proper 
"  conveyances    for   the   land    shall   have  been  made  to  the  Philippine 


600       The  Pope's  contrary  view  oj  the  friars    case 


"  Government.''''  Another  condition  was  "  that  all  the  members  of  the 
"  four  Religious  Orders  of  Dominicans,  Agustinians,  Recoletos,  and  Fran- 
"  ciscans  now  in  the  Islands  shall  withdraw  therefrom  after  two  years 
"  from  the  date  of  the  first  payment.  An  exception  is  made  in  favour 
"  of  any  member  of  those  Orders  who  has  been  able  to  avoid  hostility  of 
"  the  people  and  to  carry  on  his  duties  as  parish  priest,  in  his  parish 
"  outside  Manila,  from  August,  1898,  to  date  of  this  agreement," 
because  "  it  is  certain  that  such  a  priest  is  popular  with  the  people." 
Governor  Taft  adds  :  "  Nothing  will  calm  the  fears  of  the  people  .  .  . 
"  except  the  definite  knowledge  .  .  .  that  the  Spanish  friars  of  the  four 
"  Orders  are  to  leave  the  Islands  at  a  definite  time,  and  are  not  to  return 
"  to  the  parishes." 

Cardinal  Rampolla  replied  on  July  9  to  Governor  Taffs  com- 
munication of  July  3,  which  covered  his  proposed  contract  and  enclosed 
a  counter  project  of  convention,  explaining  as  follows  : — "  The  Holy  See 
"  cannot  accept  the  proposition  of  the  Philippine  Government  to  recall 
"  from  the  Archipelago  in  a  fixed  time  all  the  religious  of  Spanish 
"  nationality  .  .  .  and  to  prevent  their  return  in  the  future.  In  effect, 
"  such  a  measure  .  .  .  would  be  contrary  to  the  positive  rights 
"  guaranteed  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  and  would  put,  consequently,  the 
"  Holy  See  in  conflict  with  Spain.  .  .  .  Such  a  measure  would  be,  in  the 
"  eyes  of  the  Filipinos  and  of  the  entire  Catholic  world,  the  explicit 
"  confirmation  of  all  the  accusations  brought  against  the  said  religious 
"  by  their  enemies,  accusations  of  which  .  .  .  the  evident  exaggeration 
"  cannot  be  disputed.  If  the  American  Government,  respecting,  as  it 
"  does,  individual  rights,  does  not  dare  to  interdict  the  Philippine  soil 
"  to  the  Spanish  religious  .  .  .  how  could  the  Pope  do  it  ?  The  Holy 
"  See,  in  accord  with  the  diocesan  authorities,  will  not  permit  the  return 
"  of  the  Spanish  religious  ...  in  the  parishes  where  their  presence 
"  would  provoke  troubles." 

The  Holy  See's  counter-proposal  was  cabled  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  who,  in  his  reply  dated  July  14,  which  was  tantamount  to  a 
rejection  of  it,  remarked  :  "  The  lay  Catholic  population  and  the  parish 
"priests  of  native  and  non-Spanish  blood  are  practically  a  unit  in 
"  desiring  both  to  expel  the  friars  and  to  confiscate  their  lands.  .  .  .  This 
"  proposed  confiscation,  without  compensation  for  the  Church  lands,  was 
"  one  of  the  fundamental  policies  of  the  Insurgent  Government  under 
"  Aguinaldo."  As  an  alternative,  the  Secretary  of  War  accepted  the 
proposal  of  the  Holy  See  to  send  a  new  Apostolic  Delegate,  with 
necessary  instructions  to  negotiate  the  affair  amicably.  Therefore,  in 
transmitting  this  reply  to  Cardinal  Rampolla  on  July  15,  Gov. 
Taft  closed  the  negotiations  by  stating :  "  I  have  the  honour  to  request 
"...  that  the  negotiations  concerning  the  various  subjects  touched 
"  upon  in  the  proposals  and  counter-proposals  be  continued  in  Manila 
"  between  the  Apostolic  Delegate  and  myself,  on  the  broad  lines  indi- 


Purchase  of  the  friars''  lands;  their  acreage        601 

"  cated  in  this  correspondence.  ...  I  much  regret  that  we  cannot  now 
"  reach  a  more  precise  agreement.  .   .  .11 

The  receipt  of  this  last  communication  was  courteously  acknowledged 
by  Cardinal  M.  Rampolla  on  July  18,  1902,  and  Gov.  Taft  then 
continued  his  journey  to  the  Philippines.1 

Monsignor  Chapelle's  mission  had  entirely  failed  to  achieve  its 
purpose,  and  he  retired  from  the  Islands  on  the  appointment  of  the  new 
Apostolic  Delegate,  Monsignor  Giovanni  Battista  Guidi.  Born  on 
April  27,  1852,  this  prelate  was  a  man  of  great  culture  and  a  distin- 
guished linguist,  who  had  travelled  considerably.  From  Rome  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Washington,  and,  with  the  United  States  exequatur,  he 
entered  Manila  on  November  18,  1902,  and  died  there  on  June  26, 1904. 
During  his  mission  the  conditions  of  the  friars1  land  settlement  were 
embodied  in  a  contract  dated  December  23,  1903,  whereby  the  United 
States  undertook  to  pay,  within  six  months  from  date,  the  sum  of 
$7,227,000  gold  in  exchange  for  the  title-deeds  and  conveyances  of  all  the 
rural  lands  belonging  to  the  three  corporations  possessing  such — namely, 
the  Dominicans,  Agustinians,  and  Recoletos.2  To  cover  this  purchase, 
bonds  were  issued  in  America  for  $7,000,000  bearing  4  per  cent, 
interest  per  annum ;  but,  as  the  bonds  obtained  a  premium  on  the 
money  market,  the  total  amount  realized  on  the  issue  was  §7,530,370. 
It  remained,  therefore,  with  the  corporations  themselves  to  deliver  the 
title-deeds,  but  on  personal  inquiry  of  the  Gov.-General  in  the  month 
of  July  following  I  learnt  that  up  to  that  date  they  had  only  partially 
fulfilled  this  condition.  This,  however,  concerns  them  more  than  it  does 
the  American  Government,  which  is  ready  to  pay  for  value  received. 
The  approximate  extent  of  the  friars1  lands  is  as  follows 3 : — 


Province. 
Cavite. 
La  Laguna 
Rizal 
Rulacan 
Rizal  (Mdrong) 
Bataan 
Cebii 

Cagayan    . 
Mindoro    . 

Total 


Acres. 

121,747  ^ 
C2,172 
.50,14.5 
39,441 
4,940 
1,000 
16,413 
49,400 
.58,45.5 

403,713 


Some  held  for  centuries, 
one  generation. 


None  less  than 


Govt,  grant  to  Austin  friars,  Sept.  25,  1880 
,,    to  Recoleto  friars  in  1894. 


1  I  was  in  Italy  during  the  whole  of  the  negotiations.  The  Italian  clerical  press 
alluded  to  the  outcome  as  a  diplomatic  victory  for  the  Vatican. 

2  The  Franciscan  Order  is  not  allowed  by  its  rules  to  possess  any  property.  It 
therefore  had  no  agricultural  lands,  and  no  other  property  than  dwelling-houses  for 
members,  two  convents,  and  two  infirmaries. 

3  Vide  Senate  Document  No.  112,  p.  27,  56th  Congress,  2nd  Session  ;  and  Senate 
Document  No.  331,  p.  180  of  Part  I.,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session.  Published  by 
the  Government  Printing  Office,  Washington. 


602  The  anti-friar  feeling  diminishes 

The  purchase  negotiations  became  all  the  more  complicated  because, 
from  1893  onwards,  the  Religious  Orders  had  sold  some  of  their  lands  to 
speculators  who  undertook  to  form  companies  to  work  them ;  however, 
the  friars  were  the  largest  stockholders  in  these  concerns. 

As  the  lands  become  State  property  they  will  be  offered  to  the 
tenants  at  the  time  being  at  cost  price,  payable  in  long  terms  with 
moderate  interest.  The  annual  compounded  sum  will  be  only  a  trifle 
more  than  the  rent  hitherto  paid.1 

As  Governor  Taft  stated  before  the  United  States  Senate,  it  would 
be  impolitic  to  allow  the  tenants  to  possess  the  lands  without  payment, 
because  such  a  plan  would  be  promotive  of  socialistic  ideas.  The  friars'1 
land  referred  to  does  not  include  their  urban  property  in  and  around 
Manila,  which,  with  the  buildings  thereon,  they  are  allowed  to  retain 
for  the  maintenance  of  those  members  of  their  Orders  who  still  hope  to 
remain  in  the  Islands.  In  July,  1904,  there  were  about  350  friars  in  the 
Islands,  including  the  Recoletos  in  Cavite  and  the  few  who  were  amicably 
received  by  the  people  in  provincial  parishes,  exclusively  in  their 
sacerdotal  capacity.  At  this  period,  at  least,  the  Filipinos  were  not 
unanimous  in  rejecting  friars  as  parish  priests.  Bishop  Hendrichs,  of 
Cebu,  told  me  that  he  had  received  a  deputation  of  natives  from  Bojol 
Island,  begging  him  to  appoint  friars  to  their  parishes.  In  May,  1903, 
the  Centro  Catolico,  a  body  of  lay  Filipinos,  well  enough  educated  to 
understand  the  new  position  of  the  clergy,  addressed  a  memorial  to 
the  Papal  delegate,  Monsignor  Guidi,  expressing  their  earnest  desire 
for  the  retention  of  the  friars.  In  the  localities  where  their  presence 
is  desired  their  influence  over  the  people  is  great.  Their  return  to  such 
parishes  is  well  worth  considering.  Their  ability  to  restrain  the  natives1 
extravagances  is  superior  to  that  of  any  lay  authority,  and  it  is  obvious 
that,  under  the  new  conditions  of  government,  they  could  never  again 
produce  a  conflict  like  that  of  the  past. 

The  administrator  of  the  archbishopric  of  Manila,  Father  Martin 
Garcia  Alcocer,  retired  to  Spain  (October  25,  1903)  on  the  appointment 
of  the  present  American  Archbishop,  Monsignor  Jeremiah  J.  Harty, 
who  arrived  in  the  capital  in  January,  1904.  He  is  a  man  of  pleasing 
countenance,  commanding  presence,  and  an  impressive  orator.  Since 
1898  churches  and  chapels  of  many  denominations  and  creeds  have 
been  opened  in  the  Islands.  Natives  join  them  from  various  motives, 
for  it  would  be  venturesome  to  assert  that  they  are  all  moved  by 
religious  conviction.  In  Zamboanga  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  an 
enthusiastic  propagandist,  who  assured  me  with  pride  that  he  had 
drawn  quite  a  number  of  christian  natives  from  their  old  belief.  His 
sincerity  of  purpose  enlisted  my  admiration,  but  his  explanation  of  the 

1  Vide  speech  of  Gov. -General  (then  styled  Civil  Governor)  Luke  E.  Wright 
on  assuming  office  on  February  ],  1904.  Reported  in  the  Manila  Official  Gazette, 
Vol.  II. ,  No.  5,  dated  February  3,  15)04. 


The  Philippine  Independent  Church  603 

advantages  accruing  to  his  neophytes  was  too  recondite  for  my  under- 
standing. 

The  limpid  purity  of  purpose  in  the  lofty  ideal  of  uplifting  all 
humanity,  so  characteristic  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Europe, 
was  unfortunately  obscured  in  the  latter  days  of  Spanish  dominion  in 
these  Islands  by  the  multifarious  devices  to  convert  the  Church  into  a 
money-making  channel.  If  the  true  religious  spirit  ever  pervaded  the 
provincial  Filipino's  mind,  it  was  quickly  impaired  in  his  struggle  to 
resist  the  pastors  greed,  unless  he  yielded  to  it  and  developed  into  a 
fanatic  or  a  monomaniac.1 

Astute  Filipinos,  of  quicker  discernment  than  their  fellows,  did  not 
fail  to  perceive  the  material  advantages  to  be  reaped  from  a  religious 
system,  quite  apart  from  the  religion  itself,  in  the  power  of  union 
and  its  pecuniary  potentiality.  As  a  result  thereof  there  came  into 
existence,  at  the  close  of  Spanish  rule,  the  Philippine  Independent 
Church,  more  popularly  known  as  the  Aglipayan  Church.  Some  eight 
or  nine  years  before  the  Philippine  Rebellion  a  young  Filipino  went  to 
Spain,  where  he  imbibed  the  socialistic,  almost  anarchical,  views  of  such 
political  extremists  as  Lerroux  and  Blasco-Ybariez.  By  nature  of  a 
revolutionary  spirit,  the  doctrines  of  these  politicians  fascinated  him  so 
far  as  to  convert  him  into  an  intransigent  opponent  of  Spanish  rule  in 
his  native  country.  In  1891  he  went  to  London,  where  the  circum- 
stance of  the  visit  of  the  two  priests  alluded  to  at  p.  383  was 
related  to  him.  He  saw  in  their  suggestion  a  powerful  factor  for 
undermining  the  supremacy  of  the  friars.  The  young  Filipino  pondered 
seriously  over  it,  and  when  the  events  of  1898  created  the  opportunity, 
he  returned  to  the  Islands  impressed  with  the  belief  that  independence 
could  only  be  gained  by  union,  and  that  a  pseudo-religious  organization 
was  a  good  medium  for  that  union. 

The  antecedents  and  the  subsequent  career  of  the  initiator  of  the 
Philippine  Independent  Church  would  not  lead  one  to  suppose  that 
there  was  more  religion  in  him  than  there  was  in  the  scheme  itself. 
The  principle  involved  was  purely  that  of  independence  ;  the  incidence 
of  its  development  being  in  this  case  pseudo -religious,  with  the  view 
of  substituting  the  Filipino  for  the  alien  in  his  possession  of  sway 
over  the  Filipinos'1  minds,  for  a  purpose.  The  initiator  of  the  scheme, 
not  being  himself  a  gownsman,  was  naturally  constrained  to  delegate  its 
execution  to  a  priest,  whilst  he  organized  another  union,  under  a  different 
title,  which  finally  brought  incarceration  to  himself  and  disaster  to  his 
successor. 

Gregorio    Aglipay,    the    head   of  the    Philippine   Independent,    or 

Aglipayan,  Church,  was  born  at  Batac,  in  the  province  of  Ilocos  Norte, 

1  This  condition  was  termed  "  frailuno."  In  its  application  to  the  European  it 
simply  denoted  "partisan  of  the  regular  clergy."  Its  popular  signification  when 
applied  to  the  native  was  a  total  relinquishment  of,  or  incapacity  for,  independent 
appreciation  of  the  friars'  dicta  in  mundane  matters. 


604     The  Head  of  the  Philippine  Independent  Church 

on  May  7,  1860,  of  poor  parents,  who  owned  a  patch  of  tobacco  land  on 
which  young  Gregorio  worked.     Together  with  his  father,  he  was  led  to 
prison  at  the  age  of  sixteen  for  not  having  planted  the  obligatory  minimum 
of  4,000  plants  (vide  p.  294).     On  his  release  he  left  field-work  and  went 
to  Manila,  where  he  took  his  first  lessons  at  the  house  of  a  Philippine 
lawyer,   Julian    Carpio.     Two   years   afterwards,    whilst  working   in    a 
menial  capacity,  he  attended  the  school  of  San  Juan  de  Letran.  Through 
a  poor  relation  he  was  recommended  to  the  notice  of  the  Dominican 
friars,   under  whose  patronage  he  entered  Saint  Thomas's   University, 
where  he  graduated  in  philosophy  and  arts.     Then  he  returned  to  his 
province,  entered  the  seminary,  and  became  a  sub-deacon  of  the  diocese 
of  Nueva  Segovia.     In  1889  he  was  ordained  a  priest  in  Manila,  Canon 
Sanchez  Luna  being  his  sponsor,  and  he  said  his  first  mass  in  the  church 
of  Santa  Cruz.     Although  the  friars  had  frequently  admonished  him  for 
his  liberal  tendencies,    he  was  appointed    coadjutor    curate   of   several 
provincial  parishes,  and  was  acting  in  that  capacity  at  Victoria  (Tarlac) 
when  the  rebellion  of  1896  broke  out.     About  that  time  he  received  a 
warning  from  a  native  priest  in  another  parish  that  the  Spaniards  would 
certainly  arrest  him  on  suspicion  of  being  in  sympathy  with  the  rebels. 
In  fear  of  his  life  he  escaped  to  Manila,  where  he  found  a  staunch  friend 
in  Canon  Sanchez  Luna,  who  allowed  him  to  stay  at  his  house  on  the 
pretext  of  illness.      Canon   Luna,    who  was  a  Spaniard,  obtained   from 
Gov.-General  Blanco  papers  in  favour  of  Aglipay  to  ensure  his  safety 
back  to  Victoria.     Aglipay  then  left  the    capital,   making  use  of  the 
safe-conduct    pass    to    go    straight    to    the    rebel    camp,    where,    with 
the  title  of  chaplain  to  General  Tinio's  forces,  he  was  present  at  several 
engagements  and  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo. 
The   Malolos  Government  appointed  him  Vicar- General,  and  after  the 
War  of  Independence  broke  out  he  assumed  command  of  a  large  body 
of  insurgents  in  the  mountain  region  of  his  native  province.     In  1899 
he   proclaimed   himself  chief  of  the  Philippine  Independent  Church, 
whereupon  the  Archbishop  publicly  excommunicated  him.     Later  on  he 
voluntarily  presented  himself  to  the  military  authorities,  and  obtained 
pardon  under  the  amnesty  proclamation. 

Dr.  Mariano  Sevilla  and  several  other  most  enlightened  Philippine 
priests  were  in  friendly  relation  with  Aglipay  for  some  time,  but 
eventually  various  circumstances  contributed  to  alienate  them  from  his 
cause.  In  his  overtures  towards  those  whose  co-operation  he  sought 
there  was  a  notable  want  of  frankness  and  a  disposition  to  treat  them 
with  that  diplomatic  reserve  compatible  only  with  negotiations  between 
two  adverse  parties.  His  association  with  the  lay  initiator  of  the 
scheme,  unrevealed  at  the  outset,  incidentally  came  to  their  knowledge 
with  surprise  and  disapproval.  Judging,  too,  from  the  well-known 
tenets  of  the  initiator's  associates,  there  was  a  suspicion  lest  the  pro- 
posed Philippine  Independent    Church  were  really  only  a  detail   in  a 


THE   RT.   REV.    BISHOP   GREGORIO   AGLIPAY. 
High  Bishop  of  the  Philippine  Independent  Church. 


He  throws  off"  allegiance  to  the  Pope  CO. 5 

more  comprehensive  plan  involving  absolute  separation  from  foreign 
control  in  any  shape.  Again,  he  hesitated  openly  to  declare  his  views 
with  respect  to  the  relations  with  Rome.  Conscience  here  seemed  to 
play  a  lesser  part  than  expediency.  The  millions  in  the  world  who 
conscientiously  disclaim  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope,  at  least  openly 
avow  it.  In  the  present  case  the  question  of  submission  to,  or  rebellion 
against,  the  Apostolic  successor  was  quite  subordinate  to  the  material 
success  of  the  plans  for  independence.  It  is  difficult  to  see  in  all 
this  the  evidence  of  religious  conviction. 

Dr.  Sevilla  had  been  requested  to  proceed  to  Rome  to  submit  to  the 
Holy  Father  the  aspirations  of  the  Philippine  people  with  respect  to 
Church  matters,  and  he  consented  to  do  so,  provided  the  movement  did 
not  in  any  way  affect  their  absolute  submission  to  the  Holy  See,  and 
that  the  Philippine  Church  should  remain  a  Catholic  Apostolic  Church, 
with  the  sole  difference  that  its  administration  should  be  confided  to  the 
Filipinos  instead  of  to  foreigners,  if  that  reform  met  with  the  approval 
of  his  Holiness.1 

Only  at  this  stage  did  Aglipay  admit  that  he  sought  independence  of 
Rome ;  thereupon  the  Philippine  clergy  of  distinction  abandoned  all 
thought  of  participation  in  the  new  movement,  or  of  any  action  which 
implied  dictation  to  the  Holy  See.  Nevertheless,  two  native  priests 
were  commissioned  to  go  to  Rome  to  seek  the  Pope's  sanction  for  the 
establishment  of  an  exclusively  Philippine  hierarchy  under  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  Pope.  But  His  Holiness  immediately  dismissed  the 
delegates  with  a  non  possumus.  The  petition  to  His  Holiness  was 
apparently  only  the  prelude  to  the  ultimate  design  to  repudiate  the 
white  man's  control  in  matters  ecclesiastical,  and  possibly  more  beyond. 

Gregorio  Aglipay  then  openly  threw  off  allegiance  to  the  Pope,  went 
to  Manila,  and  in  the  suburb  of  Tondo  proclaimed  himself  Obispo  Maximo 
(Pontifex  Maximus)  of  his  new  Church. 

1  Since  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1898)  the  Spanish  friars  are  foreigners  in  these 
Islands.  The  Philippine  clergy  oppose  a  foreign  monopoly  of  their  Church.  They 
declare  themselves  competent  to  undertake  the  cure  of  souls,  and  claim  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  Council  of  Trent  decrees  which  prohibit  the  regular  clergy  to  hold 
benefices,  except  on  two  conditions,  viz. : — (1)  as  missionaries  to  non-Christians,  (2)  as 
temporary  parish  priests  in  christian  communities  where  qualified  secular  clergy 
cannot  be  found  to  take  their  places.  The  crux  of  the  whole  question  is  the  com- 
petency or  incompetency  of  the  Philippine  clergy.  The  Aglipayans  allege  that 
Pope  Leo  XIII.,  in  the  last  years  of  his  pontificate,  issued  a  bull  declaring  the 
Filipinos  to  be  incompetent  for  the  cure  of  souls.  They  strongly  resent  this. 
Whether  the  bull  exists  or  not,  the  unfitness  of  the  Philippine  clergy  to  take  the 
place  of  the  regular  clergy  was  suggested  by  the  Holy  See  in  1902  {vide  p.   599). 

The  Council  of  Trent  was  the  18th  oecumenical  council  of  the  Church, 
assembled  at  Trent,  a  town  in  the  Austrian  Tyrol,  and  sat,  with  certain  interrup- 
tions, from  December  13,  1545,  until  December  4,  1563.  Nearly  every  point  of 
doubt  or  dispute  within  the  Catholic  Church  was  discussed  at  this  Council.  Its 
decrees  were  confirmed  and  published  by  Pope  Pius  IV.  in  1564  by  papal  decree, 
being  a  brief  summary  of  the  doctrines  known  as  the  Profession  of  the  Tridentine 
Faith,  commonly  called  also  the  Creed  of  Pius  IV. 


606  Conflict  between  Catholics  and  Schismatics 

His  sect  at  once  found  many  followers  in  the  provinces  of  Rizal, 
Bulacan  and  Ilocos,  and  eventually  spread  more  or  less  over  the  other 
christian  provinces.  The  movement  is  strongest  in  Ilocos,  where  several 
parishes,  indeed,  have  no  other  priest  than  an  Aglipayan.  This  district 
is  part  of  the  bishopric  of  Nueva  Segovia,  now  administered  by  the 
American  Bishop  Dougherty.  As  to  the  number  of  Aglipayan  adherents, 
no  reliable  figures  are  procurable  from  any  source,  but  it  is  certain  they 
amount  to  thousands.  I  found  Aglipayans  as  far  south  as  Zamboanga. 
Just  a  few  priests  ordained  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  have  joined 
the  schismatic  cause.  One  of  these  repented  and  offered  his  submission 
to  the  administrator  of  the  archbishopric  (Father  Martin  Alcocer), 
who  pardoned  his  frailty  and  received  him  again  into  the  Church.  No 
period  of  preparation  was  necessary,  at  least  in  the  beginning,  for  the 
ordination  of  an  Aglipayan  priest.  He  might  have  been  a  domestic- 
servant,  an  artisan,  or  a  loafer  shortly  before  ;  hence  many  would-be 
converts  refused  to  join  when  they  saw  their  own  or  their  friends1 
retainers  suddenly  elevated  to  the  priesthood.  At  Yligan  (Mindanao 
Is.)  an  American  official  arrested  a  man,  tonsured  and  robed  as  a  priest 
in  an  Aglipayan  procession,  on  a  charge  of  homicide.  In  1904  they 
had  not  half  a  dozen  well-built  churches  of  their  own,  but  mat-sheds 
for  their  meetings  were  to  be  seen  in  many  towns.  In  the  year  1903 
these  sectarians  made  repeated  raids  on  Roman  Catholic  property,  and 
attempted  to  gain  possession  of  the  churches  by  force.  Riots  ensued, 
religion  seemed  to  be  forgotten  by  both  parties  in  the  melee,  and  several 
were  given  time  for  reflection  in  prison.  In  April,  1904,  at  Talisay 
and  Minglanilla  (Cebu  Is.),  they  succeeded  in  occupying  the  churches 
and  propertv  claimed  by  the  friars,  and  refused  to  vacate  them.  In 
the  following  month  an  Aglipayan  priest,  Bonifacio  Purganan,  was  fined 
$25  for  having  taken  forcible  possession  of  the  Chapel  of  Penafraneia 
(Paco  suburb  of  Manila).  In  the  province  of  Yloilo  the  Aglipayans 
were  forcibly  ejected  from  the  church  of  La  Paz.  In  1904  they 
entered  a  claim  on  the  novel  plea  that,  as  many  churches  had  been 
subscribed  to  or  partially  erected  at  their  expense  before  they  seceded 
from  the  Catholic  Church,  they  were  entitled  to  a  restitution  of  their 
donations.  The  Catholics  were  anxious  to  have  the  contention  decided 
in  a  formal  and  definite  manner,  and  the  case  was  heard  at  the  Court  of 
Guagua  (Pampanga).  The  decision  was  against  the  sectarians,  on  the 
ground  that  what  had  been  once  given  for  a  specific  purpose  could  not 
be  restored  to  the  donor,  or  its  application  diverted  from  the  original 
channel,  notwithstanding  any  subsequent  change  in  the  views  of  the 
donor.  It  was  probably  in  consequence  of  these  disputes  that  in  January, 
1905,  the  Secretary  of  War  approved  of  a  proposed  Act  of  the  Insular 
Government  conferring  authority  upon  the  Supreme  Court  of  these 
Islands  to  hear  cases  relating  to  Church  property  claims  and  pronounce 
a  final  decision  thereon. 


Aglipayan  doctrine— Native  clergy  607 

Up  to  the  middle  of  1904  the  particular  doctrines  of  the  Philippine 
Independent  Church  were  not  yet  defined,  and  the  Aglipayans  professed 
to  follow  the  Roman  ritual.  It  was  intended,  however,  to  introduce 
reforms  of  fundamental  importance.  For  two  days  and  a  half  I  travelled 
in  company  with  the  titular  Aglipayan  ecclesiastical  governor  of  the 
Visayas,  from  whom  I  learnt  much  concerning  the  opinions  of  his  sect. 
It  appears  that  many  are  opposed  to  celibacy  of  the  clergy  and  auricular 
confession.  My  companion  himself  rejected  the  biblical  account  of  the 
Creation,  the  doctrine  of  original  sin,  hereditary  responsibility,  the  deity 
of  Christ,  and  the  need  for  the  Atonement.  His  conception  of  the  rela- 
tions between  God  and  mankind  was  a  curious  admixture  of  Darwinism 
and  Rationalism  ;  everything  beyond  the  scope  of  human  reasoning  had 
but  a  slender  hold  on  his  mind. 

It  is  most  probable  that  the  majority  of  Aglipayans  have  given  no 
thought  as  to  the  possible  application  of  the  power  of  union  in  this 
particular  form,  and  that  their  adhesion  to  the  movement  is  merely  a 
natural  reaction  following  the  suppression  of  sacerdotal  tyranny — an 
extravagant  sense  of  untrammelled  thought  which  time  may  modify  by 
sober  reflection  when  it  is  generally  seen  that  the  clergy  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  henceforth  strictly  limit  themselves  to  the  exercise  of 
their  proper  functions.  With  the  hope  of  re-establishing  peace  and 
conformity  in  the  Church,  His  Holiness  Pope  Pius  X.  sent  to  the 
Islands  his  new  Apostolic  Delegate,  Monsignor  Ambrose  Agius,  who 
reached  Manila  on  February  6,  1905.1 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  native  parish  priest,  bereft  of  the  white 
man's  control,  would  have  sufficient  firmness  of  character  to  overcome  his 
own  frailties  and  lead  his  flock  in  the  true  path.  Under  a  Philippine 
hierarchy  there  would  be  a  danger  of  the  natives  reverting  to  paganism 
and  fetichism.  There  have  been  many  indications  of  that  tendency 
from  years  back  up  to  the  present.  Only  a  minority  of  native  Christians 
seem  to  have  grasped  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity.  All  that  appeals 
to  the  eye  in  the  rites  and  ceremonies  impresses  them — the  glamour  and 
pomp  of  the  procession  attract  them  ;  they  are  very  fervent  in  outward 
observances,  but  ever  prone  to  stray  towards  the  idolatrous.  A  pre- 
tended apparition  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  is  an  old  profitable  trick  of  the 
natives,  practised   as   recently    as   December,    1904,    in    the   village  of 

1  Monsignor  Ambrogio  Agius,  born  on  September  17.,  1856,  of  a  distinguished 
Maltese  family,  entered  on  his  novitiate  at  the  Benedictine  Monastery  of  Ramsgate, 
England,  on  September  8,  1871.  Having  finished  his  studies  of  philosophy  and 
theology  in  Rome,  he  was  ordained  as  priest  on  October  16,  1881,  in  the  Cathedral 
of  Santo  Scolastico  at  Subiaco.  He  then  returned  to  England,  but  in  1895  he  was 
called  to  Rome,  where  for  nine  years  he  held  several  ecclesiastical  offices.  His 
ability  was  observed  by  Pope  Leo  XIII.,  and  by  his  successor  Pius  X.,  who  raised 
Ambrogio  Agius  to  the  dignity  of  titular  Archbishop  of  Palmyra  and  appointed  him 
Apostolic  Delegate  to  the  Philippine  Islands  in  the  year  1904,  in  succession  to  the 
late  Monsignor  Giovanni  Guidi. 


608  The  infidel  tendency — American  Education 

Namacpacan  |(Ilocos),  where  a  woman,  who  declared  the  Virgin  had 
appeared  to  her  in  the  foiin  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  and  cured 
her  bad  leg,  made  a  small  fortune  in  conjunction  with  a  native  priest. 
In  May,  1904,  a  small  party  of  fanatics  was  seen  on  the  Manila  sea- 
shore o-oing  through  some  pseudo-religious  antics,  the  chief  feature  of 
which  was  a  sea-bath.  Profiting  by  the  liberty  of  cult  now  existing,  it 
is  alleged  that  the  spirits  of  the  departed  have  made  known  their 
presence  to  certain  Filipinos.  A  native  medium  has  been  found,  and 
the  pranks  which  the  spirits  are  said  to  play  on  those  who  believe  in 
them  have  been  practised,  with  all  their  orthodox  frolic,  on  certain 
converts  to  the  system.  Tables  dance  jigs,  mysterious  messages  are 
received,  and  the  conjuring  celestials  manifest  their  power  by  displacing 
household  articles.  The  Cohram  sect  of  the  southern  Luzon  provinces 
has,  it  is  estimated,  over  50,000  adherents  whose  worship  is  a  jumble  of 
perverted  Christian  mysticism  and  idolatry.  The  Ba'ibailanes  of  Negros 
are  not  entirely  pagans ;  there  is  just  a  glimmer  of  Christian  precept 
mingled  in  their  belief,  whilst  the  scores  of  religious  monomaniacs  and 
saint-hawkers  who  appear  from  time  to  time  present  only  a  burlesque 

imitation  of  christian  doctrine. 

****** 

Great  progress  has  been  made  in  the  direction  of  Education.1 
Schools  of  different  grades  have  been  established  throughout  the  Archi- 
pelago, and  the  well-intentioned  efforts  of  the  Government  have  been 
responded  to  by  the  natives  with  an  astonishing  alacrity.  Since 
September  3,  1900,  night-schools  have  also  been  opened  for  students 
to  attend  after  their  day^s  work.  The  natives  exhibit  great  readiness  to 
learn,  many  of  them  having  already  attained  a  very  high  standard — 
a  fact  which  I  had  the  opportunity  of  verifying  through  the  courtesy 
of  Dr.  David  P.  Barrows,  the  able  General  Superintendent  of  Education, 
and  his  efficient  staff.  Both  the  higher  schools  and  the  night-schools 
are  well  attended.  A  special  eagerness  to  learn  English  is  very  apparent, 
and  they  acquire  the  language  quickly  up  to  a  certain  point.  In 
September,  1 903,2  out  of  the  934  towns  in  the  Islands,  338  were  supplied 
with  American  teachers,  the  total  number  of  teachers  in  the  Archi- 
pelago being  691  Americans  and  2,496  Filipinos.  The  night-schools 
were  attended  by  8,595  scholars.  The  percentage  of  school-children 
who  frequented  the  day-schools  was  as  follows  :  In  Manila,  10  per  cent.  ; 
in  Nueva  Vizcaya  Province,  77  per  cent,  (the  highest) ;  and  in  Paragua 
Island,  5  per  cent,  (the  lowest).  The  average  attendance  throughout  the 
provinces  was  13  per  cent,  of  the  total  population  of  school-children. 

Education    has    received    the    greatest    solicitude    of    the    Insular 

1  The  Census  Report  of  1903  shows  the  Civilized  male  population  twenty-one 
years  of  age  and  over  to  be  as  follows  :  of  Superior  Education  50, 14(3,  Literate 
489,609,  and  Illiterate  1,137,776. 

•   Vide  Official  Gazette,  Vol.  II. >  No.  4,  dated  January  27,  1904. 


The  Normal  School — The  Nautical  School         609 

Government ;  and  Dr.  Barrows  informed  me  that  at  the  end  of  June, 
1904-,  there  were  865  American  teachers  in  the  Islands  (including  about 
200  female  teachers),  4,000  Philippine  teachers  of  both  sexes,  and  a 
school  attendance  throughout  the  Colony  of  227,600  children.  For 
the  youngest  children  there  are  now  seven  kindergarten  schools  in 
Manila,  and  more  applications  for  admission  than  can  be  satisfied. 

The  Normal  School,  situated  in  the  Manila  suburb  of  Ermita,  is  a 
splendidly-equipped  establishment,  organized  in  the  year  1901  with 
a  branch  for  training  Filipinos  to  become  teachers  in  the  public 
schools.  The  buildings  are  four  of  those  (including  the  main  structure) 
which  served  for  the  Philippine  Exhibition  some  years  ago.  They 
contain  an  assembly  hall,  fourteen  class-rooms,  two  laboratories,  store- 
rooms, and  the  principal's  office.  In  the  same  suburb,  close  to  the  school, 
there  is  a  dormitory  for  the  accommodation  of  forty  girl  boarders  coming 
from  the  provinces.  The  school  is  open  to  both  sexes  on  equal  terms, 
subject  to  the  presentation  of  a  certificate  of  character  and  a  preliminary 
examination  to  ascertain  if  they  can  understand  written  and  spoken 
English  and  intelligibly  express  their  thoughts  in  that  language.  The 
training  covers  four  years,  with  the  following  syllabus,  viz.  : — 

Algebra.  General  History.  Physics. 

Arithmetic.  Geographv.  Physiology  and  Hygiene. 

Botany.  Music.  Professional  Training. 

Drawing.  Nature-study.  United  States  History. 

English.  Philippine  History.  Zoology. 

The  training-class  for  children  ranging  from  five  to  eleven  years 
serves  a  double  purpose  by  enabling  student-teachers  to  put  into 
practice  the  theory  of  professional  training  under  supervision.  For  the 
training  of  youths  who  intend  to  follow  a  trade,  there  is  a  branch  School 
of  Arts  and  Trades  equipped  with  class-rooms,  workshops,  mechanical 
and  architectural  drawing-rooms,  and  the  allied  branches  of  industry. 
The  subjects  taught  are  : — 

Architectural  Drawing.  Machine-shop  Practice.  Stenography. 

Blacksmithing.  Mathematics.  Telegraphy. 

Cabinet-making.  Mechanical  Drawing.  Tinsmithing. 

Carpentry.  Plumbing.  Typewriting. 

Cooking.  Steam  Engineering.  Wood-carving. 

There  is  also  a  night-class  for  those  working  in  the  daytime  who 
desire  to  extend  their  theoretical  knowledge. 

The  Nautical  School  {vide  p.  195),  established  in  Spanish  times,  is 
continued  with  certain  reforms,  additions  having  been  made  to  the  equip- 
ment. American  naval  officers  have  undertaken  its  superintendence  from 
time  to  time,  and  it  is  now  under  the  direction  of  a  civilian  graduate  of 
the  United  States  Naval  Academy.  The  instruction  ranges  from  history 
and  geography  to  practical  seamanship,  with  all  the  intermediate  scientific 

39 


610       The  School  for  Chinese — The  Spanish  Schools 

subjects.  Graduates  of  this  school  obtain  third-mate's  certificates,  and 
many  of  them  are  actually  navigating  in  the  waters  of  the  Archipelago. 

A  course  of  study  in  Vocal  Music  is  also  offered  to  Normal  School 
students,  and  this  may  possibly  lead  to  the  first  discovery  of  a  fine 
Philippine  musical  voice. 

There  is  also  a  Public  School  for  Chinese  situated  in  the  Calle  de 
la  Asuncion,  in  the  business  quarter  of  Binondo  (Manila). 

In  the  Saint  Thomas's  University  {vide  p.  194)  there  are  few  changes. 
The  diplomas  now  issued  to  students  in  Law  and  Medicine  are  only 
honorific.  With  or  without  this  diploma  a  student  must  pass  an 
examination  at  the  centres  established  by  the  Americans  for  the  faculties 
of  Law  and  Medicine  before  he  can  practise,  and  the  same  obligation 
applies  to  Americans  who  may  arrive,  otherwise  qualified,  in  the  Islands. 
Practical  instruction  in  the  healing  art,  or  "  walking  the  hospitals,""  as 
it  is  called  in  England,  is  given  at  the  San  Juan  de  Dios  Hospital  as 
heretofore.  The  theoretical  tuition  in  these  faculties  is  furnished  at 
the  College  of  San  Jose.  Besides  the  Government  schools,  there  are 
manv  others  continuing  the  Spanish  system,  such  as  the  Colegio  de 
San  Juan  de  Dios,  where,  besides  the  usual  subjects  taught,  the  syllabus 
is  as  follows  : — 

Commerce.  Modelling  in  Plaster.  Stenography. 

Drawing.  Piano,  Violin.  Typewriting. 

Japanese  Language.      Sketching  from  Nature.      Watercolouring. 
And  preparation  for  the  B.A.  examination. 

The  Seminario  Central  de  San  Javier,  under  Jesuit  superintendence, 
is  really  intended  for  students  proposing  to  enter  the  Church.  Many, 
however,  follow  the  course  of  study  and  enter  civil  life.  In  the  large 
provincial  towns  there  are  Spanish  schools,  and  at  Dagupan  the  Colegio 
Instiiido  follows  the  same  curriculum  as  that  established  in  the  Manila 
College  of  San  Juan  de  Letran.  In  Spanish  times  Jaro  was  the  educa- 
tional centre  of  the  Visayas  Islands.  Since  the  American  advent  Yloilo 
has  superseded  Jaro  in  that  respect,  and  a  large  school  is  about  to 
be  erected  on  75  acres  of  land  given  by  several  generous  donors  for 
the  purpose.  The  system  of  education  is  uniform  throughout  the 
Islands,  where  schools  of  all  grades  are  established,  and  others  are  in 
course  of  foundation  in  every  municipality.  Including  about  P.  1,000,000 
disbursed  annually  for  the  schools  by  the  municipalities,  the  cost  of 
Education  is  about  20  per  cent,  of  the  total  revenue — a  sum  out  of  all 
proportion  to  the  taxpayers1  ability  to  contribute. 

According  to  the  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  1123,  of  April, 
1904,  the  official  language  will  be  English  from  January  1,  1906.  It 
will  be  used  in  court  proceedings,  and  no  person  will  be  eligible  for 
Government  service  who  does  not  know  that  language. 

In  general  the  popular   desire    for   education    is   very  pronounced. 


The  English  language  for  Orientals  611 

American  opinion  as  to  the  capability  of  the  Filipinos  to  attain  a  high 
degree  of  learning  and  maintain  it  seems  much  divided,  for  many  return 
to  America  and  publicly  express  pessimistic  vieAvs  on  this  point.  In 
daily  conversation  with  young  middle-class  Filipinos  one  can  readily  see 
that  the  ambition  of  the  majority  is  limited  to  the  acquisition  of 
sufficient  English  to  qualify  them  for  Government  employment  or  com- 
mercial occupations.  The  industries  of  the  Islands  are  relatively 
insignificant.  The  true  source  of  their  wealth  is  agriculture.  In  most, 
not  to  say  all,  tropical  countries,  the  educated  native  shuns  manual 
labour,  and  with  this  tendency  dominant  in  the  Filipino,  it  is 
difficult  to  foresee  what  may  happen  as  education  advances.  The 
history  of  the  world  shows  that  national  prosperity  has  first  come 
from  industrial  development,  with  the  desire  and  the  need  for  education 
following  as  a  natural  sequence.  To  have  free  intercourse  with  the 
outside  world  it  is  necessary  to  know  a  European  language.  This  is 
recognized  even  in  Japan,  where,  notwithstanding  its  independent 
nationality,  half  the  best-educated  classes  speak  some  European  tongue. 
If  the  majority  of  the  Filipinos  had  understood  Spanish  at  the  period 
of  the  American  advent,  it  might  be  a  matter  of  regret  that  this 
language  was  not  officially  preserved  on  account  of  the  superior  beauty 
of  all  Latin  languages  ;  but  such  was  not  the  case.  Millions  still  only 
speak  the  many  dialects ;  and  to  carry  out  the  present  system  of 
education  a  common  speech-medium  becomes  a  necessity.  However, 
generations  will  pass  away  before  native  idiom  will  cease  to  be  the 
vulgar  tongue,  and  the  engrafted  speech  anything  more  than  the 
official  and  polite  language  of  the  better  classes.  The  old  belief  of 
colonizing  nations  that  European  language  and  European  dress  alone 
impart  civilization  to  the  Oriental  is  an  exploded  theory.  The 
Asiatic  can  be  more  easily  moulded  and  subjected  to  the  ways 
and  the  will  of  the  white  man  by  treating  with  him  in  his  native 
language.  It  is  difficult  to  gain  his  entire  confidence  through  the 
medium  of  a  foreign  tongue.  The  Spanish  friars  understood  this 
thoroughly.  It  is  a  deplorable  fact  that  the  common  people  of  Asia 
generally  acquire  only  the  bad  qualities  of  the  European  concurrently 
with  his  language,  lose  many  of  their  own  natural  characteristics,  which 
are  often  charmingly  simple,  and  become  morally  perverted. 

The  best  native  servants  are  those  who  can  only  speak  their  mother- 
tongue.  In  times  past  the  rustic  who  came  to  speak  Spanish  was  loth 
to  follow  the  plough.  If  an  English  farm  labourer  should  learn  Spanish, 
perhaps  he  would  be  equally  loth.  One  may  therefore  assume  that  if  the 
common  people  should  come  to  acquire  the  English  language,  agricul- 
tural coolie  labour  would  become  a  necessity.  In  1903  one  hundred 
Philippine  youths  were  sent,  at  Government  expense,  to  various  schools 
in  America  for  a  four-years'1  course  of  tuition.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
they  will  return  to  their  homes  impressed  with  the  dignity  of  labour 


612  Native  politics — The  Philippine  Assembly 

and  be  more  anxious  to  develop  the  natural  resources  of  the  country 
than  to  live  at  the  expense  of  the  taxpayers. 

Since  the  Rebellion,  and  especially  since  the  American  advent,  a 
great  number  of  Filipinos  have  migrated  to  the  adjacent  British  colonies, 
China,  Japan,  America,  and  Europe.  There  is  a  small  colony  of  rich 
Filipinos  in  Paris,  and  about  50  or  60  (principally  students)  in  England. 
They  have  no  nationality,  and  are  officially  described  as  "  Filipinos 
under  the  protection  of  the  United  States."  When  the  Treaty  of 
Paris  was  be  ng  negotiated,  the  Spanish  Commissioners  wished  to  have 
the  option  of  nationality  conceded  to  all  persons  hitherto  under  the 
dominion  of  Spain  in  the  ceded  colonies  ;  but  the  American  Commis- 
sioners rejected  the  proposal,  which  might  have  placed  their  country 
in  the  peculiar  position  of  administering  a  colony  of  foreigners. 

In  1904  the  Government  sent  selected  groups  of  the  different 
Philippine  wild  and  semi-civilized  races  to  the  St.  Louis  Exhibition, 
where  they  were  on  view  for  several  months ;  also  a  Philippine  Com- 
mission, composed  of  educated  Filipinos,  was  sent,  at  public  expense, 
to  St.  Louis  and  several  cities  in  America,  including  Washington, 
where  the  President  received  and  entertained  its  members.  Many  of 
the  members  of  this  Commission  were  chosen  from  what  is  called  the 
Federal  Party.  In  the  old  days  politics  played  no  part  in  Philippine 
life.  The  people  were  either  anti-friar  or  conformists  to  the  status  quo. 
The  Revolution,  however,  brought  into  existence  several  distinct  parties, 
and  developed  the  natural  disintegrating  tendency  of  the  Filipinos  to 
split  up  into  factions  on  any  matter  of  common  concern.  The  Spanish 
reform  party,  led  by  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  collapsed  when  all  hope  was 
irretrievably  lost,  and  its  leader  passed  over  to  Aguinaldo's  party  of 
sovereign  independence.  To-day  there  is  practically *only  one  organized 
party — the  Federal — because  there  is  no  legislative  assembly  or  authorized 
channel  for  the  legitimate  expression  of  opposite  views.  The  Federal 
Party,  which  is  almost  entirely  anti-clerical,  comprises  all  those  who 
unreservedly  endorse  and  accept  American  dominion  and  legislation. 
They  are  colloquially  alluded  to  as  "  Americanistas.1-'  Through  the 
tempting  offers  of  civil  service  positions  with  emoluments  large  as 
compared  with  times  gone  by,  many  leading  men  have  been  attracted 
to  this  party,  the  smarter  half-caste  predominating  over  the  pure 
Oriental  in  the  higher  employments.  There  are  other  groups,  however, 
which  may  be  called  parties  in  embryo,  awaiting  the  opportunity  for 
free  discussion  in  the  coming  Philippine  Assembly.1     Present  indications 

1  Under  the  Act  of  Congress  which  authorized  the  taking  of  the  census,  dated 
July  1,  1902.  it  is  provided  (Section  6)  that  a  Philippine  Assembly  shall  be  created 
two  years  after  the  publication  of  the  Census  Report.  This  publication,  complete 
in  four  volumes,  having  been  issued  on  March  27,  1905,  the  following  day  the  Gov.- 
General  at  Manila  notified  by  proclamation  that  "  in  case  a  condition  of  general  and 
"complete  peace,  with  recognition  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  have 
"continued   in   the  territory   of  these   Islands,  not   inhabited  by  Moros  or  nou- 


The  cry  for  "  independence  "  613 

point  to  the  Nationalists  as  the  largest  of  these  coming  opposition  parties, 
its  present  programme  being  autonomy  under  American  protection. 
The  majority  of  those  who  clamour  for  "  independence  11  [I  am  not  re- 
ferring to  the  masses,  but  to  those  who  have  thought  the  matter  out  in 
their  own  fashion]  do  not  really  understand  what  they  are  asking  for,  for 
it  generally  results  from  a  close  discussion  of  the  subject  that  they  are, 
in  fact,  seeking  autonomy  dependent  on  American  protection,  with  little 
idea  of  what  the  Powers  understand  by  Protection.  In  a  conversation 
which  I  had  with  the  leader  of  the  Nationalists,  I  inquired,  "  What  do 
you  understand  by  independence  ?  "  His  reply  was,  "  Just  a  thread  of 
"  connexion  with  the  United  States  to  keep  us  from  being  the  prey  of 
"  other  nations  !  "  Other  parties  will,  no  doubt,  be  formed  ;  and  there 
will  probably  be,  for  some  time  yet,  a  small  group  of  Irreconcilables 
affiliated  with  those  abroad  who  cannot  return  home  whilst  they  refuse 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  prescribed  in  the  United  States  President's 
peace  and  amnesty  proclamation,  dated  July  4,  1902.  The  Irrecon- 
cilables claim  real  sovereign  independence  for  the  Filipinos  ;  they  would 
wish  the  Americans  to  abandon  the  Islands  as  completely  as  if  they 
had  never  occupied  them  at  all.  It  is  doubtful  whether  entire  severance 
from  American  or  European  control  would  last  a  year,  because  some 
other  Power,  Asiatic  or  European,  would  seize  the  Colony.  Sovereign 
independence  would  be  but  a  fleeting  vision  without  a  navy  superior  in 
all  respects  to  that  of  any  second-rate  naval  Power,  for  if  all  the 
fighting-men  of  the  Islands  were  armed  to  the  teeth  they  could  not 
effectively  resist  a  simultaneous  bombardment  of  their  ports ;  nor  could 
they,  as  inhabitants  of  an  archipelago,  become  united  in  action  or 
opinion,  because  their  inter-communication  would  be  cut  off.  When 
this  is  explained  to  them,  there  are  those  who  admit  the  insuperable 
difficulty,  and  suggest,  as  a  compromise,  that  America's  position  towards 
them  should  be  merely  that  of  the  policeman,  standing  by  ready  to 
interfere  if  danger  threatens  them  !  This  is  the  naive  definition  of 
the  relation  which  they  (the  Irreconcilables)  term  "  Protection." 

However,  the  cry  for  "  independence  "  has  considerably  abated  since 
the  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  W.  H.  Taft,  visited  Manila  in  August,  1905, 
and  publicly  announced  that  America  intended  to  retain  the  Islands 
for  an  indefinitely  long  period.     Before  America  relinquishes  her  hold 

"  christian  tribes,  and  such  facts  shall  have  been  certified  to  the  President  by  the 
"  Philippine  Commission,  the  President,  upon  being  satisfied  thereof,  shall  direct 
"the  Philippine  Commission  to  call,  and  the  Commission  shall  call,  a  general 
"  election  for  the  choice  of  delegates  to  a  popular  assembly  of  the  people  of  the  said 
"territory  in  tbe  Philippine  Islands,  which  shall  be  known  as  the  Philippine 
"Assembly,  and  which  provides  also  that  after  the  said  Assembly  shall  have  been 
''convened  and  organized,  all  the  legislative  power  heretofore  conferred  on  the 
"  Philippine  Commission  in  that  part  of  these  Islands  not  inhabited  by  Moros  or 
"  other  non-christian  tribes  shall  be  vested  in  a  Legislature  consisting  of  two  Houses— 
"the  Philippine  Commission  and  the  Philippine  Assembly.  In  witness  whereof 
"(etc.,  etc.)  this  28th  day  of  March,  1905." 


614  Capacity  for  self-government 

on  the  Colony  (if  ever)  generations  may  pass  away,  and  naturally  the 
Irreconcilable,  will  disappear  with  the  present  one. 

That  the  Filipinos  would,  if  ever  they  obtain  their  independence, 
even  though  it  were  a  century  hence,  manage  their  country  on  the 
pattern  set  them  by  their  tutors  of  to-day,  is  beyond  all  imagination. 
"  We  want  them  to  learn  to  think  as  we  do,"  an  American  minister  is 
reported  to  have  said  at  a  public  meeting  held  in  Washington  in  May, 
1905.  The  laudable  aim  of  America  to  convert  the  Filipino  into  an 
American  in  action  and  sentiment  will  probably  never  be  realized. 

Why  the  Philippines  should  continue  to  be  governed  by  a  Com- 
mission is  not  clear  to  the  foreign  investigator.  Collective  government 
is  inconsonant  with  the  traditions  and  instincts  of  these  Asiatic  people, 
who  would  intuitively  fear  and  obey  the  arbitrary  mandate  of  a 
paramount  chief,  whether  he  be  called  Nawab,  Sultan,  or  Governor. 
Even  as  it  is,  the  people  have,  in  fact,  looked  more  to  the  one  man, 
the  Mr.  Taft  or  the  Mr.  Wright  as  the  case  may  be,  than  they  have  to 
the  Commission  for  the  attainment  of  their  hopes,  and  were  there  an 
uncontrolled  native  government,  it  would  undoubtedly  end  in  becoming 
a  one-man  rule,  whatever  its  title  might  be.  The  difficulty  in  making 
the  change  does  not  lie  in  the  choice  of  the  man,  because  one  most 
eminently  fitted  for  personal  rule  in  the  name  of  the  United  States 
of  America  (assisted  by  a  Council)  is  in  the  Islands  just  now. 

The  Philippine  Assembly,  which  is,  conditionally,  to  be  conceded  to 
the  Islanders  in  1907,  will  be  a  Congress  of  deputies  elected  by  popular 
vote ;  the  Philippine  Commission,  more  or  less  as  at  present  constituted, 
will  be  practically  the  Senate  or  controlling  Upper  House.  The  Filipinos 
will  have  no  power  to  make  laws,  but  simply  to  propose  them,  because 
any  bill  emanating  from  the  popular  assembly  can  be  rejected  by  the 
Upper  House  with  an  American  majority.  The  Philippine  Assembly 
will  be,  in  reality,  a  School  of  Legislature  to  train  politicians  for  the 
possible  future  concession  of  complete  self-government.  In  connexion 
with  the  public  schools  a  course  of  instruction  in  political  economy 
prepares  youths  for  the  proper  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage  on  their 
attaining  twenty-three  years  of  age.  The  studies  include  the  Congress 
Law  of  July  1,  1902;  President  McKinley's  Instruction  to  the  Civil 
Commission  of  April  7,  1900;  Government  of  the  United  States, 
Colonial  Government  in  European  States,  and  Parliamentary  Law. 

The  question  of  the  Filipinos'  capacity  for  self-government  has  been 
frequently  debated  since  the  Rebellion  of  1896.  A  quarter  of  a 
century  ago  the  necessary  500  or  600  Filipinos,  half-caste  in  the 
majority,  could  have  been  found  with  all  the  requisite  qualifications  for 
the  formation  of  an  intelligent  oligarchy.  The  Constitution  drawn  up 
by  Apolinario  Mabini,  and  proclaimed  by  the  Malolos  Insurgent  Govern- 
ment (January  22,  1899),  was  a  fair  proof  of  intellectual  achievement. 
But  that  is  not  sufficient ;  the  working  of  it  would  probably  have  been 


Population  of  the  Islands  and  of  Manila         615 

as  successful  as  the  Government  of  Hayti,  because  the  Philippine 
character  is  deficient  in  disinterested  thought  for  the  common  good. 
There  is  no  lack  of  able^Filipinos  quite  competent  to  enact  laws  and 
dictate  to  the  people  what  they  are  to  do  ;  but  if  things  are  to  be 
reversed  and  the  elected  assembly  is  to  be  composed  of  deputies  holding 
the  people's  mandates,  there  will  be  plenty  to  do  between  now  and 
March,  1907,  in  educating  the  electors  to  the  point  of  intelligently 
using  the  franchise,  uninfluenced  by  the  caciques,  who  have  hitherto 
dominated  all  public  acts.  According  to  the  census  of  1903,  there  were 
1,137,776  illiterate  males  of  the  voting  age.  In  any  case,  independently 
of  its  legislative  function,  the  Philippine  Assembly  will  be  a  useful 
channel  for  free  speech.  It  will  lead  to  the  open  discussion  of  the 
general  policy,  the  rural  police,  the  trade  regulations,  the  taxes,  the 
desirability  of  maintaining  superfluous  expensive  bureaux,  the  lavish 
(Manila)  municipal  non-productive  outlay,  and  ruinous  projects  of  no 
public  utility,  such  as  the  construction  of  the  Benguet  road,1  etc. 

The  Act  providing  for  a  Philippine  Assembly  stipulates  that  the 
elected  deputies  shall  not  be  less  than  50  and  not  more  than  100  to 
represent  the  civilized  portion  of  the  following  population,  viz.2 : — 
Civilized,  6,987,686;  wild,  647,740;  total,  7,635,426.  The  most 
numerous  civilized  races  are  the  Visayos  (about  2,602,000)  and  the 
Tagalogs  (about  1,664,000). 

Population  op  Manila  (Approximate  Sub-divisions)3 

Race.                        Pop.                    Race.                       Pop.                        Race.  Pop. 

Filipinos   .          .   189,915         Americans .         .     3,700         Other  Europeans  1,000 

Chinese     .         .     21,500         Spaniards   .         .     2,500        Other  Nationalities  1,313 

Total  in  the  Census  of  1903     .         .     219,928 
(Exclusive  of  the  Army  and  Navy.) 

1  At  Baguio,  in  {he  mountain  region  of  the  Benguet  district,  at  an  altitude  of  about 
5,000  feet,  the  Insiilar  Government  has  established  a  health-resort  for  the  recreation 
of  the  members  of  the  Civil  Commission.  The  air  is  pure,  and  the  temperature  so 
low  (max.  78°,  min.  46°  Fahr.)that  pine-forests  exist  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
potatoes  (which  are  well  known  all  over  the  Islands  for  many  years  past)  are  cultivated 
there.  The  distance  from  Manila  to  Baguio,  in  a  straight  line,  would  be  about 
130  miles.  By  this  route — that  is  to  say,  by  railway  to  Dagiipan,  120  miles,  and 
then  by  the  55-mile  road  (opened  in  the  spring  of  1905)— the  travelling  distance  is 
175  miles.  The  new  road  runs  through  a  country  half  uninhabited,  and  leads  to 
(commercially)  nowhere.  The  amount  originally  appropriated  for  the  making  of 
this  55-mile  road  was  $75,000  gold  (Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  61).  Up  to 
January,  1905,  $2,400,000  gold  had  been  expended  on  its  construction.  It  is  curious 
to  note  that  this  sum  includes  $366,260  gold  taken  from  the  Congressional  Relief 
Fund  {vide  p.  621).  A  further  appropriation  of  $17,500  gold  has  been  made  for  its 
improvement,  with  the  prospect  of  large  sums  being  yet  needed  for  this  undertaking, 
which  is  of  no  benefit  whatever  to  the  Filipinos.  They  need  no  sanatorium,  and 
Europeans  have  lived  in  the  Islands,  up  to  30  years,  without  one.  The  word  Baguio 
in  Tagalog  signifies  Hurricane. 

2  Vide  "  Population  of  the  Philippines,"  Bulletin  1,  published  by  the  Department 
of  Commerce  and  Labour.  Bureau  of  the  Census,  1904,  Washington.  Census 
taken  in  1903  under  the  direction  of  General  J.  P.  Sanger,  U.S.  Army. 

3  There  are  four  separate  official  returns,  each  showing  different  figures. 


616 


Census  Statistics 


The  divisions  of  the  Municipality  of  Manila  stand  in  the  following 
order  of  proportion  of  population,  viz.  : — 


1. 

Tondo  (most). 

8. 

Quiapo. 

2. 

Santa  Cruz. 

9. 

Malate. 

3. 

San  Nicolas. 

10. 

San  Miguel. 

4. 

Sampaloc. 

11. 

Paco. 

5. 

Binondo. 

12. 

Santa  Ana. 

6. 

Ermita. 

13. 

Pandacan  (least) 

7. 

Intramuros  (i.e. 

Walled  C 

.ty). 

The  total  number  of  towns  in  the  Archipelago  is  934. 

Populations  of  40  Provincial  Towns  of  the  934  existing  in  the  Islands 
(exclusive  of  their  Dependent  Suburbs,  Districts,  and  Wards)  ' 


Town. 

Civilized 
Pop. 

Town. 

Civilized 
Pop. 

Town. 

Civilized 
Pop. 

Bacolod 

5,678 

Dagupan     . 

6  A 

3,327 

San   Jose   de 

6*5 

Batangas    . 

4,610 

Ilagan 

1,904 

Buenavistj 

i       3,636 

Balanga 

4,403 

I  ligan  (or  Yligan) 

2,872 

San  Fernando 

Baliuag 

1,278 

Imus  . 

1,930 

(La  Union 

)       1.U2 

Baguio 

270 

Jaro  . 

7,169 

San  Fernando 

Binan  (or  Virian) 

1,173 

Jolo      (Walled 

(Pampan^a 

)       1,950 

(  abanatuan 

1,894 

City) 

541 

S.  Isidro     . 

3,814 

Capiz. 

7,186 

Lipa  . 

4,078 

Tabaco 

4,456 

( Jalamba 

h  2,597 
V\  4,430 

Lingayen    . 

2,838 

Taal  . 

2,658 

Calbayoc    . 

Olongapd   . 

1,121 

Tacloban    . 

4,899 

Cebii  . 

18,330 

Majayjay    . 

1,680 

Tarlac 

3,494 

Cottabato   . 

931 

Molo . 

8,551 

Tuguegarao 

^3,421 

Daet  . 

2,569 

Puerta  Princesa  . 

382 

Vigan 

5,749 

Davao 

1,010 

Santa      Cruz 

Yloilo 

19,054 

Dapitan 

1,768 

(Laguna) 

4,009 

Zamboanga 

3,281 

5  %i^ 

Civilized  Population,  classifAsd  by  birth 


"iJP* 


Accor 

ding  to  the  Census  of  1903 

Born  in 

tbe  Philippine 

Islands         .... 

6,931,548 

China 

41,035 

>■> 

United  States 

8,135 

)) 

Spain  . 

3,888 

}} 

Japan 

921 

)} 

Great  Britain 

667 

Germany     . 

368 

East  Indies 

241 

France 

121 

Other  countries  of  Europe 

487 

>> 

All  other  countries     . 

275 

6,987,686 

The  regulations  affecting  Chinese  immigration  are  explained  at 
p.  633.  Other  foreigners  are  permitted  to  enter  the  Philippines 
(conditionally),   but    all    are   required  to    pay    an    entrance  fee   (I  had 

1  Vide  "  Population  of  the  Philippines,"  Bulletin  1,  published  by  the  Department 
of  Commerce  and  Labour.     Bureau  of  the  Census,  1904,  Washington. 


Regulations  for  foreign  travellers  617 

to  pay  $5.30  Mex.)  before  embarking  (abroad)  for  a  Philippine 
port,  and  make  a  declaration  of  19  items,1  of  which  the  following 
are  the  most  interesting  to  the  traveller : — (1)  Sex  ;  (2)  whether 
married  or  single ;  (3)  who  paid  the  passage-money  ;  (4)  whether  in 
possession  of  $30  upward  or  less  ;  (5)  whether  ever  in  prison ;  (6) 
whether  a  polygamist.  The  master  or  an  officer  of  the  vessel  carry- 
ing the  passenger  is  required  to  make  oath  before  the  United  States 
Consul  at  the  port  of  embarkation  that  he  has  made  a  "  personal 
examination  "  of  his  passenger,  and  does  not  believe  him  (or  her)  to 
be  either  an  idiot,  or  insane  person,  or  a  pauper,  or  suffering  from 
a  loathsome  disease,  or  an  ex-convict,  or  guilty  of  infamous  crime  in- 
volving moral  turpitude,  or  a  polygamist,  etc.  The  ship's  doctor  has 
to  state  on  oath  that  he  has  also  made  a  "  personal  examination  "  of 
the  passenger.  If  the  vessel  safely  arrives  in  port,  say  Manila,  she  will 
be  boarded  by  a  numerous  staff  of  Customs'  officials.  In  the  meantime 
the  passenger  will  have  been  supplied  with  declaration-forms  and  a 
printed  notice,  stating  that  an  "Act  provides  a  fine  of  not  exceeding 
"  $2,000  or  imprisonment  at  hard  labour,  for  not  more  than  five  years, 
"  or  both,  for  offering  a  gratuitv  to  an  officer  of  the  Customs  in  con- 
"  sideration  of  any  illegal  act  in  connexion  with  the  examination  of 
"  baggage."  The  baggage-declaration  must  be  ready  for  the  officers, 
and,  at  intervals  during  an  hour  and  a  half,  he  (or  she)  has  to  sign 
six  different  declarations  as  to  whether  he  (or  she)  brings  fire-arms. 
The  bao-^acre  is  then  taken  to  the  Custom-house  in  a  steam-launch  for 
examination,  which  is  not  unduly  rigid.  Under  a  Philippine  Commission 
Act,  dated  October  15,  1901,  the  Collector  of  Customs,  or  his  deputy, 
may,  at  his  will,  also  require  the  passenger  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance 
in  such  terms  that,  in  the  event  of  war  between  the  passenger's  country 
and  America,  he  who  takes  the  oath  would  necessarily  have  to 
forfeit  his  claim  for  protection  from  his  own  country,  unless  he  violated 
that  oath.  No  foreigner  is  permitted  to  land  if  he  comes  "  under  a 
contract  expressed,  or  implied,  to  perform  labour  in  the  Philippine 
Islands."  In  1903  this  prohibition  to  foreigners  was  disputed  by  a 
British  bank-clerk  who  arrived  in  Manila  for  a  foreign  bank.  The  case 
was  carried  to  court,  with  the  result  that  the  prohibition  was  maintained 
in  principle,  although  the  foreigner  in  question  was  permitted  to  remain 
in  the  Islands  as  an  act  of  grace.  But  in  February,  1905,  a  singular 
case  occurred,  exactly  the  reverse  of  the  one  just  mentioned.  A  young 
Englishman  who  had  been  brought  out  to  Manila  on  a  four  years' 
agreement,  after  four  or  five  months  of  irregular  conduct  towards  the 
firm  employing  him,  presented  himself  to  the  Collector  of  Customs  (as 
Immigration  Agent),  informed  against  himself,  and  begged  to  be 
deported  from  the  Colony.    The  incentive  for  this  strange  proceeding  was 

1   Under  the  provisions  of  Articles  XII.,  XIII.  and  XIV.,,  Immigration  Regula- 
tions for  the  Philippine  Islands  of  June  7,  1899. 


618  Administration  of  Justice 

to  secure  the  informer's  reward  of  $1,000.  It  was  probably  the  first  case 
in  Philippine  history  of  a  person  voluntarily  seeking  compulsory  expul- 
sion from  the  Islands.  The  Government,  acting  on  the  information, 
shipped  him  off  to  Hong-Kong,  the  nearest  British  port,  in  the  following 
month,  with  a  through  passage  to  Europe. 

Since  the  American  advent  the  Administration  of  Justice  has  been 
greatly  accelerated,  and  Municipal  Court  cases,  which  in  Spanish  times 
would  have  caused  more  worry  to  the  parties  than  they  were  worth,  or, 
for  the  same  reason,  would  have  been  settled  out  of  court  violently,  are 
now  despatched  at  the  same  speed  as  in  the  London  Police  Courts.  On 
the  other  hand,  quick  despatch  rather  feeds  the  native's  innate  love  for 
litigation,  so  that  an  agglomeration  of  lawsuits  is  still  one  of  the 
Government's  undesirable  but  inevitable  burdens.  There  is  a  complaint 
that  the  fines  imposed  in  petty  cases  are  excessive,  and  attention  was 
drawn  to  this  by  the  Municipality  of  Manila.1  After  stating  that  the 
fines  imposed  on  2,185  persons  averaged  $5  per  capita,  and  that  they 
had  to  go  to  prison  for  non-payment,  the  Municipality  adds  :  "  It  shows 
"  an  excessive  rigour  on  the  part  of  the  judges  in  the  imposition  of  fines, 
"  a  rigour  which  ought  to  be  modified,  inasmuch  as  the  majority  of 
"  the  persons  accused  before  the  Court  are  extremely  poor  and  ignorant 
"  of  the  ordinances  and  the  laws  for  the  violation  of  which  they  are  so 
"  severely  punished."  Sentences  of  imprisonment  and  fines  for  high 
crimes  are  justly  severe.  During  the  governorship  of  Mr.  W.  H. 
Taft,  17  American  provincial  treasurers  were  each  condemned  to  25 
years'  imprisonment  for  embezzlement  of  public  funds.  In  February, 
1905,  an  army  major,  found  guilty  of  misappropriation  of  public 
moneys,  had  his  sentence  computed  at  60  years,  which  term  the  court 
reduced  to  40  years'  hard  labour.  The  penalties  imposed  on  some 
rioters  at  Vigan  in  April,  1904,  were  death  for  two,  40  years'  im- 
prisonment and  $10,000  fine  each  for  twelve,  30  years'  imprisonment 
for  thirty-one,  and  10  years'  imprisonment  for  twenty-five. 

The  American  law  commonly  spoken  of  in  the  Philippines  as  the 
"Law  of  Divorce"  is  nothing  more  than  judicial  separation  in  its  local 
application,  as  it  does  not  annul  the  marriage  and  the  parties  cannot 
marry  again  as  a  consequence  of  the  action.  The  same  could  be 
obtained  under  the  Spanish  law  called  the  Siete  Pallidas,  with  the  only 
difference  that  before  the  decree  nisi  was  made  absolute  the  parties 
might  have  had  to  wait  for  years,  and  even  appeal  to  Rome. 

On  May  26, 1900,  the  Military  Governor  authorized  the  solemnization 
of  marriages  by  any  judge  of  a  court  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court,  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  or  a  minister  of  any  denomination.  For  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  Islands,  habeas  corpus  proceedings  were  heard 
before  the  Supreme  Court  on  May  19,  1900.     Besides  the  lower  courts 

1  Vide  Report  of  the  Municipal  Board  of  Manila  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1904,  p.  32. 


Provincial  Courts — Justices  of  the  Peace  619 

established  in  many  provincial  centres,  sessions  are  held  in  circuit,  each 
usually  comprising  two  or  three  provinces.  The  provinces  are  grouped  into 
16  judicial  districts,  in  each  of  which  there  is  a  Court  of  First  Instance ; 
and  there  is,  moreover,  one  additional  "  Court  of  First  Instance  at 
large.'1''  The  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  some  of  his 
assistant  judges,  several  provincial  judges,  the  Attorney-General,  and 
many  other  high  legal  functionaries,  are  Filipinos.  The  provincial 
justices  of  the  peace  are  also  natives,  and  necessarily  so  because  their 
office  requires  an  intimate  knowledge  of  native  character  and  dialect. 
Their  reward  is  the  local  prestige  which  they  enjoy  and  the  litigants1 
fees,  and  happily  their  services  are  not  in  daily  request.  At  times  the 
findings  of  these  local  luminaries  are  somewhat  quaint,  and  have  to  be 
overruled  by  the  more  enlightened  judicial  authorities  in  the  superior 
courts.  Manila  and  all  the  judicial  centres  are  amply  supplied  with 
American  lawyers  who  have  come  to  establish  themselves  in  the  Islands, 
where  the  custom  obtains  for  professional  men  to  advertise  in  the 
daily  newspapers.  So  far  there  has  been  only  one  American  lady 
lawyer,  who,  in  1904,  held  the  position  of  Assistant- Attorney  in  the 
Attornev-Generars   office. 


620 


CHAPTER   XXXI 

TRADE    AND     AGRICULTURE 

Since   the   American   Advent 

During  the  year  1898  there  were  those  who  enriched  themselves  enor- 
mously as  a  consequence  of  the  American  advent,  but  the  staple  trade 
of  the  Colony  was  generally  disrupted  by  the  abnormal  circumstances  of 
the  period  ;  therefore  it  would  serve  no  practical  purpose  to  present  the 
figures  for  that  year  for  comparison  with  the  results  obtained  in  the  years 
following  that  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

The  tables  at  the  end  of  this  chapter  show  the  increase  or  decrease 
in  the  various  branches  of  export  and  import  trade.  Regarded  as 
a  whole,  the  volume  of  business  has  increased  since  the  American 
occupation — to  what  extent  will  be  apparent  on  reference  to  the 
table  of  "Total  Import  and  Export  Values"  at  p.  639.  When  the 
American  army  of  occupation  entered  the  Islands,  and  was  subsequently 
increased  to  about  70.000  troops,  occupying  some  600  posts  about  the 
Archipelago,  there  came  in  their  wake  a  number  of  enterprising  business 
men,  who  established  what  were  termed  trading  companies.  Their 
transactions  hardly  affected  the  prosperity  of  the  Colony  one  way  or  the 
other.  For  this  class  of  trader  times  were  brisk  ;  their  dealings  almost 
exclusively  related  to  the  supply  of  commodities  to  the  temporary 
floating  population  of  Americans,  with  such  profitable  results  that, 
although  many  of  them  withdrew  little  by  little  when,  at  the  close  of 
the  War  of  Independence,  the  troops  were  gradually  reduced  to  some 
16,000  men,  occupying  about  100  posts,  others  had  accumulated 
sufficient  capital  to  continue  business  in  the  more  normal  time  which 
followed.  Those  were  halcyon  days  for  the  old-established  retailers 
as  well  as  the  new-comers  ;  but,  as  Governor  W.  H.  Taft  pointed 
out  in  his  report  to  the  Civil  Commission  dated  December  23,  1903,1 
"  The  natural  hostility  of  the  American  business  men,  growing  out 
"  of  the  war,  was  not  neutralized  by  a  desire  and  an  effort  to  win  the 
"  patronage  and  goodwill  of  the  Filipinos.  The  American  business 
"men  controlled  much  of  the  advertising  in  the  American  papers, 
"  and  the  newspapers  naturally  reflected  the  opinion  of  their  advertisers 

1  Report  on  the  Commerce  of  the  Philippine  Islands,,  prepared  in  the  Bureau  of 
Insular  Affairs,  War  Department,  Washington,  1903. 


Effect  of  the  war  on  trade  and  agriculture        621 

"and  subscribers  in  the  advocacy  of  most  uneonciliatory  measures  for 
"  the  native  Filipino,  and  in  decrying  all  efforts  of  the  Government  to 
"  teach  Filipinos  how  to  govern  by  associating  the  more  intelligent 
"of  them  in  the  Government.  .  .  .  The  American  business  man  in 
"the  Islands  has  really,  up  to  this  time,  done  very  little  to  make  or 
"  influence  trade.  He  has  kept  close  to  the  American  patronage, 
"and  has  not  extended  his  efforts  to  an  expansion  of  trade  among 
"  the  Filipinos.  .  .  .  There  are  a  few  Americans  who  have  pursued 
"a  different  policy  with  respect  to  the  Filipinos  to  their  profit.? 

Governor  TafVs  comments  were  only  intended  to  impress  upon  the 
permanent    American    traders,    for   their    own    good,   the    necessity    of 
creating  a  new  clientele  which  they  had  neglected.     The  war  finished, 
the  wave  of  temporarily  abnormal  prosperity  gradually  receded  with  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  in  excess  of  requirements  ;  the  palmy  days  of 
the  retailer  had  vanished,  and  all  Manila  began  to  complain  of  "  de- 
pression "  in   trade.     The   true  condition  of  the   Colony  became  more 
apparent  to  them  in  their  own  slack  time,  and  for  want  of  reflection 
some  began  to  attribute  it  to  a  want  of  foresight  in  the  Insular  Govern- 
ment.    Industry  is  in  its  infancy  in  the  Philippines,  which  is  essentially 
an  agricultural  colony.     The  product  of  the  soil  is  the  backbone  of  its 
wealth.     The  true  causes  of  the  depression  were  not  within  the  control 
of   the    Insular    Government   or   of  any    ruling    factor.     Five  years  of 
warfare  and  its  sequence — the  bandit  community — had  devastated  the 
provinces.     The  peaceful  pursuits  of  the  husbandman  had  been  nearly 
everywhere  interrupted  thereby  ;  his  herds  of  buffaloes  had  been  decimated 
in  some  places,  in  others  annihilated  ;  his  apparatus   or  machinery  and 
farm  buildings  were  destroyed,  now  by  the  common  exigencies  of  war, 
now  by  the   wantonness  of  the  armed  factions.     The  remnant  of  the 
buffaloes  was  attacked  by  rinderpest,  or  epizootic/,,  as  the  Filipino  calls 
this  disease,  and  in  some  provinces  up  to  90  per  cent,  were  lost.     Some 
of  my  old  friends  assured  me  that,  due  to  these  two  causes,  they  had  lost 
every  head  of  cattle  they  once  possessed.     Laudable  effort  was  imme- 
diately made  by  the  Insular  Government  to  remedy  the  evil,  for  so  great 
was  the  mortality  that  many  agricultural  districts  were  poverty-stricken, 
thousands  of  acres  lying  fallow  for  want  of  beasts  for  tillage  and  transport. 
Washington  responded  to  the  appeal  for  help,  and  a  measure  was  passed 
establishing  the  Congressional    Relief    Fund,    under    which    the    sum 
of  $3,000,000    was    authorized    to    be    expended    to    ameliorate    the 
situation.     By  Philippine  Commission  Act  No.  738,  $100,000  of  this 
fund  were  appropriated   for  preliminary   expenses    in   the   purchase    of 
buffaloes.      Under  the  supervision  of  the  Insular  Purchasing- Agent  a 
contract  was  entered  into  with  a  Shanghai  firm  for  the  supply  of  10,000 
head  of  inoculated  buffaloes  to  be  delivered  in  Manila,  at  the  rate  of  500 
per  month,  at  the  price   of  P. 85   per   head.     An   agent  was  sent  to 
Shanghai   with  powers   to   reject    unsuitable  beasts  before  inoculation, 


622  The  agriculturists'  misfortunes 

and  the  Government  undertook  to  remunerate  the  contractors  at  the 
rate  of  P. 40  for  every  animal  which  succumbed  to  the  operation.  The 
loss  on  this  process  was  so  great  that  a  new  contract  was  entered  into 
with  the  same  firm  to  deliver  in  Manila  temporarily  immunized 
buffaloes  at  the  rate  of  P. 79  per  head.  On  their  arrival  the  animals 
were  inspected,  and  those  apparently  fit  were  herded  on  the  Island  of 
Masbate  for  further  observation  before  disposing  of  them  to  the  planters. 
The  attempt  was  a  failure.  Rinderpest,  or  some  other  incomprehensible 
disease,  affected  and  decimated  the  imported  herds.  From  beginning 
to  end  the  inevitable  wastage  was  so  considerable  that  up  to  November 
20,  1903,  only  1,805  buffaloes  (costing  P.118,805)  were  purchased,  out 
of  which  1,370  were  delivered  alive,  and  of  this  number  429  died  whilst 
under  observation  ;  therefore,  whereas  the  price  of  the  1,805  averaged 
P. 65  per  head,  the  cost  exceeded  P.  126  per  head  when  distributed  over 
the  surviving  941,  which  were  sold  at  less  than  cost  price,  although  in 
private  dealings  buffaloes  were  fetching  P.  125  to  P.250  per  head  (vide 
Buffaloes  p.  337,  et  seq.).  Veterinary  surgeons  and  inoculators  were 
commissioned  to  visit  the  buffaloes  privately  owned  in  the  planting- 
districts,  the  Government  undertaking  to  indemnify  the  owners  for  loss 
arising  from  the  compulsory  inoculation ;  but  this  has  not  sufficed  to 
stamp  out  the  disease,  which  is  still  prevalent. 

Another  calamity,  common  in  British  India,  but  unknown  in  these 
Islands  before  the  American  advent,  is  Suma,  a  glandular  disease 
affecting  horses  and  ponies,  which  has  made  fatal  ravages  in  the  pony 
stock — to  the  extent,  it  is  estimated,  of  60  per  cent.  The  pony  which 
fully  recovers  from  this  disease  is  an  exceptional  animal.  Again,  the 
mortality  among  the  field  hands,  as  a  consequence  of  the  war,  was  sup- 
plemented by  an  outbreak  of  Cholera  morbus  (vide  p.  197),  a  disease 
which  recurs  periodically  in  these  Islands,  and  which  was,  on  the 
occasion  following  the  war,  of  unusually  long  duration.  Together 
with  these  misfortunes,  a  visitation  of  myriads  of  locusts  (vide  p.  341) 
and  drought  completed  the  devastation. 

Consequent  on  the  total  loss  of  capital  invested  in  live-stock,  and 
the  fear  of  rinderpest  felt  by  the  minority  who  have  the  wherewithal  to 
replace  their  lost  herds,  there  is  an  inclination  among  the  agriculturists 
to  raise  those  crops  which  need  little  or  no  animal  labour.  Hence 
sugar-cane  and  rice-paddy  are  being  partially  abandoned,  whilst  all  who 
possess  hemp  or  cocoanut  plantations  are  directing  their  special  attention 
to  these  branches  of  land-produce.  Due  to  these  circumstances,  the 
increased  cost  of  labour  and  living  in  the  Islands  since  the  American 
advent,  the  want  of  a  duty-free  entry  for  Philippine  sugar  into  the 
United  States,  the  prospective  loss  of  the  Japanese  market,1  the  ever- 
accumulating  capital  indebtedness,  and  the  need  of  costly  machinery, 

1  The  Japanese   Government   is   making  an  effort   to   produce   cane  sugar   in 
Formosa  sufficient  for  Japan's  consumption. 


State  aid  to  the  needy  classes  623 

it    is  possible  to  believe  that  sugar  will,   in  time,  cease  to  be  one  of 
the  leading  staple  products  of  the  Islands. 

With  regard  to  the  duty  levied  in  the  United  States  on  Philippine 
sugar  imports,  shippers  in  these  Islands  point  out  how  little  it  would 
affect  either  the  United  States1  revenue  or  the  sugar  trade  if  the  duty 
were  remitted  in  view  of  the  extremely  small  proportion  of  Philippine 
sugar  to  the  total  consumption  in  America.  For  instance,  taking  the 
average  of  the  five  years  1899-1903,  the  proportion  was  "313  per  cent., 
so  that  if  in  consequence  of  the  remission  of  duty  this  Philippine 
industry  were  stimulated  to  the  extent  of  being  able  to  ship  to 
America  threefold,  it  would  not  amount  to  1  per  cent,  of  the  total 
consumption  in  that  country. 

At  the  close  of  the  1903  sugar  season  the  planters  were  more  deeply 
in  debt  than  at  any  previous  period  in  their  history.  In  1904  the 
manager  of  an  Yloilo  firm  (whom  I  have  known  from  his  boyhood) 
showed  me  statistics  proving  the  deplorable  financial  position  of  the 
sugar-growers,  and  informed  me  that  his  firm  had  stopped  further 
advances  and  closed  down  on  twelve  of  the  largest  estates  working;  on 
borrowed  capital,  because  of  the  hopelessness  of  eventual  liquidation  in 
full.  For  the  same  reasons  other  financiers  have  closed  their  coffers  to 
the  sugar-planters. 

Another  object  of  the  grant  called  the  Congressional  Relief  Fund 
was  to  alleviate  the  distress  prevailing  in  several  Luzon  provinces, 
particularly  Batangas,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  rice,  due,  in  a  great 
measure,  to  the  causes  already  explained.  Prices  of  the  imported  article 
had  already  reached  double  the  normal  value  in  former  times,  and  the 
Government  most  opportunely  intervened  to  check  the  operations  of  a 
syndicate  which  sought  to  take  undue  advantage  of  the  prevailing 
misery.  Under  Philippine  Commission  Acts  Nos.  495,  786  and  797, 
appropriations  were  made  for  the  purchase  of  rice  for  distribution 
n  those  provinces  where  the  speculator's  ambition  had  run  up  the  selling- 
price  to  an  excessive  rate.  Hitherto  the  chief  supply ing-market  had 
been  the  French  East  Indies,  but  the  syndicate  referred  to  contrived  to 
close  that  source  to  the  Government,  which,  however,  succeeded  in 
procuring  deliveries  from  other  places.  The  total  amount  distributed 
was  11,164  tons,  costing  P.1,081,722.  About  22  tons  of  this  amount 
was  given  to  the  indigent  class,  the  rest  being  delivered  at  cost  price, 
either  in  cash  or  in  payment  for  the  extermination  of  locusts,  or  for 
labour  in  road-making  and  other  public  works.  The  merchant  class 
contended  that  this  act  of  the  Government,  which  deprived  them  of 
anticipated  large  profits,  was  an  interference  in  private  enterprise — a 
point  on  which  the  impartial  reader  must  form  his  own  conclusions. 
To  obviate  a  recurrence  of  the  necessity  for  State  aid,  the  Insular- 
Government  passed  an  Act  urging  the  people  to  hasten  the  paddy- 
planting.     The  proclamation  embodying  this  Act  permitted  the  tern- 


624  A  proposed  Agricultural  Bank 

porary  use  of  municipal  lands,  the  seed  supplied  to  be  repaid  after  the 
crop.  It  is  said  that  some  of  the  local  native  councils,  misunderstanding 
the  spirit  of  the  proclamation,  made  its  non-observance  a  criminal 
offence,  and  incarcerated  many  of  the  supposed  offenders ;  but  they 
were  promptly  released  by  the  American  authorities. 

Under  the  circumstances  set  forth,  the  cultivation  of  rice  in  the 
Islands  has  fallen  off  considerably,  to  what  extent  may  be  partially 
gathered  from  a  glance  at  the  enormous  imports  of  this  cereal,  which 
in  the  year  1901  were  167,951  tons ;  in  1902,  285,473  tons  ;  in  1903, 
329,055  tons  (one-third  of  the  value  of  the  total  imports  in  that  year) ; 
and  in  1904,  261,553  tons.  The  large  increase  of  wages  and  taxes 
and  the  high  cost  of  living  since  the  American  advent  (rice  in  1904 
cost  about  double  the  old  price)  have  reduced  the  former  margins  of 
profit  on  sugar  and  rice  almost  to  the  vanishing-point. 

If  all  the  land  in  use  now,  or  until  recently,  for  paddy-raising  were 
suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  such  crops  as  hemp,  tobacco,  cocoanuts, 
etc.,  for  which  there  is  a  steady  demand  abroad,  the  abandonment  of 
rice  for  another  produce  which  would  yield  enough  to  enable  one  to 
purchase  rice,  and  even  leave  a  margin  of  profit,  would  be  rather  an 
advantage  than  otherwise.  But  this  is  not  the  case,  and  naturally  a 
native  holds  on  to  the  land  he  possesses  in  the  neighbourhood,  where  he 
was  perhaps  born,  rather  than  go  on  a  peregrination  in  search  of  new 
lands,  with  the  risk  of  semi-starvation  during  the  dilatory  process  of 
procuring  title-deeds  for  them  when  found. 

Fortunately  for  the  Filipinos,  "  Manila  hemp  "  being  a  speciality  of 
this  region  as  a  fibre  of  unrivalled  quality  and  utility,  there  cannot  be 
foreseen  any  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  price  for  it  which  will  compensate 
the  producer  to-day  as  well  as  it  did  in  former  times.  Seeing  that 
buffaloes  can  be  dispensed  with  in  the  cultivation  of  hemp  and  coprah, 
which,  moreover,  are  products  requiring  no  expensive  and  complicated 
machinery  and  are  free  of  duty  into  the  United  States,  they  are 
becoming  the  favourite  crops  of  the  future. 

In  1905  there  was  considerable  agitation  in  favour  of  establishing  a 
Government  Agricultural  Bank,  which  would  lend  money  to  the  planters, 
taking  a  first  mortgage  on  the  borrower's  lands  as  guarantee.  In  con- 
nexion with  this  scheme,  the  question  was  raised  whether  the  Government 
could,  in  justice,  collect  revenue  from  the  people  who  had  no  voice  at  all 
in  the  Government,  and  then  lend  it  out  to  support  private  enterprise. 
Moreover,  without  a  law  against  usury  (so  common  in  the  Islands)  there 
would  be  little  to  prevent  a  man  borrowing  from  the  bank  at,  say, 
6  per  cent. — up  to  the  mortgage  value  of  his  estate — to  lend  it  out 
to  others  at  60  per  cent.  A  few  millions  of  dollars,  subscribed  by 
private  capitalists  and  loaned  out  to  the  planters,  would  enormously 
benefit  the  agricultural  development  of  the  Colony ;  and  if  native 
wealthy  men  would  demonstrate  their  confidence  in  the  result  by  sub- 


Planters'  distress— Bureau  of  Agriculture  625 

scribing  one-tenth  of  the  necessary  amount,  perhaps  Americans  would  be 
induced  to  complete  the  scheme.  The  foreign  banks  established  in  the 
Islands  are  not  agricultural,  but  exchange  banks,  and  any  American- 
Philippine  Agricultural  Bank  which  may  be  established  need  have  little 
reason  to  fear  competition  with  foreign  firms  who  remember  the  house 
of  Russell  &  Sturgis  {vide  p.  255)  and  also  have  their  own  more  recent 
experiences.  Philippine  rural  land  is  a  doubtful  security  for  loans, 
there  being  no  free  market  in  it. 

Between  the  years  1902  and  1904  the  Insular  Government  confis- 
cated the  arable  lands  of  many  planters  throughout  the  Islands  for 
delinquency  in  taxes.  The  properties  were  put  up  to  auction  ;  some  of 
them  found  purchasers,  but  the  bulk  of  them  remained  in  the  ownership 
of  the  Government,  which  could  neither  sell  them  nor  make  any  use 
of  them.  Therefore  an  Act  was  passed  in  February,  1905,  restoring 
to  their  original  owners  those  lands  not  already  sold,  on  condition  of  the 
overdue  taxes  being  paid  within  the  year.  In  one  province  of  Luzon 
the  confiscated  lots  amounted  to  about  one-half  of  all  the  cultivated 
land  and  one-third  of  the  rural  land-assessment  in  that  province.  The 
$2,400,000  gold  spent  on  the  Benguet  road  (vide  p.  615)  would  have 
been  better  employed  in  promoting  agriculture. 

Up  to  1898  Spain  was  the  most  important  market  for  Philippine 
tobacco,  bub  since  that  country  lost  her  colonies  she  has  no  longer  any 
patriotic  interest  in  dealing  with  any  particular  tobacco-producing 
country.  The  entry  of  Philippine  tobacco  into  the  United  States  is 
checked  by  a  Customs  duty,  respecting  which  there  is,  at  present,  a  very 
lively  contest  between  the  tobacco-shippers  in  the  Islands  and  the 
Tobacco  Trust  in  America,  the  former  clamouring  for,  and  the  latter 
against,  the  reduction  or  abolition  of  the  tariff.  It  is  simply  a  clash  of 
trade  interests ;  but,  with  regard  to  the  broad  principles  involved,  it 
would  appear  that,  so  long  as  America  holds  these  Islands  without  the 
consent  of  its  inhabitants,  it  is  only  just  that  she  should  do  all  in  her 
power  to  create  a  free  outlet  for  the  Islands1  produce.  If  this  Archipelago 
should  eventually  acquire  sovereign  independence,  America's  moral 
obligations  towards  it  would  cease,  and  the  mutual  relations  would  then 
be  only  those  ordinarily  subsisting  between  two  nations. 

By  Philippine  Commission  Act  dated  April  30,  1902,  a  Bureau  of 
Agriculture  was  organized.  The  chief  of  this  department  is  assisted  by 
experts  in  soil,  farm-management,  plant-culture,  breeding,  animal  industry, 
seed  and  fibres,  an  assistant  agrostologist,  and  a  tropical  agriculturist. 
Shortly  after  its  organization,  18,250  packages  of  field  and  garden  seeds 
were  sent  to  730  individuals  for  experiment  in  different  parts  of  the 
Colony,  with  very  encouraging  results.  The  work  of  this  department 
is  experimental  and  investigative,  Avith  a  view  to  the  improvement  of 
agriculture  in  all  its  branches. 

In  Spanish  times  agricultural   land  was  free  of  taxation.     Now  it 

40 


626  Land  tax — Manila  port ;  Southern  ports 

pays  a  tax  not  exceeding  "87  per  cent,  of  the  assessed  value.  The  rate 
varies  in  different  districts,  according  to  local  circumstances.  For 
instance,  in  1904  it  was  *87  per  cent,  in  Baliuag  (Bulacan)  and  in  Vinan 
(La  Laguna),  and  '68  per  cent,  in  San  Miguel  de  Mayumo  (Bulacan). 
This  tax  is  subdivided  in  its  application  to  provincial  and  municipal 
general  expenses  and  educational  disbursements.  The  people  make  no 
demur  at  paying  a  tax  on  land-produce ;  but  they  complain  of  the 
system  of  taxation  of  capital  generally,  and  particularly  of  its  application 
to  lands  lying  fallow  for  the  causes  already  explained.  The  approximate 
yield  of  the  land-tax  in  the  fiscal  year  of  1905  was  P.2,000,000 ;  it 
was  then  proposed  to  suspend  the  levy  of  this  tax  for  three  years  in 
view  of  the  agricultural  depression. 

The  Manila  Port  Works  {vide  p.  344),  commenced  in  Spanish  times, 
are  now  being  carried  on  more  vigorously  under  contract  with  the 
Atlantic,  Gulf,  and  Pacific  Company.  Within  the  breakwater  a  thirty- 
foot  deep  harbour,  measuring  about  400  acres,  is  being  dredged,  the 
mud  raised  therefrom  being  thrown  on  to  168  acres  of  reclaimed  land 
which  is  to  form  the  new  frontage.  Also  a  new  channel  entrance  to 
the  Pasig  River  is  to  be  maintained  at  a  depth  of  18  feet.  The 
Americans  maintain  that  there  will  be  no  finer  harbour  in  the  Far 
East  when  the  work  is  completed.  The  reclaimed  acreage  will  be 
covered  with  warehouses  and  wharves,  enabling  vessels  to  load  and 
discharge  at  all  seasons  instead  of  lying  idle  for  weeks  in  the  typhoon 
season  and  bad  weather,  as  they  often  do  now.  With  these  enlarged 
shipping  facilities,  freights  to  and  from  Manila  must  become  lower, 
to  the  advantage  of  all  concerned  in  import  and  export  trade.  The 
cost  of  these  improvements  up  to  completion  is  estimated  at  about  one 
million  sterling. 

The  port  of  Siassi  (Tapul  group),  which  was  opened  in  recent  years 
by  the  Spaniards,  was  discontinued  (June  1,  1902)  by  the  Americans, 
who  opened  the  new  coastwise  ports  of  Cape  Melville,  Puerta  Princesa, 
and  Bongao  (October  15,  1903)  in  order  to  assist  the  scheme  for  pre- 
venting smuggling  between  these  extreme  southern  islands  and  Borneo. 
Hitherto  there  had  been  some  excuse  for  this  surreptitious  trade, 
because  inter-island  vessels,  trading  from  the  other  entry-ports,  seldom, 
if  ever,  visited  these  out-of-the-way  regions.  In  February,  1903, 
appropriations  of  $350,000  and  $150,000  were  made  for  harbour  works 
in  Cebu  and  Yloilo  respectively,  although  in  the  latter  port  no  increased 
facility  for  the  entry  of  vessels  into  the  harbour  was  apparent  up  to 
June,  1904.  Zamboanga,  the  trade  of  which  was  almost  nominal  up  to 
the  year  1898,  is  now  an  active  shipping  centre  of  growing  importance, 
where  efforts  are  being  made  to  foster  direct  trade  with  foreign 
eastern  ports.  An  imposing  Custom-house  is  to  be  erected  on  the  new 
spacious  jetty  already  built  under  American  auspices.  Arrangements 
have  also  been  made  for  the  Hong-Kong- Australia  Steamship  Company 


Need  of  roads — Railway  projects  627 

to  make  Zamboanga  a  port  of  call.  Here,  as  in  all  the  chief  ports  of 
the  Archipelago,  greater  advantages  for  trade  have  been  afforded  by  the 
administration,  and  one  is  struck  with  the  appearance  of  activity  and 
briskness  as  compared  with  former  times.  These  changes  are  largely 
owing  to  the  national  character  of  the  new  rulers,  for  one  can  enter 
any  official  department,  in  any  branch  of  public  service,  from  that  of  the 
Gov.-General  downwards,  to  procure  information  or  clear  up  a  little 
question  "  while  you  wait,11  and,  if  necessary,  interview  the  chief  of  the 
department.  The  tedious,  dilatory  time  and  money-wasting  "come 
later  on  11  procedure  of  times  gone  by  no  longer  obtains. 

What  is  still  most  needed  to  give  a  stimulus  to  agriculture  and  the 
general  material  development  of  the  Islands  is  the  conversion  of  hundreds 
of  miles  of  existing  highways  and  mud-tracks  into  good  hai'd  roads,  so 
as  to  facilitate  communication  between  the  planting-districts  and  the 
ports.  The  corallaceous  stone  abounding  in  the  Islands  is  worthless  for 
road-making,  because  it  pulverizes  in  the  course  of  one  wet  season,  and, 
unfortunately,  what  little  hard  stone  exists  lies  chiefly  in  inaccessible 
places — hence  its  extraction  and  transport  would  be  more  costly  than 
the  supply  of  an  equal  quantity  of  broken  granite  brought  over  in  sailing- 
si  lips  from  the  Chinese  coast,  where  it  is  procurable  at  little  over  the 
quarryman's  labour.  From  the  days  of  the  Romans  the  most  successful 
colonizing  nations  have  regarded  road-making  as  a  work  of  primary 
importance  and  a  civilizing  factor. 

Among  the  many  existing  projects,  there  is  one  for  the  construction 
of  railroads  (1)  from  Manila  (or  some  point  on  the  existing  railway) 
northward  through  the  rich  tobacco-growing  valleys  of  Isabela  and 
Cagayan,  as  far  as  the  port  of  Aparri,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cagayan 
River — distance,  260  miles  ;  (2)  from  Dagupan  (Pangasinan)  to  Laoag 
(Ilocos  Norte),  through  168  miles  of  comparatively  well-populated 
country  ;  (3)  from  San  Fabian  (Pangasinan)  to  B.iguio  (Benguet),  55 
miles  ;  and  three  other  lines  in  Luzon  Island  and  one  in  each  of  the 
islands  of  Negros,  Panay,  Cebu,  Leyte,  and  Samar.  A  railway  line 
from  Manila  to  Batangas,  via  Calamba  (a  distance  of  about  70  miles), 
and  thence  on  to  Albay  Province,  was  under  consideration  for  many 
years  prior  to  the  American  advent  ;  but  the  poor  financial  result  of  the 
only  (120  miles)  line  in  the  Colony  has  not  served  to  stimulate  further 
enterprise  in  this  direction,  except  an  endeavour  of  that  same  company 
to  recuperate  by  feeder  branches,  two  of  which  are  built,  and  another 
(narrow  gauge)  is  in  course  of  construction  from  Manila  to  Antipolo,  via 
Pasig  and  Mariquina  {vide  Railways,  p.   265). 

Since  February,  1905,  a  Congress  Act,  known  as  the  "  Cooper  Bill,11 
offers  certain  inducements  to  railway  companies.  It  authorizes  the  Insular 
Government  to  guarantee  4  per  cent,  annual  interest  on  railway  under- 
takings, provided  that  the  total  of  such  contingent  liability  shall  not 
exceed   $1,200,000 — that  is  to    say,  4  per  cent,   could    be    guaranteed 


628  American  traders— The  Carrying-trade 

on  a  maximum  capital  of  $30,000,000.  The  Insular  Government  is 
further  empowered  under  this  Act  to  admit,  at  its  discretion,  the  entry 
of  railway  material  free  of  duty.  As  yet,  no  railway  construction 
has  been  started  by  American  capitalists.  Projects  ad 'infinitum  might  be 
suggested  for  the  development  of  trade  and  traffic — for  instance,  a  ship- 
canal  connecting  the  Laguna  de  Bay  with  the  Pacific  Ocean  ;  another 
from  Laguimanoc  to  Atimonan  (Tayabas) ;  an  artificial  entry-port  in 
Neoros  Island,  connected  by  railway  with  two-thirds  of  the  coast,  etc. 

Up  to  the  present  the  bulk  of  the  export  and  import  trade  is  handled 
by  Europeans,  who,  together  with  native  capitalists,  own  the  most 
considerable  commercial  and  industrial  productive  "  going  concerns  "  in 
the  Islands.  In  1904  there  were  one  important  and  several  smaller 
American  trading-firms  (exclusive  of  shopkeepers)  in  the  capital,  and  a 
few  American  planters  and  successful  prospectors  in  the  provinces.  There 
are  hundreds  of  Americans  about  the  Islands,  searching  for  minerals 
and  other  natural  products  with  more  hopeful  prospects  than  tangible 
results.  It  is  perhaps  due  to  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  Islands 
and  the  "  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos  "  policy  that  the  anticipated  flow 
of  private  American  capital  has  not  yet  been  seen,  although  there  is 
evidently  a  desire  in  this  direction.  There  is,  at  least,  no  lack  of  the 
American  enterprising  spirit,  and,  since  the  close  of  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence, several  joint-stock  companies  have  started  with  considerable 
cash  capital,  principally  for  the  exploitation  of  the  agricultural,  forestal, 
and  mineral  wealth  of  the  Islands.  Whatever  the  return  on  capital 
may  be,  concerns  of  this  kind,  which  operate  at  the  natural  productive 
sources,  are  obviously  as  beneficial  to  the  Colony  as  trading  can  be 
in  Manila — the  emporium  of  wealth  produced  elsewhere. 

There  are,  besides,  many  minor  concerns  with  American  capital, 
established  only  for  the  purpose  of  selling  to  the  inhabitants  goods 
which  are  not  an  essential  need,  and  therefore  not  contributing  to  the 
development  of  the  Colony. 

The  tonnage  entered  in  Philippine  ports  shows  a  rapid  annual  increase 
in  five  years.  Many  new  lines  of  steamers  make  Manila  a  port  of  call, 
exclusive  of  the  army  transports,  carrying  Government  supplies,  and 
in  1905  there  was  a  regular  goods  and  passenger  traffic  between  Hong- 
Kong  and  Zamboanga.  Still,  the  greater  part  of  the  freight  between  the 
Philippines  and  the  Atlantic  ports  is  carried  in  foreign  bottoms.  The 
shipping-returns  for  the  year  1903  would  appear  to  show  that  over  85 
per  cent,  of  the  exports  from  the  Islands  to  America,  and  about  the 
same  proportion  of  the  imports  from  that  country  (exclusive  of  Govern- 
ment stores  brought  in  army  transports)  were  borne  in  foreign  vessels. 
The  carrying-trade  figures  for  1904  were  78*41  per  cent,  in  British 
bottoms ;  6'69  per  cent,  in  Spanish,  and  665  per  cent,  in  American 
vessels.  The  desire  to  dispossess  the  foreigners  of  the  carrying  monopoly 
is  not  surprising,  but  it  is  thought  that  immediately-operative  legisla- 


The  Shipping  Law — Revenue  and  Expenditure      629 

tion  to  that  end  would  be  impracticable.  The  latest  legislation  on  the 
subject  confines  the  carrying-trade  between  the  Islands  and  the  United 
States  to  American  bottoms  from  July  1,  1906.  It  is  alleged  that  the 
success  of  the  new  regulations  which  may  (or  may  not,  for  want  of 
American  vessels)  come  into  force  on  that  date  will  depend  on  the  freights 
charged  ;  it  is  believed  that  exorbitant  outward  rates  would  divert  the 
hemp  cargoes  into  other  channels,  and  a  large  rise  in  inward  freights 
would  facilitate  European  competition  in  manufactured  goods.  Any 
considerable  rise  in  freights  to  America  would  tend  to  counterbalance 
the  benefits  which  the  Filipinos  hope  to  derive  from  the  free  entry  of 
sugar  and  tobacco  into  American  ports.  The  text  of  the  Shipping 
Law,  dated  April  15,  1904,  reads  thus  ;  "  On  and  after  July  1,  1906, 
"  no  merchandise  shall  be  transported  by  sea,  under  penalty  of  forfeiture 
"  thereof,  between  ports  of  the  United  States  and  ports  or  places  of  the 
"  Philippine  Archipelago,  directly,  or  via  a  foreign  port,  or  for  any 
"  part  of  the  voyage  in  any  other  than  a  vessel  of  the  United  States. 
"  No  foreign  vessel  shall  transport  passengers  between  ports  of  the 
"  United  States  and  ports  or  places  in  the  Philippine  Archipelago, 
"  either  directly,  or  via  a  foreign  port,  under  a  penalty  of  $200  for  each 
"  passenger  so  transported  and  landed."11 

The  expenses  of  the  Civil  Government  are  met  through  the  insular 
revenues  (the  Congressional  Relief  Fund  being  an  extraordinary  excep- 
tion). The  largest  income  is  derived  from  the  Customs'1  receipts,  which 
in  1904  amounted  to  about  $8,750,000,  equal  to  about  two-thirds  of 
the  insular  treasury  revenue  (as  distinguished  from  the  municipal).  The 
total  Revenue  and  Expenditure  in  the  fiscal  year  1903  (from  all  sources, 
including  municipal  taxes  expended  in  the  respective  localities,  but  ex- 
clusive of  the  Congressional  Relief  Fund)  stood  thus  : — 

Total  Revenue 114,640,988 

Total  Expenditure  ....     $15,105,374 

Excess  of  Expenditure  over  Revenue  464,386 

15,105,374         15,105,374 


In  1903,  therefore,  Government  cost  the  inhabitants  the  equivalent 
of  about  46  per  cent,  of  the  exports''  value,  against  45  per  cent,  in 
Spanish  times,  taking  the  relative  averages  of  1890-94.  The  present 
abnormal  pecuniary  embarrassment  of  the  people  is  chiefly  due  to  the 
causes  already  explained,  and  perhaps  partly  so  to  the  fact  that  the 
P.30,000,000*to  P. 40,000,000  formerly  in  circulation  had  two  to  three 
times  the  local  purchasing  value  that  pesos  have  to-day. 

The  "Cooper  Bill,"  already  referred  to,  authorizes  the  Insular 
Government  to  issue  bonds  for  General  Public  Works  up  to  a  total  of 
$5,000,000,  for  a  term  of  30  years,  at  4  J  per  cent,  interest  per  annum  ; 
and  the    municipalities-    to    raise   loans    for    municipal    improvements 


630  The  Internal  Revenue  Law  of  1904 


up  to  a  sum  not  exceeding  5  per  cent,  of  the  valuation  of  the  real  estate 
of  the  municipalities,  at  5  per  cent,  interest  per  annum.  For  the  pur- 
chase of  the  friars1  lands  a  loan  of  $7,000,000  exists,  bearing  interest  at 
4  per  cent,  per  annum,  the  possible  interest  liability  on  the  total  of 
these  items  amounting  to  about  $2,000,000  per  annum. 

On  November  15,  1901,  the  high  Customs  tariff  then  in  force  was 
reduced  by  about  25  per  cent,  on  the  total  average,  bringing  the  average 
duties  to  about  17  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  but  this  was  again  amended  by 
the  new  tariff  laws  of  May  3,  1905.  Opium  is  still  one  of  the  imports, 
but  under  a  recent  law  its  introduction  is  to  be  gradually  restricted  by 
tariff  until  March  1,  1908,  from  which  date  it  will  be  unlawful  to 
import  this  drug,  except  by  the  Government  for  medicinal  purposes 
only. 

On  August  1,  1904,  a  new  scheme  of  additional  taxation  came  into 
force  under  the  "Internal  Revenue  Law  of  1904.1''  This  tax  having 
been  only  partially  imposed  during  the  first  six  months,  the  full  yield 
cannot  yet  be  ascertained,  but  at  the  present  rate  (P.5,280,970.96,  partial 
yield  for  the  fiscal  year  1905)  it  will  probably  produce  at  the  annual 
rate  of  $4,250,000  gold,  which,  however,  is  not  entirely  extra  taxation, 
taking  into  account  the  old  taxes  repealed  under  Art.  XVII.,  sec.  244. 
The  theory  of  the  new  scheme  was  that  it  might  permit  of  a  lower 
Customs  tariff  schedule.  The  new  taxes  are  imposed  on  distilled  spirits, 
fermented  liquors,  manufactured  tobacco,  matches,  banks  and  bankers, 
insurance  companies,  forestry  products,  valid  mining  concessions  granted 
prior  to  April  11,  1899,  business,  manufactures,  occupations,  licences, 
and  stamps  on  specified  objects  (Art.  II.,  sec.  25).  Of  the  taxes  ac- 
cruing to  the  Insular  Treasury  under  the  above  law,  10  per  cent,  is  set 
apart  for  the  benefit  of  the  several  provincial  governments,  apportioned 
pro  rata  to  their  respective  populations  as  shown  by  the  census  of  1903 ; 
15  per  cent,  for  the  several  municipal  governments,  provided  that  of 
this  sum  one-third  shall  be  utilized  solely  for  the  maintenance  of  free 
public  primary  schools  and  expenditure  appertaining  thereto.  In  the 
aforesaid  distribution  Manila  City  ranks  as  a  municipality  and  a  province, 
and  receives  apportionment  under  this  law  on  the  basis  of  25  per  cent. 
(Art.  XVII.,  sec.  150). 

From  the  first  announcement  of  the  projected  law  up  to  its  promul- 
gation the  public  clamoured  loudly  against  it.  For  months  the  public 
organs,  issued  in  Spanish  and  dialect,  persistently  denounced  it  as  a 
harbinger  of  ruin  to  the  Colony.  Chambers  of  Commerce,  corporations 
and  private  firms,  foreign  and  native,  at  meetings  specially  convened  to 
discuss  the  new  law,  predicted  a  collapse  of  Philippine  industry  and 
commerce.  At  a  public  conference,  held  before  the  Civil  Commission 
on  June  24,  1904,  it  was  stated  that  one  distillery  alone  would  have  to 
pay  a  yearly  tax  of  P.744,000,  and  that  a  certain  cigar-factory  would  be 
required  to  pay  annually  P.557,425.     Petitions  against  the  coming  law 


Enormous  increase  in  cost  of  living  631 

were  sent  by  all  the  representative  trading-bodies  to  the  Insular 
Government  praying  for  its  withdrawal.  When  the  Commissioners 
retired  to  their  hill-station  at  Baguio  (Benguet)  they  were  followed  up 
by  protests  against  the  measure,  but  it  became  law  under  Philippine 
Commission  Act  No.  1189.  Since  the  imposition  of  this  tax  there  has 
been  a  general  complaint  throughout  the  civilized  provinces  of  depression 
in  the  internal  trade,  but  to  what  extent  it  is  justified  there  is  no 
available  precise  data  on  which  to  form  an  estimate. 

As  already  stated,  the  American  occupation  brought  about  a  rapid 
rise  in  the  price  of  everything,  not  of  necessity  or  in  obedience  to  the 
law  of  supply  and  demand,  but  because  it  was  the  pleasure  of  the 
Americans  voluntarily  to  enhance  established  values.  To  the  surprise 
of  the  Filipinos,  the  new-comers  preferred  to  pay  wages  at  hitherto 
unheard-of  rates,  whilst  the  soldiers  lavishly  paid  in  gold  for  silver-peso 
value  (say,  at  least,  double),  of  their  own  volition — an  innovation  in 
which  the  obliging  native  complacently  acquiesced,  until  it  dawned  upon 
him  that  he  might  demand  anything  he  chose.  The  soldiers  so  frequently 
threw  away  copper  coin  given  them  in  change  as  valueless,  that  many 
natives  discontinued  to  offer  it.  It  followed  that  everybody  was  reluc- 
tantly compelled  to  pay  the  higher  price  which  the  American  spon- 
taneously elected  to  give.  Labour,  food,  house-rent,  and  all  the 
necessaries  of  life  rose  enormously.1  The  Colony  soon  became  converted 
from  a  cheap  into  an  expensive  place  of  residence.  Living  there  to-day 
costs  at  least  three  times  what  it  did  in  Spanish  times.  LTrban  property 
and  lands  were  assessed  at  values  far  beyond  those  at  which  the  owners 
truly  estimated  them.  Up  to  1904  it  was  not  at  all  uncommon  to  find 
the  rent  of  a  house  raised  to  five  times  that  of  1898.  Retailers  had  to 
raise  their  prices ;  trading-firms  were  obliged  to  increase  their  clerks1 
emoluments,  and  in  every  direction  revenue  and  expenditure  thenceforth 
ranged  on  an  enhanced  scale.  It  is  remarkable  that,  whilst  pains  were 
taken  by  the  new-comers  to  force  up  prices,  many  of  them  were  simul- 
taneously complaining  of  expensive  living  !  Governor  W.  H.  Taft, 
with  an  annual  emolument  of  $20,000  gold,  declared  before  the  United 
States  Senate  that  the  Gov.-Generars  palace  at  Malacanan  was  too 
expensive  a  place  for  him  to  reside  in.  The  lighting  of  the  establish- 
ment cost  him  $125  gold  a  month,  and  his  servants1  wages  amounted  to 
$250  monthly.  He  added  that  he  would  rather  pay  his  own  rent  than 
meet  the  expenses  of  the  Malacanan  residence.2 

Two   and   a   half  years   later  General   Leonard    Wood    reported  : 

1  "  Ever  since  the  occupation  of  these  Islands  by  the  American  army,  four  years 
"  ago,  the  price  of  labour  has  steadily  increased.  ...  It  is  needless  to  say  that 
"every  industry  will  be  profoundly  affected  by  this."  Vide  Notes  in  "Monthly 
Summary  of  Commerce  of  the  Philippine  Islands,"  May,  1903.  Prepared  in  the 
Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs,  War  Department,  Washington. 

2  Vide  statement  of  Governor  W.  H.  Taft  before  the  U.S.  Senate,  January  31, 
1902,  in  Senate  Document  No.  331,  Part  I.,  57th  Congress,  1st  Session,  p.  258. 


632  "  The  Democratic  Labour  Union  " 

There  has  been  a  great  increase  in  the  cost  of  living  and  in  wages  in 
"this  (Moro)  as  in  other  provinces — an  increase  which  has  not  been 
"accompanied  either  by  improved  methods  or  increased  production. 
"  The  cause  of  the  increase  can  be  traced,  in  most  cases,  to  the  foolishly 
"high  prices  paid  by  army  officials  for  labour."1 

Wages  steadily  advanced  as  a  natural  consequence  of  the  higher  cost 
of  living,  and,  under  the  guidance  of  a  native  demagogue,  the  working 
classes,  for  the  first  time  in  Philippine  history,  collectively  began  to 
grumble  at  the  idea  of  labour-pay  having  a  limit.  It  was  one  of  the 
abuses  of  that  liberty  of  speech  suddenly  acquired  under  the  new  dominion. 
On  February  2,  1902,  this  person  organized  the  malcontents  under  the 
title  of  a  "  Labour  Union,"  of  which  he  became  the  first  president. 
The  subscription  was  20  cents  of  a  peso  per  week.  The  legality  of 
peacefully  relinquishing  work  when  the  worker  felt  so  inclined  was  not 
impugned ;  but  when  the  strikers  sought  to  -coerce  violently  their 
fellow-men,  the  law  justly  interfered  and  imprisoned  their  leader.  The 
presidency  of  the  so-called  "  Labour  Union  "  was  thenceforth  (September 
following)  carried  on  by  a  half-caste,  gifted  with  great  power  of 
organization  and  fluen  t  oratory.  He  prepared  the  by-laws  of  the  associa- 
tion, and  fixed  the  monthly  subscription  at  one  peso  per  man  and  one 
peseta  (one-fifth  of  a  peso)  per  woman.  About  100,000  members  were 
enrolled  in  the  union,  the  ostensible  aim  of  which  was  the  defence  of  the 
working  man's  interests.  It  is  difficult  to  discern  what  those  interests 
were  which  needed  protection  ;  the  position  of  the  labouring  class  was 
the  very  reverse  of  that  existing  in  Europe  ;  the  demand  for  labourers, 
at  any  reasonable  wage,  exceeded  the  supply.  The  idea  of  a  Filipino 
philanthropically  devoting  his  life  to  the  welfare  of  the  masses  was 
beyond  the  conception  of  all  who  understood  the  Philippine  character. 
At  the  end  of  about  eight  months,  notwithstanding  the  enormous  assets 
from  subscriptions,  the  "  Labour  Union  "  became  insolvent,  with  a  deficit 
of  1,000  or  more  pesos.  Where  the  assets  had  gone  needed  investigation. 
In  the  meantime  the  leader,  posing  as  mediator  between  the  Insular 
Government  and  certain  notorious  outlaws,  had  endeavoured  to  negotiate 
with  Governor  W.  H.  Taft  for  their  surrender,  on  the  condition  of  full 
pardon.  The  Government,  at  length,  becoming  suspicious  of  his  inten- 
tions and  the  full  measure  of  his  sympathy  for  these  individuals,  caused 
the  leader  to  be  arrested  on  May  29,  1903,  on  the  allegations  of 
"  founding,  directing,  and  presiding  over  an  illegal  association  known 
"  as  '  The  Democratic  Labour  Union,1 "  irregularities  connected  with 
the  foundation  and  administration  of  the  same,  sedition,  confederacy  with 
brigands,  and  other  minor  counts. 

It  was  clear  to  every  thinking  man,  American  or  European,  that  the 

control  of  such  a  formidable  body  was  a  menace  to  peace.     The  accused 

was  brought  to  trial  on  the  chief  allegations,  and  in  September,  1903,  he 

1    Vide  Report  of  the  Moro  Province  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1904,  p.  27. 


The  Chinese  Exclusion  Act  of  1902  633 

was  sentenced  to  four  years  and  two  months'1  imprisonment,  but  appealed 
against  the  sentence  to  the  Supreme  Court.  Later  on  he  was  tried  on 
the  other  counts,  and,  although  the  public  prosecution  failed,  it  served 
the  useful  purpose  of  dissolving  a  league  the  scope  of  which  was  shrouded 
in  obscurity,  at  a  period  when  the  political  atmosphere  was  still  clouded 
by  aspirations  of  impossible  and  undesirable  realization.  I  followed  the 
course  of  the  trial  daily,  and  I  interviewed  the  accused  at  his  house  a 
week  before  it  ended.  Three  hundred  documents  were  read  at  the  trial, 
and  160  witnesses  were  brought  against  him.  To  endeavour  to  establish 
a  case  of  conspiracy  against  him,  another  individual  was  produced  as 
his  colleague.  The  first  accused  was  defended  by  an  American  advocate 
with  such  fervid  eloquence,  apparently  inspired  by  earnest  conviction 
of  his  client's  innocence,  that  those  who  had  to  decide  his  fate  acquitted 
him  of  the  charge  of  conspiracy  on  May  11,  1904.  The  defendant's 
verbal  explanation  to  me  of  the  "  Labour  Union "  led  me  to  the  con- 
clusion that  its  abolition  would  benefit  the  community. 

The  abnormal  rise  in  wages  had  the  bad  effect  of  inducing  the 
natives  to  leave  their  pastoral  pursuits  to  flock  into  the  towns.  The 
labour  question  is  still  a  difficult  problem,  for  it  is  the  habit  of 
the  Filipino  to  discontinue  work  when  he  has  a  surplus  in  his  pocket. 
Private  employers  complain  of  scarcity  and  the  unreliability  of  the 
unskilled  labourer.  Undoubtedly  the  majority  of  them  would  welcome 
the  return  of  Chinese  coolies,  whose  entry  into  the  Islands  is  prohibited 
by  the  Insular  Government,  in  agreement  with  the  desire  of  the  Filipinos, 
who  know  full  well  that  the  industrious  Chinaman  would  lower  wages 
and  force  the  Filipinos  into  activity  for  an  existence. 

Consul-General  Wildman,  of  Hong-Kong,  in  his  report  for  1900  to 
the  State  Department,  Washington,  said :  "  There  has  been,  during  the 
"  past  year,  quite  an  investment  of  Hong-Kong  capital  in  Manila ;  but 
"  it  is  the  general  opinion  that  no  investment  in  mines  or  agriculture  in 
"the  Islands  will  be  of  any  great  value  until  the  introduction  of  Chinese 
"  laborer  is  not  only  permitted  but  encouraged.'''' 

Section  IV.  of  the  Chinese  Exclusion  Act  of  1902  provides  that 
every  Chinese  labourer  rightfully  in  any  insular  territory  of  the  United 
States  (Hawaii  excepted),  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  this  Act,  shall 
obtain,  within  one  year  thereafter,  a  certificate  of  residence,  and  upon 
failure  to  obtain  such  certificate  he  shall  be  deported  ;  and  the  Philip- 
pine Commission  is  authorized  and  required  to  make  all  regulations 
necessary  for  the  enforcement  of  this  section  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 
No  restriction  is  placed  upon  their  movement  from  one  island  to  another 
of  the  Philippines,  but  they  cannot  go  from  the  Philippines  to  America. 

The  regulations  established  by  the  Insular  Government  (Act  of 
March  27,  1903)  in  conformity  with  the  above-cited  Act  are  as  follows  : 
The  Chinese  can  leave  the  Islands  and  return  thereto  within  a  year. 
They  must  obtain  a  certificate  of  departure  and  be  photographed.     To 


634  Social  position  of  the  Chinese  since  1898 

re-enter  the  Islands  they  must  procure  a  certificate  of  departure  at  the 
place  of  embarkation  (usually  China)  for  the  Philippines.  Thus,  during 
the  year  ending  June  30,  1902,  10,158  Chinese  entered  Manila,  and 
11,432  left  it  with  return  certificates.  Chinese  resident  in  the  Islands 
must  be  registered.  The  first  banishment  for  contravention  of  this 
regulation  took  place  on  January  6,  1905. 

For  a  long  time  there  was  a  big  contraband  business  done  in  Chinese. 
A  coolie  would  pay  as  much  as  400  pesos  premium  to  find  himself  where 
he  could  earn  up  to  100  pesos  per  month.  The  contraband  agent  in 
China  was  an  ex-Custom-house  officer.  The  Manila  agent  was  in  the 
Customs  service,  and  the  colleagues  on  the  China  side  were  high  officials. 
When  the  conspiracy  was  discovered  the  agent  in  China  came  to 
Manila  to  answer  the  charge,  and  was  at  once  arrested.  A  prosecution 
was  entered  upon  ;  but  after  a  protracted  trial,  the  proceedings  were 
quashed,  for  reasons  which  need  not  be  discussed.  The  Exclusion 
Act  is  so  rigidly  upheld  that  in  the  case  of  a  Chinese  merchant  who 
died  in  the  Islands  leaving  a  fortune  of  about  200,000  pesos,  his 
(Chinese)  executor  was  refused  permission  to  reside  temporarily  in  the 
Colony  for  the  sole  purpose  of  winding  up  the  deceased's  affairs. 

The  social  position  of  the  Chinese  permitted  to  remain  in  the  Islands 
has  changed  since  the  American  advent.  In  former  times,  when  the  high- 
est authorities  frowned  upon  the  Chinese  community,  it  was  necessary  to 
propitiate  them  with  bags  of  silver  pesos.  There  was  no  Chinese  consul 
in  those  days ;  but  Chino  Carlos  Palanca  was  practically  the  protector 
and  dictator  of  his  countrymen  during  the  last  decade  of  Spanish  rule, 
and,  if  a  cloud  descended  upon  them  from  high  quarters,  he  used  to  pass 
the  word  round  for  a  dollar  levy  to  dissipate  it.  In  February,  1900, 
Chino  Palanca  was  made  a  mandarin  of  the  first  class,  and  when  his 
spirit  passed  away  to  the  abode  of  his  ancestors  his  body  was  followed 
to  interment  by  an  immense  sympathetic  crowd  of  Celestials.  This 
pompous  funeral  was  one  of  the  great  social  events  of  the  year.  Now 
there  is  a  Chinese  consul  in  Manila  whose  relations  to  his  people  are 
very  different  from  those  between  Europeans  and  their  consuls.  The 
Chinese  consul  paternally  tells  his  countrymen  what  they  are  to  do,  and 
they  do  it  with  filial  submission.  He  has  given  them  to  understand 
that  they  occupy  a  higher  position  than  that  formerly  accorded  to  the 
Chinese  in  this  Colony  (vide  Chinese,  Chapter  viii). 

On  my  first  visit  to  Manila  alter  the  American  occupation  I  was 
struck  to  see  Chinese  in  the  streets  wearing  the  pigtail  down  their 
backs,  and  dressed  in  nicely-cut  semi-European  patrol-jacket  costumes 
of  cloth  or  washing-stuffs,  with  straw  or  felt  "  trilby "  hats.  Now,  too, 
they  mix  freely  among  the  whites  in  public  places  with  an  air  of  social 
equality,  and  occupy  stall  seats  in  the  theatre,  which  they  would  not 
have  dared  to  enter  in  pre-American  times.  The  Chinese  Chamber 
of  Commerce    is   also    of  recent   foundation,  and    its   status   is   so   far 


The  Philippine  Currency  (Peso  Conant)  635 

recognized  by  the  Americans  that  it  was  invited  to  express  an  opinion 
on  the  Internal  Revenue  Bill,  already  referred  to,  before  it  became  law. 
The  number  of  Chinese  in  the  whole  Archipelago  is  estimated  at  about 
41,000.  When  an  enterprising  American  introduced  a  large  number  of 
jinrikishas,  intending  to  establish  that  well-known  system  of  locomotion 
here,  the  Chinese  Consulate  very  shortly  put  its  veto  on  the  employment 
of  Chinese  runners.  The  few  natives  who  ran  them  became  objects  of 
ridicule.  The  first  person  who  used  a  jinrikisha  in  Manila,  with  Chinese 
in  livery,  was  a  European  consul.  Other  whites,  unaccustomed  to 
these  vehicles,  took  to  beating  the  runners — a  thing  never  seen  or  heard 
of  in  Japan  or  in  colonies  where  they  are  used  in  thousands.  The 
natural  result  was  that  the  'rikisha  man  bolted  and  the  'rikisha  tilted 
backwards,  to  the  discomfort  of  the  fool  riding  in  it.  The  attempted 
innovation  failed,  and  the  vehicles  were  sent  out  of  the  Colony. 

Apart  from  the  labour  question,  if  the  Chinese  were  allowed  a  free 
entry  they  woidd  perpetuate  the  smartest  pure  Oriental  mixed  class  in 
the  Islands.  On  the  other  hand,  if  their  exclusion  should  remain  in 
force  beyond  the  present  generation  it  will  have  a  marked  adverse  effect 
on  the  activity  of  the  people  (vide  pp.  182,  411). 

At  the  period  of  the  American  occupation  the  Currency  of  the 
Islands  was  the  Mexican  and  Spanish-Philippine  peso,  of  a  value  con- 
stantly fluctuating  between  49  and  37  cents,  gold  (vide  table  at  p.  647). 
The  shifty  character  of  the  silver  basis  created  such  an  uncertainty  in 
trade  and  investment  transactions  that  the  Government  resolved  to  place 
the  currency  on  a  gold  standard.  Between  January  1  and  October  5, 
1902,  the  Insular  Treasury  lost  $956,750.37!  from  the  fall  of  silver.  A 
difficulty  to  be  confronted  was  the  impossibility  of  ascertaining  even  the 
approximate  total  amount  of  silver  current  in  the  Islands.  Opinions 
varied  from  P. 30,000,000  upwards.1  Pending  the  solution  of  the 
money  problem,  ineffectual  attempts  were  made  to  fix  the  relative 
values  by  the  publication  of  an  official  ratio  between  gold  dollar  and 
silver  peso  once  a  quarter  ;  but  as  it  never  agreed  with  the  commercial 
quotation  many  days  running,  the  announcement  of  the  official  ratio 
was  altered  to  once  in  ten  days.  Seeing  that  ten  days  or  more  elapsed 
before  the  current  ratio  could  be  communicated  to  certain  remote  points, 
the  complications  in  the  official  accounts  were  most  embarrassing. 
Congress  Act  of  July  1,  1902,  authorized  the  coinage  of  subsidiary 
silver,  but  did  not  determine  the  unit  of  value  or  provide  for  the 
issue  of  either  coin  or  paper  money  to  take  the  place  of  the  Mexican 
and  Spanish-Philippine  pesos  in  circulation,  so  that  it  was  quite  in- 
operative. Filially,  Congress  Act  of  March  2,  1903,  provided  that  the 
new  standard  should  be  a  peso  equal  in  value  to  half  a  United  States 
gold    dollar.      The    maximum    amount    authorized   to    be    coined   was 

1  In  the  years  1888-97  the  circulation  of  Mexican  and  Spanish-Philippine  dollars 
(pesos)  was  computed  at  about  36,000,000. 


636  The  Philippine  Currency  (Peso  Conant) 

75,000,000  silver  pesos,  each  containing  416  grains  of  silver,  nine-tenths 
fine.  The  peso  was  to  be  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private, 
in  the  Islands,  and  was  to  be  issued  when  the  Insular  Government  should 
have  500,000  pesos  ready  for  circulation.  The  peso  is  officially  alluded 
to  as  "  Philippine  currency,"  whilst  the  popular  term,  "  Conant,"  derives 
its  name  from  a  gentleman,  Mr.  Charles  Conant,  in  whose  report,  dated 
November  25,  1901,  this  coin  Avas  suggested.  He  visited  the  Islands, 
immortalized  his  name,  and  modestly  retired. 

The  "  Philippine  currency,"  or  "  peso  Conant,"  is  guaranteed  by  the 
United  States  Treasury  to  be  equal  to  50  cents  of  a  gold  dollar.  The 
six  subsidiary  coins  are  50,  20,  and  10  cents  silver,  5  cents  nickel,  and 
1  and  \  cent  bronze,  equivalent  to  a  sterling  value  of  one  shilling  to  one 
farthing.  This  new  coinage,  designed  by  a  Filipino,  was  issued  to  the 
public  at  the  end  of  July,  1903.  The  inaugurating  issue  consisted  of 
17,881,650  silver  pesos,  in  pesos  and  subsidiary  coins,  to  be  supplemented 
thereafter  bv  the  re-coinage  of  the  Mexican  and  Philippine  pesos  as  they 
found  their  way  into  the  Treasury.  For  public  convenience,  silver  cer- 
tificates, or  Treasury  Notes,  were  issued,  exchangeable  for  "  Conant " 
silver  pesos,  to  the  extent  of  6,000,000  pesos'1  worth  in  10-peso  notes ; 
another  6,000,000  pesos  in  5-peso  notes,  and  3,000,000  pesos  in  2-peso 
notes,  these  last  bearing  a  vignette  of  the  Philippine  patriot,  the  late 
Dr.  Jose  Rizal.  On  December  23,  1903,  the  Governor  reported  that 
"not  till  January  1,  1904,  can  the  Mexican  coin  be  demonetized  and 
denied  as  legal  tender  value."  A  proclamation,  dated  January  28,  1904, 
was  issued  by  the  Insular  Treasury  in  Spanish  and  Tagalog  to  the  effect 

(1)  that  after  October  1,  1904,  the  Government  would  only  accept 
Mexican  or  Philippine  pesos  at  the  value  of  their  silver  contents,  and 

(2)  that  after  December  31,  1904,  a  tax  would  be  levied  on  all  deposits 
made  at  the  banks  of  the  above-mentioned  coinage.  Notwithstanding 
the  publication  of  numerous  official  circulars  urging  the  use  of  the 
new  peso,  the  Mexican  and  Spanish-Philippine  dollars  remained  in 
free  circulation  during  the  first  six  months  of  1904,  although  rent  and 
certain  other  payments  were  reckoned  in  "  Conant  "  and  current  accounts 
at  banks  were  kept  in  the  new  currency,  unless  otherwise  agreed. 
Naturally,  as  long  as  the  seller  was  willing  to  accept  Mexican  for  his 
goods,  the  buyer  was  only  too  pleased  to  pay  in  that  medium,  because 
if,  for  instance,  he  had  to  pay  10  Mexican  dollars,  and  only  had 
"  Conant "  in  his  pocket,  he  could  call  at  any  of  the  hundred  exchange 
shops  about  town,  change  his  10  "Conant"  into  Mexican  at  a  5  to 
20  per  cent,  premium,  settle  his  bill,  and  reserve  the  premium.  Almost 
any  Far  Eastern  fractional  coins  served  as  subsidiary  coins  to  the 
Mexican  or  Spanish-Philippine  peso,  and  during  nine  or  ten  months 
there  were  no  less  than  three  currencies  in  use — namely,  United  States, 
Mexican  (with  Spanish-Philippine),  and  "Conant."  It  was  not  prac- 
ticable to  deny  a  legal-tender  value  to  so  much  Mexican  and  Spanish- 


American  Banks  637 


Philippine  coin  in  circulation.  The  retailer  was  required  to  exhibit  in 
his  shop  a  card,  supplied  by  the  municipality,  indicating  the  exchange- 
rate  of  the  day,  and  declaring  in  Spanish,  English,  and  Tagalog  as 
follows  :  "  Our  prices  are  in  American  currency.  We  accept  Philippine 
currency  at  the  rate  of  .  .  . " ;  but  the  reckoning  in  small-value  transac- 
tions was  so  bewildering  that,  in  practice,  he  would  accept  any  coinage 
the  purchaser  chose  to  give  him  at  face  value.  From  August  1,  1904, 
when  the  "Internal  Revenue  Law11  {vide  p.  630)  came  into  operation, 
merchants1  and  bankers'1  accounts  and  all  large  transactions  were  settled 
on  the  new-currency  basis.  Many  retailers  followed  the  lead,  and  the 
acceptance  of  the  new  medium  thenceforth  greatly  increased.  Still,  for 
several  months,  provincial  natives  were  loth  to  part  with  their  old  coin 
at  a  discount,  or,  as  they  plainly  put  it,  lose  10  to  20  per  cent,  of 
their  cash  capital  at  a  stroke.  The  Insular  Treasurer  therefore  issued 
another  circular  in  December,  1904,  stating  that  whosoever  engaged  in 
business  should  make  use  of  the  old  coinage  in  trade  transactions  after 
December  -31,  1904,  without  special  licence,  would  be  condemned  to  pay 
not  only  that  licence,  but  a  heavy  fine,  or  be  sent  to  prison ;  and  that 
all  written  agreements  made  after  October,  1904,  involving  a  payment 
in  old  currency,  would  pay  a  tax  of  1  per  cent,  per  month  from  the 
said  date  of  December,  1904.  Nevertheless,  further  pressure  had  to  be 
exercised  by  the  Civil  Governor,  who,  in  a  circular  dated  January  7, 
1905,  stated  that  "  it  is  hereby  ordered  that  the  Insular  Treasurer  and 
"  all  provincial  treasurers  in  the  Philippine  Islands  shall,  on  and  after 
"this  date  and  until  February  1,  1905,  purchase  Spanish-Filipino 
"  currency,  Mexican  currency,  Chinese  subsidiary  silver  coins,  and  all 
"  foreign  copper  coins  now  circulating  in  the  Philippine  Islands  at  one 
"  peso,  Philippine  currency,  for  one  peso  and  twenty  centavos,  local 
"  currency.11 

As  late  as  March,  1905,  there  was  still  a  considerable  amount  of  old 
coinage  in  private  hands,  but  practically  the  new  medium  was  definitely 
established.  The  total  number  of  "  Conant "  pesos  in  circulation  in 
the  Islands,  in  the  middle  of  May,  1905,  was  29,715,720  (all  minted 
in  America),  and  "Conant"1  paper,  P.10,150,000. 

From  the  time  of  the  American  occupation  up  to  May,  1902, 
the  two  foreign  banks — the  Hong-Kong  and  Shanghai  Banking  Cor- 
poration and  the  Chartered  Bank  of  India,  Australia,  and  China  (vide 
Banks,  p.  258) — were  the  only  depositaries  for  the  Insular  Treasury, 
outside  the  Treasury  itself.  In  the  meantime,  two  important  American 
banks  established  themselves  in  the  Islands — namely,  the  "  Guaranty 
Trust  Company,11  and  the  "  International  Banking  Corporation.11  On 
May  15,  1902,  the  "Guaranty  Trust  Company11  was  appointed  a 
depositary  for  Philippine  funds  both  in  Manila  and  in  the  United 
States ;  and  on  June  21  following  the  "  International  Banking 
Corporation11  was    likewise    appointed   a    depositary    for    the    Insular 


638  The  commercial  'policy  of  the  future 

Treasury,  each  being  under  a  bond  of  $2,000,000.  These  two  banks 
also  act  as  fiscal  agents  to  the  United  States  in  the  Philippines.1 

In  1904  the  position  of  the  "Banco  Espanol-Filipino  "  (vide  p.  258) 
was  officially  discussed.  This  bank,  the  oldest  established  in  Manila, 
holds  a  charter  from  the  Spanish  Government,  the  validity  of  which 
was  recognized.  The  Insular  Government  sought  to  reduce  the  amount 
of  its  paper  currency,  which  was  alleged  to  be  three  times  the 
amount  of  its  cash  capital.  Meanwhile,  the  notes  in  circulation,  repre- 
senting the  old  Philippine  medium,  ceased  to  be  legal  tender,  and  were 
exchanged  for  "  Conant "  peso-value  notes  at  the  current  rate  of 
exchange. 

For  a  short  period  there  existed  an  establishment  entitled  the 
"  American  Bank,"  which  did  not  prosper  and  was  placed  in  liquidation 
on  May  18,  1905,  by  order  of  the  Gov.-General,  pursuant  to  Philippine 
Commission  Act  No.  52  as  amended  by  Act  No.  556. 

In  February,  1909,  the  terms  of  Article  4  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris 
(vide  p.  479)  will  lapse,  leaving  America  a  freer  hand  to  determine  the 
commercial  future  of  the  Philippines.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
the  "  Philippines  for  the  Filipinos  "  policy,  promoted  by  the  first  Civil 
Governor,  or  the  "  Equal  opportunities  for  all  "  doctrine,  propounded 
by  the  first  Gov.-General,  will  be  the  one  then  adopted  by  America. 
Present  indications  point  to  the  former  merging  into  the  latter,  almost 
of  necessity,  if  it  is  desired  to  encourage  American  capitalists  to  invest 
in  the  Islands.  The  advocate  of  the  former  policy  is  the  present 
responsible  minister  for  Philippine  affairs,  whilst,  on  this  work  going  to 
press,  the  propounder  of  the  latter  doctrine  has  been  justly  rewarded,  for 
his  honest  efforts  to  govern  well,  with  the  appointment  of  first  American 
Ambassador  to  Japan. 

1  The  "  International  Banking  Corporation  "  :  Capital  paid  up,  £820,000 ; 
reserve  fund,  £820,000.  The  "  Guaranty  Trust  Company  "  :  Capital,  reserves,  and 
undivided  profits,  about  $7,500,000  gold. 


Trade  Statistics 


639 


TRADE     STATISTICS 
Total  Import  and  Export  Values  (exclusive  of  Silver  and  Gold) 


Period. 

Imports. 

Exports. 

Total  Import 

and  Export 

Trade. 

Excess  of 
Imports. 

Excess  of 
Exports. 

Annual 

Average. 

Gold  $. 

Gold  %. 

Gold  $. 

Gold  $. 

Gold  $. 

1880-84 

19,500,274 

20,838,325 

40,338,599 

— 

1,338,051 

1885-89 

15,789,165 

20,991,265 

36,780,430 

— 

5,202,100 

1890-94 

15,827,694 

19,751,293 

35,578,987 

— 

3,923,599 

Year. 

1899 

13,113,010 

12,366,912 

25,479,922 

746,098 

— 

1900 

20,601,436 

19,751,068 

40,352,504 

850,368 

— 

1901 

30,279,406 

23,214,948 

53,494,354 

7,064,458 

— 

1902 

32,141,842 

23,927,679 

56,069,521 

8,214,163 

— 

1903 

32,971,882 

33,121,780 

66,093,662 

" 

149,898 

Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  are  the  most  important 
foreign  markets  for  Philippine  hemp,  the  distribution  of  shipments 
in  1850  and  in  five  recent  years  having  been  as  follows  :— 


Hemp  Shipments  to  United  States,  United  Kingdom, 
and  other  Countries 


Year. 

To 

United  .States. 

To 
Great  Britain. 

To 
Other  Countries. 

Total. 
Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

1850 

7,387 

1,092 

323 

8,802 

1899 

26,713 

21,511 

2(5,868 

75,092 

1900 

20,304 

46,419 

22,715 

89,438 

1901 

30,336 

82,190 

11,731 

124,257 

1902 

60,384 

44,813 

6,303 

111,500 

1903 

69,912 

59,189 

8,651 

137,752 

Hemp   Shipments 

Year. 

Total. 

Year. 

Total. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

1850 

8,802 

1895 

104,040 

1855 

14,936 

1896 

95,736 

1860 

24,812 

1897 

112,755 

1865 

24,862 

1898 

99,076 

1870 

30,535 

1899 

75,092 

1875 

32,864 

1900 

89,438 

1880 

49,934 

1901 

124,257 

1885 

52,141 

1902 

111,500 

1890 

63,269 

1903 

137,752 

040 


Trade  Statistics 


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Trade   Statistics 


TOBACCO    AND   CIGAR    SHIPMENTS 
Before  American  Occupation 


Year. 

Cigars. 

Leaf. 

Year. 

Cigars. 

Leaf. 

Thousands. 

Tons. 

Thousands. 

Tons. 

£  M880 

82,783 

8,657 

1889 

121,674 

10,161 

•8  8.-J  1881 

89,502 

7,027 

1890 

109,636 

8,952 

£  I  1 1882 

103,597 

6,195 

1891 

97,740 

9,803 

*      1883 

190,079 

7,267 

1892 

137,059 

12,714 

1884 

125,091 

7,181 

1893 

137,458 

11,534 

1885 

114,821 

6,799 

1894 

137,877 

9,545 

1886 

102,717 

6,039 

1895 

164,430 

10,368 

1887 

99,562 

4,841 

1896 

183,667 

10,986 

1888 

109,109 

10,229 

1897 

156,916 

15,836 

TOBACCO-LEAF    SHIPMENTS 

Since  American  Occupation 


1899. 

1900. 

1901. 

1902. 

1903. 

Tons. 
6,272 

Tons. 
9,834 

Tons.                           Ton*. 
7,764                     9,016 

Tons. 
8,593 

CIGAR   SHIPMENTS 

Since  American  Occupation 

The  official  returns  do  not  state  the  quantities  shipped 


Year. 

United  States. 
Value. 

British  Empire.1 
Value. 

Other  Countries. 
Value. 

Total  Value. 

1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 

Gold  $. 

3,405 

5,662 

908 

11,006 
1,900 

Gold  $. 
430,013 
937,872 
1,604,470 
813,083 
757,783 

Gold  $. 
512,281 
214,883 
227,071 
1(54,429 
201,672 

Gold  S. 

945,699 
1,158,417 
1,832,449 

988,518 

961,355 

Shipments  to  Hong-Kong  are  often  goods  in  transit  for  United  States. 


Trade   Statistics 


645 


COPRA H  SHIPMENTS 


Year. 

Manila. 

Cebu. 

Total. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

1890      . 

4,653 

— 

4,653 

1891 

— 

— 

17,875 

1892 

— 

— 

22,439 

1893 

11,519 

— 

11,519 

1894 

32,045 

1,220 

33,265 

1895 

34,332 

2,772 

37,104 

1896 

34,895 

3,075 

37,970 

1897 

47,814 

2,900 

50,714 

1899 

13,356 

2,378 

15,906 

1900 

62,469 

2,886 

65,355 

1901 

30,347 

2,308 

32,655 

1902 

41,816 

17,471 

59,287 

1903      . 

69,189 

14,222 

83,411 

COPRAH  SHIPMENT  VALUES 


Year. 

United  States. 

British  Empire. 

Other  Countries. 

Total  Value. 

1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 

Gold  $. 

4,450 

9,057 
9,354 

Gold  $. 

72,095 
246,243 

91,793 
531,421 
311,606 

Gold  $. 
654,558 
2,931,788 
1,520,045 
2,161,247 
3,498,833 

Gold  $. 
726,653 
3,182,481 
1,611,838 
2,701,725 
3,819,793 

COCOANUT-OIL  SHIPMENT  VALUES 


1893.                1894. 

1899. 

1900. 

1901. 

1902. 

1903. 

Value.               Value. 
Gold  H             Gold  $. 
10,336            30,333 

Value. 
Gold  $. 
None. 

Value. 

Gold  $. 

105 

Value. 

Gold  $. 

20 

Value. 

Gold  $. 

346 

Value. 

Gold  S. 

81 

It  will  be  observed  that  with  the  increase  of  coprah  shipment,  the  export  of 
cocoanut-oil  has  decreased. 


646 


Trade   Statistics 


SAPAN-WOOD       SHIPMENTS 
Bkfore  American  Occupation 


Year. 

Tons. 

Year. 

Tons. 

1880     . 

5,527 

1889     . 

4,592 

1881 

4,253 

1890 

2,800 

1882 

5,003 

1891 

4,197 

1883 

2,924 

1892 

3,841 

1884 

2,868 

1893 

4,918 

1885 

4,011 

1894 

2,925 

1886 

4,828 

1895 

2,313 

1887 

5,222 

1896 

3,551 

1888 

6,603 

1897 

4,187 

The   official   returns,    since    1898,    do    not   state   the   quantities   of  sapan-wood 
shipments. 


GUM-MASTIC    SHIPMENTS 


Year. 

Tons. 

Year. 

Tons. 

1880     . 

431 

1889     . 

490 

1881 

440 

1890 

188 

1882 

339 

1891 

303 

1883 

235 

1892 

136 

1884 

245 

1894 

189 

1885 

195 

1895 

275 

1886 

205 

1896 

172 

1887 

404 

1897 

223 

1888 

380 

The  official  figures  of  quantity  are  not  procurable  since  1897.  The  values  of  the 
shipments  are  as  follows :—  In  1901,  $154,801  ;  in  1902,  $189,193  ;  in  1903, 
$143,093. 


COFFEE    SHIPMENTS 


Year. 

Tons. 
437 

Year. 

Tons. 
5,209 

Year. 

Tons. 

1856      . 

1885      . 

1894      . 

309 

1858 

1,560 

1886 

7,337 

1895 

194 

1865 

2,850 

1887 

4,998 

1896 

89 

1871 

3,335 

1888 

6,702 

1897 

136 

1880 

5,059 

1889 

5,841 

1899 

34 

1881 

5,883 

1890 

4,796 

L900 

13 

1882 

5,052 

1891 

2,869 

1901 

30 

1883 

7,451 

1 892 

1,826 

1902 

1884 

7,262 

1893 

807 

1908, 

4 

Trade   Statistics 


647 


GOLD    AND    SILVER    IMPORTS    AND    EXPORTS 

Since  American  Occupation 


Year. 

Imports. 

Exports. 

Gold. 

Silver. 

Gold. 

Silver. 

1899  .... 

1900  .... 

1901  .... 

1902  .... 

1903  .... 

Gold  .$. 
109,965 

71,058 

751,909 

3,110 

50,730 

Gold  $. 
1,141,392 
2,830,263 
6,269,613 
4,226,924 
1,403,475 

Gold  $. 
3,487,050 
593,143 
857,563 
314,295 
63,540 

Gold  $ . 

939,756 
3,147,946 

637,844 
4,173,776 
7,494,347 

TONNAGE    ENTERED    IN    PHILIPPINE    PORTS 
Since  American  Occupation 


Year. 

Steamers. 

Net  Tonnage. 

Sailing- 
ships. 

Net  Tonnage. 

1899  .... 

1900  .... 

1901  .... 

1902  .... 

1903  .... 

1,562 
2,969 
3,649 
3,744 
4,679 

767,605 
1,278,740 
1,680,176 

1,819,547 

:!,:!43,904 

313 
3,252 
6,333 

7,222 
6,111 

58,980 
147,153 
208,092 
242,669 
251,116 

EXCHANGE    FLUCTUATIONS    (op  the  Peso  or  Mexican  Dollar). 


Sight  on  London. 

Sight  on  London. 

Year. 

Highest. 

Lowest. 

Year. 

Highest. 

Lowest. 

186!) 

4/5^ 

4/lf 

1892 

3/3| 

3/- 

1879 

3/11 

3/9 

1897 

2/2 

l/2f 

1880 

3/111 

3/9| 

1898 

2/0§ 

1/91 

1881 

4/H 

3/11 

1899 

2/0ft 

1/Hf 

1832 

4/1 

3/ll| 

1900 

2/0f 

1/11^ 

1883 

4/0i 

3/9| 

1901 

2/0* 

l/10ft 

1884 

3/9J 

3/71 

1902 

i/ioh 

1/6| 

1885 

3/10J 

3/8* 

1903 

1/11  ft 

vm 

1886 

3/9| 

3/7| 

Local  C 

arrency. 

1887 
1888 

3/8* 
3/6| 

3/3 
3/2| 

1904   - 

1/llft 

1/9  H- 

1889 

3/6J 

3/3 

' '  Conan 

t "  Peso. 

1890 

3/101 

3/2! 

I 

2/Off 

2/0ft 

648  Proportionate    Table   of   Total   Exports 


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Proportionate    Table   of  Total  Imports  649 


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650  Proportionate    Table   of  Staph    Exports 


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651 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 

OP 

LEADING   EVENTS 

1494  Treaty  of  Tordesillas  (June  7). 

1519  Maghallanes'  expedition  sailed,  resulting  in  discovery  of  the  Philippines. 

1521  Death  of  Hernando  Maghallanes  (April  27). 

1522  Elcano  completed  his  voyage  round  the  world  (Sept.   6). 
1542  The  Villalohos  expedition  sailed  from  Mexico  (Nov.   1). 

1545-63  Council  of  Trent  (Dec,  1545,  to  Dec,  1563).     Decrees  published  in  1564. 

1564  The  Legaspi  expedition  sailed  from  Mexico  (Nov.   21). 

1565  Miguel  de  Legaspi  landed  in  Cebu. 

Austin  friars'  first  arrival. 

The  image  of  "  The  Holy  Child"  was  found  on  Cebu  shore. 

Cebu  became  the  capital  of  the  Philippines. 

1571  Manila  became  the  capital  of  the  Philippines. 

1572  Death  of  Miguel  de  Legaspi  (Aug.   20). 

I;V;4  Li-ma-hong,  the  Chinese  corsair,  attacked  Manila  (Nov.). 

1576  Death  of  Juan  Salcedo,  Legaspi' S  grandson  (March   11). 

1577  Franciscan  friars'  first  arrival. 

1578  Parish  church  at  Manila  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  cathedral. 

1580  The  Alcavceria  (for  Chinese)  was  established  in  Binondo  (Manila). 

1581  Dominican  friars'  first  arrival. 

Domingo  Salazar,  first  Bishop  of  Manila,  took  possession. 

1587  Alonso  Sanchez's  mission  to   King  Philip  II.     Consequent  reforms. 

1590  The  walls  of  Manila  City  were  built  about  this  year. 

1593  Japanese  Emperor  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  Islands. 

First  mission  of  friars  from  Manila  to  Japan. 

1596  First  expedition  went  to  subdue  the  Mindanao  natives. 

1598  Ignacio  de  Santibafiez,  first  Archbishop  of  Manila,  took  possession. 

1603  Chinese  mandarins  came  to  see  the  "  Mount  of  Gold  "  in  Cavite. 

Massacre  of  Chinese  ;  about  24,000  slain  or  captured. 

1604  Los  Banos  hospital,  church,  and  convent  were  established. 
1606  Recoleto  friars'  first  arrival. 

1613  The  Spanish  victory  (over  the  Dutch)  of  Playa  Honda. 

1616  Earliest  recorded  eruption  of  the  Mayon  Volcano. 

1622  Rebellion  in  Bojol  Island  led  by  Dagdhoy. 

1626  The  image  of  "The  Virgin  of  Antipolo"  was  first  brought  to  Manila. 

A  Spanish  colony  was  founded  in  Formosa  Island. 

l(i;!8  Corcuera's  expedition  against  the  Moros  landed  in  Sulu  Island. 

1640  Foundation  of  the  sultanate  of  Mindanao. 

Separation  of  Spain  and  Portugal. 


652  Chronological  Table  of  Leading  Events 

1640  Spain  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  capture  Macao. 

1641  Earliest  recorded  eruption  of  the  Taal  Volcano. 

1642  Attempts  to  proselytize  Japan  ceased. 

1645  Saint  Thomas'  College  was  raised  to  the  status  of  a  university. 

1649  Rebellion  of  "King"  Malong  and  "Count"  Gumapos. 

1660  Massacre  of  Chinese. 

1662  Koxinga,  a  Chinese  adventurer,  threatened  invasion. 

Great  Massacre  of  Chinese  in  Manila. 

1669  The  "  Letter  of  Anathema  "  was  publicly  read  for  the  first  time. 

1684  Spanish  Prime  Minister  Valenzuela  was  banished  to  Cavite. 

1700  First  admission  of  natives  into  the  Religious  Orders. 

1718  The  "  Letter  of  Anathema  "  was  publicly  read  for  the  last  time. 

1719  Friars  in  open  riot  incited  the  populace  to  rebellion. 
1751  Sultan  Muhamad  Alimudin  was  imprisoned  in  Manila. 

1754  Taal  Volcano  eruption  destroyed  Taal,  Tanaiian,  Sala,  Lipa,  etc. 

First  regular  military  organization. 

Treaty  with  Sultan  Muhamad  Alimudin  (March  3). 

1755  Banishment  of  2,070  Chinese  from  Manila. 
1762-63  British  occupation  of  Manila. 

1762  Rebellion  in  Ilocos  Province  led  by  Diego  de  Silan. 

1763  Sultan  Mubamad  Alimudin  was  restored  to  his  throne  by  the  British. 
1768  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  ordered  (R.   Decree,  1768  ;  Papal  Brief,  1769). 
1770  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  was  effectuated. 

Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  became  Gov. -General  by  appointment. 

1776  Death  of  Simon  de  Anda  y  Salazar  (Oct.  30). 

1781  Government  Tobacco  Monopoly  was  established. 

1785  The  Real  Compania  de  Filipinos  was  founded  (March  10). 

1810  Philippine  deputies  were  first  admitted  to  the  Spanish  Parliament. 

1811  The  last  State  galleon  left  Manila  for  Mexico. 

1815  The  last  State  galleon  left  Acapulco  (Mexico)  for  Manila. 

1819  Secession  of  Mexico  from  the  Spanish  Crown. 

1820  Massacre  of  foreigners  in  Manila  and  Cavite  (Oct.   9). 

1822  First  Manila  news-sheet  (El  Filuntropo)  was  published. 

1823  Rebellion  of  Andre's  Novales  (June). 

1830  The  first  Philippine  bank  was  opened  about  this  year. 

1831  Zamboanga  port  was  opened  to  foreign  trade. 

1834  Manila  port  was  unrestrictedly  opened  to  foreign  trade. 

1835  Rebellion  in  Cavite  led  by  Feliciano  Paran. 

1837  Philippine  deputies  were  excluded  from  the  Spanish  Parliament. 

1841  Apolinario  de  la  Cruz  declared  himself  "  King  of  the  Tagalogs." 

1843  Chinese  shops  were  first  allowed  to  trade  on  equal  terms. 

1844  Claveria's  expedition  against  the  Moros. 

Foreigners  were  excluded  from  the  interior  of  the  Islands. 

The  office  of  Trading-Governor  was  abolished. 

1851  Urbiztondo's  expedition  against  the  Moros. 

1852  Manila  City  thenceforth  remained  open  day  and  night. 

The  Banco  Espanol-Filipino  was  instituted. 

1854  Rebellion  of  Cuesta. 

1855  Yloilo  port  was  opened  to  foreign  trade. 
1857  The  Manila  mint  was  established. 

1859  Return  of  the  Jesuits  to  the  Philippines. 

1861  Dr.  Jose'  Rizal,  the  Philippine  patriot,  was  born  (June  19). 


Chronological  Table  of  Leading  Events  653 

1863  Manila  City  and  Cathedral  damaged  by  earthquake ;  2,000  victims. 

Cebu  port  was  opened  to  foreign  trade. 

1868-70  The  Assembly  of  Reformists  in  Manila. 

1869  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  was  born  (March  22). 

1870  Rebellion  in  Cavite  led  by  Camerino. 
1872  The  Cavite  Conspiracy  (Jan.). 

1875  Failure  of  Russell  &  Sturgis. 

1876  Malcampo's  expedition  against  the  Moros.     Jolo  annexed. 

1877  England  and  Germany  recognized  Spain's  rights  in  Sulu. 
1880  The  last  destructive  earthquake  affecting  Manila. 

The  Hong-Kong-Manila  submarine  cable  was  laid  (via  Bolinao). 

1883  Tobacco  free  planting  was  thenceforth  permitted  (Jan.   1). 

Tobacco  free  export  was  thenceforth  permitted  (July  1) 

1884  The  "Carriedo"  endowment  water-supply  for  Manila  was  established. 

Tribute  and  Poll  Tax  were  abolished  and  Cedilla  personal  introduced. 

1886  Petition  to  the  Crown  asking  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Chinese. 

The  office  of  Judge-Governor  was  abolished. 

Investiture  in  Manila  of  Sultan  Harun  Narrasid  (Sept.  24). 

Capuchin  friars'  first  arrival. 

1887  Terrero's  expedition  against  the  Moro  Datto  Utto. 

Colonel  Juan  Arolas'  victory  in  Sulu  Island.     Capture  of  Maybun  (April  16). 

Philippine  Exhibition  was  held  in  Madrid. 

1890  Municipalities  in  the  christian  provinces  were  created. 

1891  The  first  Philippine  railway  was  opened  to  traffic. 

1895  The  Marahui  campaign  against  the  Moros  of  Mindanao  Island. 

Benedictine  friars'  first  arrival. 

1896  The  Tagalog  Rebellion  opened  (August  20). 

First  battle  of  the  Rebellion  (San  Juan  del  Monte,  Aug.  30). 

Gov. -General  Ramon  Blanco  was  recalled  to  Spain  (Dec). 

Gov. -General  Polavieja  arrived  in  Manila  (Dec). 

Dr.  Jose  Rizal,  the  Philippine  patriot,  was  executed  (Dec.  30). 

1897  Gov. -General  Polavieja  left  Manila  for  Spain  (April  15). 

Gov. -General  Primo  de  Rivera  returned  to  Manila  (April). 

First  issue  of  the  first  Philippine  Loan  (July  15). 

Treaty  of  Biac-na-batd  is  alleged  to  have  been  signed  (Dec   14). 

General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  went  into  exile  under  treaty  (Dec.  27). 

Tremendous  tidal  wave  on  Leyte  Island.     Life  and  property  destroyed. 

1898  Tragedy  of  the  Calle  de  (Jamba,  Manila  (March  25). 

Rebel  rising  in  Cebu  Island  (April  3). 

■ Gov. -General  Primo  de  Rivera  left  Manila  for  Spain  (April). 

Gov.-General   Basilio  Augusti  arrived  in   Manila  (April). 

The  Spanish-American   War  began  (April  23). 

Battle  of  Cavite.     The  Spanish  fleet  destroyed  (May  1). 

General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  returned  from  exile  to  Cavite  (May  19). 

General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  assumed  the  Dictature  (May  24). 

Constitution  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  promulgated  (June  23). 

Revolutionists'  appeal  to  the  Powers  for  recognition  (Aug.  6). 

Spanish-American  Protocol  of  Peace  signed  in  Washington  (Aug.   12). 

American  occupation  of  Manila  (Aug.   13). 

Capitulation  of  Manila  to  the  Americans  (Aug.   14). 

Malolos  (Bulacan)  became  the  Revolutionary  capital  (Sept.   15). 

American  and  Spanish  peace  commissioners  met  in  Paris  (Oct.  1). 


654  Chronological  Table  oj  Leading  Events 

1898  Capitulation  of  the  Spaniards  in  Negros  Island  to  the  rebels  (Nov.  6). 
Treaty  of  Peace  between  America  and  Spain  (Paris,  Dec.  10). 

Evacuation  of  Panay  Island  by  the  Spaniards  (Dec.  24). 

Evacuation  of  Cebu  Island  by  the  Spaniards  (Dec.  26). 

1899  Evacuation  of  Cottabato  by  the  Spaniards  (Jan). 

Constitution  of  the  Philippine  Republic  was  promulgated  (Jan.  22). 

The  War  of  Independence  began  (Feb.  4). 

Bombardment  of  Yloilo  (Feb.   11). 

American  occupation  of  Cebu  City  (Feb.  22). 

American  occupation  of  Bojol  Island  (March). 

Malolos,  the  revolutionary  capital,,  was  captured  (March  31). 

The  Schurman  Commission  appointed  (Jan.  20)  ;  in  Manila  (May  2). 

Evacuation  of  Zamboanga  by  the  Spaniards  (May  23). 

Violent  death  of  General  Antonio  Luna  (June  3). 

The  Ladrone,  Caroline,  and  Pelew  Is.  (minus  Guam)  sold  to  Germany  (June). 

The  Aglipayan  schism  began.' 

The  Bates  agreement  with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  (Aug.). 

American  occupation  of  Zamboanga  (Nov.   16). 

Death  of  General  Lawton  (Dec). 

1900  Monsignor  P.   L.   Chapelle,  papal  delegate,  arrived  in  Manila  (Jan.   2). 

The  Taft  Commission  appointed  (Mar.   16)  ;  in  Manila  (June  3). 

The  Philippine  Commission  became  the  legislative  body  (Sept.   1). 

L901  General  surrender  of  the  Panay  insurgent  army  (Feb.   2). 

Capture  of  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  (Mar.   23). 

General  Emilio  Aguinaldo  swore  allegiance  to  America  (April  1). 

The  Philippine  Commission  assumed  full  (civil)  executive  power  (July  4). 

General  surrender  of  Cebuano  chiefs  (Oct.). 

Genera]  surrender  of  Bojolano  chiefs  (Dec). 

L902  Capture  of  V.   Lucban,  the  last  recognized  insurgent  chief  (April  27). 

Mr.  W.  H.  Taft  in  Rome  to  negotiate  purchase  of  friars'  lands  (June). 

Civil  rule  throughout  the  Islands  decreed  (Congress  Act,  July  1). 

War  of  Independence  ended  (actually,  April  27  ;  officially,  July  4). 

— —  President  Roosevelt's  peace  proclamation  and  amnesty  grant  (July  4). 
Military  rule  (remainder  of)  declared  ended  (War  Office  Order,  July  4). 

Monsignor  G.   B.  Guidi,  papal  delegate,  arrived  in  Manila  (Nov.   18). 

1903  Apolinario  Mabini  died  in  Manila  (May  13). 

"The  Democratic  Labour  Union"  prosecution  (May). 

Moro  Province  constituted  (Phil.   Com.  Act  No.   787,  June  1). 

- —  Archbishop  Nozaleda  relinquished  the  archbishopric  of  Manila  (June). 

The  Philippine  peso  ("Conant")  issued  to  the  public  (July). 

Moro  Province  Legislative  Council  organized  (Sept.   2). 

1904  Monsignor  J.   J.   Harty,  Archbishop  of  Manila,  arrived  (Jan.). 

Mr.   W.   H.  Taft,  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  left  Manila  (Jan.). 

Mr.   Luke  E.   Wright  succeeded  Mr.  Taft  as  Civil  Governor  (Jan.). 

Greatest  inundation  of  Manila  suburbs  within  living  memory  (July  11). 

The  "Internal  Revenue  Law  of  1904"  in  operation  (Aug.   1). 

1905  Monsignor  Ambrogio  Agius,  papal  delegate,  arrived  in  Manila  (Feb.   6). 

—  The  Philippine  Assembly  to  be  convened  in  1907  proclaimed  (March  28). 

El  Renadmiento  prosecution  for  alleged  libel  (July). 

1906  English  became  the  official  language  (Jan.  1  ;  Phil,  Com.  Act  No.  1128). 


655 


INDEX 


Acle  (wood),  313 

Acuna,  Gov.-General  Bravo  de,  7  + 

Adasaolan,  the  Moro  chief,  129 

Aetas  tribe,  the,  37,  120,  145,  163 

Agaria  (Guam  Is.),  41 

Agius,  Monsignor  Ambrogio,  papal 
legate,  G07 

Aglipay,  Gregorio,  career  of,  603  ;  heads 
the  Independent  Church,  604  ;  throws 
off  allegiance  to  Rome,  605 

Agno  River,  14 

Agoncillo,  Felipe,  472,  485,  495 

Agriculture,  269 ;  proposed  Bank  of, 
624  ;  the  Bureau  of,  625 

Aguinaldo,  Emilio,  370 ;  claims  inde- 
pendence, 394  ;  goes  into  exile,  399  ; 
goes  to  Singapore,  419  ;  returns  to 
Hong-Kong,  421  ;  becomes  Dictator, 
436  ;  becomes  President  of  The  Revo- 
lutionary ( iovernment,  469 ;  triumphal 
entry  into  Malolos  of,  470;  capture 
of,  507  ;  swears  allegiance  to  America, 
509;  home  of,  510;  as  witness  in 
El  Renacimiento  prosecution,  550. 
FtdAWar  of  Independence 

Agusan  River,  14 

Albinos,  128 

Alcayceria,  the,  110 

Alcocer,  Father  Martin  Garcia,  597,  602 

Al/erez  Real,  50 

Alva,  Francisco,  31 

Alcalde-Governors,  212 

Alcalde  Mayor,  213 

Alguacil,  226 

Ali,  Datto,  529,  580-2 

Allocution  of  the  Archbishop  of  Madrid, 
423 

Alvarez,  Vicente,  the  Tamagun  Datto, 
532 

Ambutong,  Datto,  585 

A  mar  seco,  324 

Anagap  (wood),  313 

Anathema,  the  Letter  of,  82 

Anda  y  Salazar,  Simon  de,  usurps  gov.- 
generalship,  91  ;  offers  rewards  for 
British  heads,  95 ;  rewards  to,  99  ; 
character  of,  99 ;  becomes  Gov.- 
General,  99  ;  death  of,  100 


Andrew,  Saint,  patron  of  Manila,  50, 
560 

Animals,  336  et  son. 

Anobing  (wood),  313 

Anson,  Admiral,  246 

Antiny-anting,  the,  237 

Antipolo,  Virgin  of,  184 

Antipolo  (wood),  313 

Antwerp,  the  Treaty  of,  72 

Apareero  (labour)  system,  274 

Apfton  (wood),  313 

Arandia,  Gov.-General  Pedro  de,  61, 
80,  138 

Araneta,  General  Pablo,  514,  517 

Araneta,  Juan,  520 

Aranga  (wood),  313 

Archbishopric  created,  56 

Areca-nut,  303 

Army,  the  (under  Spain)  53,  77  ;  pay  of, 
63,  230  ;  statistics  of,  220-30  ; '  the 
first  barracks,  231  ;  Halberdier  Guard, 
2.'>2  ;  strength  of,  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  Rebellion,  364;  in  1898,  466; 
(under  America)  strength  of,  during 
War  of  Independence,  553  ;  arms 
captured  by,  553  ;  strength  of,  in 
1004,  569  ;  general  officers'  pay,  569  ; 
privates'  pay,  569  ;  the  three  depart- 
ments of,  569  ;  scout  corps ;  military 
prison,  570 

Arolas,  Colonel  Juan,  captures  May  bun, 
144  ;  death  of,  144  ^  footnote) 

Artists,  native,  196 

Asiento  Contract,  the,  257 

Assembly  of  Reformists,  the,  362 

Aswan  (evil  spirit),  181 

Athenaeum,  the,  194 

Augusti,  General  Basilio,  succeeds  Gen. 
Primo  de  Rivera,  413  ;  issues  a  call 
to  arms,  424  ;  issues  a  proclamation 
against  Americans,  425  ;  quits  Manila 
before  the  American  occupation, 
464 

Austin  friars,  55 

Axa,  274 

Ayala,  Antonio  de,  367  (footnote) 

Azcarraga,  General  Marcelo,  105  (foot- 
note) 


656 


Index 


Bacoor  town,  rebel  headquarters,  499 

Badiao  destroyed,  16 

Bagobos,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145 

Bagsacay  weapon,  147 

Baibailanes,  sect  of  the,  608 

Balabac     Island,     160  ;      slaughter     of 

Spaniards  in,  478 
Balambangan,  slaughter   of  British   at, 

139 
Balangiga,  slaughter  of  Americans  at, 

536 
Balanguigui    Island,    Corcuera's  victory 

in,  139 
Balate  (trepang),  312 
Baler  garrison  captives,  494 
Balugas  tribe,  the,  163 
Bamboos,  308 
Banaba  (wood),  313 
Banana  fruit,  317 
Bancal  (wood),  314 
Banco  Espahol-Filipino,  the,   258  ;    run 

on  the,  435,  638 
Bandits,  notorious,    238-9,    546-9,    582. 

Vide  Brigands 
Banks,    foreign    and    Philippine,    258, 

638  ;  American,  637 
Bansalague  (wood),  314 
Barangay  chiefs,  189,  222-3,  225  (foot- 
note) 
Barasoain  town,  469  (footnote),  567 
Barbosa,  Duarte  de,  28 
Bdrong  weapon,  147 
Barracks,  the  first,  231 
Basa,  Jose  M.,  106  ;    biographical  note 

of,  108  (footnote) 
Basan  tribe,  the,  128 
Batac  tribe,  the,  158  (footnote) 
Bates  Agreement,  the,  571 
Batitinan  (wood),  313 
Batd  Lake,  15 
Bats,  340 

Battle— of  Playa  Honda,  75  ;   of  Saint 
Juan  del  Monte,  368  ;  of  Binacayan, 
373  ;    of  Cavite,  427 ;   of  Paco,  487  ; 
of  Marilao,  490 
Bautista,  Ambrosio  Rianzares,  106 
Bautista,  Fray  Pedro,  martyr-saint,  64 
Bay  Lake,  15 

Bayabos,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145 
Bejuco  (rattan),  310 
Benguet  Road,  the,  615  (footnote) 
Berenguer  y  Marquina,  Gov-General,  80 
Beri-beri  disease,  197 
Betel,  303 
Betis  (wood),  313 
Biac-na-batd,  the  alleged  Treaty  of,  3!  6, 

414  (footnote) 
Bicol  River,  14,  37 
Bigaycaya,  the,  178 
Bi'libid  jail,  557 
Binacayan,  Battle  of,  373 


Birds,  341 

Birds'-nests,  edible,  311 
Bishop  of  Manila,  the  first,  51,  56 
Blanco,  Gov. -General  Ramon,  377 
Blood  Compact,  the,  28,  369 
Boar,  340 
Boayan  Lake,  15 
Bocayo,  305 
Bojo,  310 

Bojol  Island,  rebellion  in,  101;  American 
occupation  of,  528  ;  Pedro  Sanson,  the 
insurgent  leader  in,  528 
Boleta  shipping-warrant,  the,  244 
Bombon  Lake,  15 
Bongso,  Rajah,  130 
Bonifacio,  Andre's,  370 
Borneo  Island,  Spanish    relations  with, 

29,  165 
Botanical  specimens,  321 
Braganza,  Duke  of,  81 
Braganza,  Major,  execution  of  the  rebel, 

537 
Brewery,  the  first  Philippine,  264 
Bridge  of  Spain,  349 
Brigands — the  tulisdn  ;  the  pnlajdn,  235, 
547   et  seq.  ;     haunts    of,    238  ;     the 
remontado,  205  ;  "Guards  of  Honour," 
550.      Vide  Bandits 
British  North  Borneo  Co.,  141 
British  —  corsairs,    54  ;    occupation    of 

Manila  by,  87 
Bronchial  affections,  197 
Brunei,  Sultanate  of,  29,  141,  157,  165 
Budgets,  227  et  seq.  ;  of  1757,  251  ;  629 
Buffaloes,  337  ;  rinderpest  epidemic,  338, 
621  ;  efforts  of  Government  to  replace 
the  stocks  of,  622 
Buffalo  hides,  shipments  of,  640 
Buhi  Lake,  15 
Bull-ring,  350 
Buluan  Lake,  15 

Bureaux  of  the  Insular  Government,  561 
Burgos,  Dr.  Jose,  106  ;  executed,  107 
Buri  palm,  308 
Bush-rope,  310 
Bustamente      Bustillo,      Gov. -General, 

murder  of,  60 
Bustos,  92-4 
Butler,  John  B.,  257 
Butterflies,  340 
Butuan  River,  14 
Buyo,  303 


Cubeza  de  barangay,  189,  222-3 

Cable  service,  267-8 

Cacao,  301  ;  cultivation  of,  302 

Cachil  Corralat,  King,  133 

Cachila  or  Castila,  169,  515  (footnote) 

Cagayan,  river  of,  14;  lake  of,  1 5 

Cagsaua  destroyed,  16 


Index 


657 


Cagsaysay,  Our  Lady  of,  18,  19,  184 
"  C'ahupon,  Ngayon  at  Bucas,"  the  sedi- 
tious play  of,  554 
Oaida,  358' 
( 'nit/as,  224 
Cailles,  General  Juan,  507  ;  as  provincial 

governor,  567 
( 'aja  de  comunidad,  217 
Calderon,  Rita,  139 
Calinga  tribe,  the,  125 
( 'title  de  Camba  tragedy,  the,  401 
Camagon  (wood),  314 
Camaguin  VTolcano,  16 
Camerino,  the  rebel,  106,  397  (footnote) 
Camote,  303 
Campildn  weapon,  147 
Campo  de  Bagumbayan,  369 
Canga-Argi'ielles,  Felipe,  143,  158,  161 
(anlauan  Volcano,  16 
Canovas  Ministry,  378,  384,  417 
Capers,  321 
Capitdn  municipal,  225 
( apsicums,  321 

Captives,   the   Spanish,    537  ;    why   de- 
tained, 539  ;  Baron   Du  Marais  mur- 
dered,   540 ;    the    captors'   terms    of 
release,  541 
Capture  of  Manila — attempted  by  Li-ma- 
hong,    47  ;    threatened    by  Japanese 
Emperor,     64 ;     threatened     by    the 
Dutch,  75  ;    threatened  by   Koxinga, 
7<>  ;     by    the     British,    87  ;     by    the 
Americans,  464 
Caraballo,  Juan,  29 
Carabaos  (buffaloes),  337 
Caroline  Islands,  the  discovery  of,  41, 43; 
seized  by  Germany,  44  ;  governor  of, 
murdered,  45  ;  sold  to  Germany,  46 
(arrillo  Theatre,  the,  349 
Garromata,  559  (footnote) 
Carrying-trade,   the   inter-island,    262  ; 
regulated    by   the    Shipping   Law   of 
1904,  628-9,  647 
Cartagena,  Juan  de,  26 
Casa  Misericordia  loan  office,  247 
Cassava,  321 

Castila  or  Cachila,  169,  515  (footnote) 
Castor-oil,  302 

Catapusan,  the,  179  (footnote) 
Cathedral  of  Manila,  the,  55 
( 'atipad,  177 
Cauit,  371  (footnote) 
Cavite — the    conspiracy    of    1872,    106, 
363 ;    fort  of,   233-4 ;    executions   in 
1896,  874 
<  'ayinin,  the,  555 

Cebu,  discovery  of,  27  ;  Legaspi  in,  34  ; 
the  "Holy  Child  "  of,  183 ;  the  patron 
saint  of,  183  ;  the  port  of,  261  ;  rising 
in,  402  et  seq.  ;  executions  of  rebels 
in,   405  ;    native   government   in   the 


Island  of,  521  ;  American  occupation 
of  the  City  of,  523  ;  General  Hughes' 
expedition  to,  525  ;  the  City  of,  526 

Cedar  (wood),  314 

C'eduln  personal,  the,  224 

Census,  the,  355,  615-6 

Centro  Catdlico,  El,  602 

Chabucano  dialect,  the,  535 

Chaffee,  Maj. -General  A.  R.,  563 

Chambers  of  Commerce,  261 

Chamorro  dialect,  the,  40 

Champaca,  325 

Chapdiki,  351  (footnote) 

Chapelle,  Monsignor  P.  L.,  papal  legate, 
595  and  footnote 

Chartered  Bank  of  India,  Australia  and 
China,  the,  258,  435,  637 

Chillies,  321 

Chinese;  the,  54,  109  ;  slaughter  of  the 
Moluccas  expedition  leader  by,  73  ; 
revolt  of,  77  5  banishment  of,  111  ; 
restrictions  on,  111  ;  as  immigrants, 
112  ;  taxes  first  levied  on,  112  ;  social 
position  of,  under  Spanish  rule,  113  ; 
riots  of,  114  ;  mandarins  come  to  seek 
the  "  Mount  of  Gold  "  in  Cavite,  114  ; 
Saint  Francis'  victory  over,  115  ;  mas- 
sacre by,  115;  massacre  of,  77 ,  93, 
115  ;  as  traders,  117,  263  ;  Guilds  of, 
117;  patron  saint  of,  118;  population 
of,  118;  Macao,  118;  Sangley,  118; 
Suya,  118  ;  secret  societies,  119  ;  Ex- 
clusion Act,  119,  638;  before  the 
Spanish  advent,  166  ;  Club,  558 ; 
social  position  of,  under  American 
ru le,  684  ;  future  probable  effect  of 
the  exclusion  of,  635 

Chocolate,  301 

Cholera  epidemic,  116,  197 

Church — relations  of,  to  the  State,  50 ; 
Dominican  friars,  51  (footnote)  ;  first 
bishop  of  Manila,  51,  56  ;  tithes  to, 
55 ;  Austin  friars,  55  ;  Mendicant  friars, 
55 ;  friars'  term  of  residence,  55 ; 
Manila  Cathedral,  55  ;  the  Inquisition, 
55,  59,  82  ;  archbishopric  created,  56  ; 
indulgences  granted,  56 ;  relics  in 
cathedral,  57  ;  excommunications,  58, 
67,  604 ;  archbishop  banished,  58 ; 
quarrels  with  the  State  authorities, 
57-8,  99,  209-10;  Chap,  vii ;  the 
martyrs  of  Japan,  66-9 ;  the  High 
Host  is  stolen,  82 ;  Letter  of  Anathema, 
82  ;  the  Hierarchy,  206  ;  revenue  and 
expenditure  of  the,  207,  209  ;  position 
of  the  regular  clergy  after  1898,  594  ; 
Archbishop  Nozaleda,  594,  597 ;  Father 
Martin  Garcia  Alcoce'r,  597,  602  ; 
attitude  of  the  native  clergv  towards 
the,  after  1898,  596 ;  Monsignor  P.  L. 
Chapelle,  595  ;  Monsignor  G.  B.  Guidi, 

42 


658 


Index 


601  ;  Monsignor  A.  Agius,  607  ;  the 
friars'-lands  question,  597-601  ;  the 
Aglipayan  Schism,  604.  Vide  Friars  ; 
Religious  Orders 

Church,  the  Philippine  Independent. 
Vide  Independent 

Cigars,  299  ;  shipments  of,  644 

Cinnamon,  311 

Civil— governor,  duties  of  the  Spanish, 
215  ;  his  position,  216 ;  guard  (con- 
stabulary), the,  231  ;  the  title  of  Civil 
Governor,  561  ;  Service,  the,  565 ; 
Commission,  the,  560,  565;  rule 
established,  566 

Claudio,  Juan,  81 

Claveria,  expedition  against  the  Moros 
by,  139 

Clergy,  the  native,  capacity  of,  607- 
Vide  Church  ;  Friars 

Climaco,  Arsenio,  522,  525 

Climaco,  General  Juan,  522 

Climate,  22  ;  of  the  south,  157 

Clubs,  558 

Coal,  326,  comparative  analyses,  328 

Cock-fighting,  351 

Cocoanuts,  304 

Cocoanut-oil,  305  ;  export  values  of,  645 

Coffee,  289 ;  curacolillo,  289 ;  where 
grown,  289  ;  dealing,  290  ;  cultivation, 
291  ;  statistics,  291  ;  shipments  of, 
646 

Cogon-grass,  307 

Coir,  305 

Colerin  disease,  197 

Coloram,  sect  of  the,  608 

Comenge,  Rafael,  inflammatory  speech 
of,  400 

Compania  General  de  Tabacos,  299 

Compania  Guipuzcoana  de  Caracas,  252 

Conant  peso,  the,  635-7 

Concentration  circuits,  391,  549 

Congressional  Relief  Fund,  the,  621,  623 

Consulado  trading-ring,  the,  244 

Constabulary  statistics  (Spanish),  231  ; 
(American),  550,  553,  567 

Contentions,  State  and  Church,  58 

Convent  of  Santa  Clara,  81 

Convicts,  corps  of,  231  ;  in  Bilibid  jail, 
557 

Cooper  Bill,  the,  627,  629 

Copper,  334 

Coprah,  305  ;  shipments  of,  645 

Corcuera,  Gov.-General  Hurtado  de,  58, 
79,  81  ;  in  Sulu,  131 

Cordage,  shipments  of,  640 

Cornish,  Admiral,  87 

Coiregidor  Island,  345  (footnote),  556 

Corsairs,  British,  54 

( 'oil, i  de  San  Pedro  (Cebu),  402 

Cottabato,  meaning  of,  142  (footnote) ; 
Spanish  evacuation  of,  529  ;  native  rule 


in,  529  ;  slaughter  of  Christians  in, 
530  ;  American  intervention  at,  530 

Cotton-tree,  307 

Council  of  Trent,  the,  605  (footnote) 

Count — of  Albay,  105  ;  of  La  Union,  124 ; 
of  Manila,  139  ;  of  Lizarraga,  210 

Courts  of  Justice,  cost  of  the  Spanish, 
234 ;  American,  618 

Criminal  law  procedure,  Spanish-Philip- 
pine, 241 

Cruz,  Apolinario  de  la,  "  King  of  the 
Tagalogs,"  105 

Cuadrillero  guard,  the,  224 

Cuba,  America  liberates,  417 

Cubang-aso,  166  (footnote) 

C'ueva  del  Ingles,  the,  21 

Cuevas,  Datto  Pedro,  career  of,  582  ;  his 
death,  583  ;  his  justice,  586 

Currency,  the,  under  Spain,  244,  259  ; 
under  America,  635-7 

Custom-houses,  261,  467,  626 

Customs  duty,  the  first  levied,  53  ;  under 
America,  629-30 


"  Dabas  ng  pilac,"  the  seditious  play  of, 

554 
Dagdhoy's  rebellion,  101 
Dalahican  camp,  374 
Danao  River,  15 

Dancing,  the  balitao,  the  eomitan,  180 
Dasmarinas,  Gov.-General  Perez,  56,  73 
Datto.      Vide  Moros 
Dayfusama,  Emperor  of  Japan,  69 
Death-rate,  198 
Deer,  340 

Delgado,  General  Martin,  513-14,  517-18 
Demarcation  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese 

spheres  by  papal  bull,  25 
Democratic  Labour  Union,  the,  632 
Departments  of  the  Insular  Government, 

561 
Descent  of  Filipinos,  theory  of  the,  120 
Despujols,  Gov.-General,  383 
Dewey,  Admiral  George,  419,  427,  430, 

432 
Diario    de    Manila,    El,    founded    352, 

suspended,  401 
Diaz,  Julio,  520 
Diezmos  prediales,  55 
Dilao  village,  63 
Dimas  along,  389 

Dimasangcay,  King  of  Mindanao,  129 
Dinagat  Island,  27 
Dinglas  (wood),  314 
Dioeno,  Ananias,  513.  616 
Directorcillo,  222 
Disciplinary  (convict)  corps,  231 
Discovery  of  the  Philippines,  24  et  seq. 
Diseases,  the  prevalent,  197 
Dita  (quinine),  308 


Index 


659 


Divisions  of  the  Colony  under  Spain,  213 

Djimbangan,  Datto,  530,  580 

Dollars,  Mexican,  first  introduced,  244 

Doll-saints,  188 

Dominican  friars,  51  (footnote) 

Donkeys,  338 

Dowries  for  native  women,  53 

Draper,  Brig.-General,  87-91 

Duarte  de  Barbosa,  28 

Du  Marais,  Baron,  540  (footnote) 

Dungon  (wood),  314 

Dutch,  naval  battles  with  the,  72  et  seq. 

Dwelling-houses,  353 

Dye  saps,  312 


Earthquakes,  23,  35(5 

Ebony  (wood),  314 

Eco  de  Filipinos,  the  seditious  organ,  106 

Education,  under  Spain,  school-teachers, 
192  ;  State  aid  for,  193  ;  the  Athenaeum 
syllabus,  194  ;  the  Santa  Isabel  College 
curriculum,  194  ;  girls'  schools,  194  ; 
St.  Thomas'  University,  194 ;  the 
Nautical  School,  195  ;  the  provincial 
student,  195  ;  in  agriculture,  228 ; 
under  America,  608 ;  tlie  Normal 
School  syllabus,  609 ;  the  Nautical 
School,  609  ;  the  School  for  Chinese, 
610 ;  University  and  remaining  Spanish 
schools,  610 ;  the  English  language 
for  Orientals,  611  ;  in  agriculture,  625 

Egbert,  Colonel,  death  of,  489 

Elcano,  Juan  Sebastian,  29  ;  voyage 
round  the  world  of,  30  ;  reward  to, 
31  ;  death  of,  31 

"  El  Filibii.steri.snio,"  383 

El  Nuevo  Via  newspaper,  524 

Emoluments  of  Spanish  officials,  214  ; 
of  American  officials,  561 

Encomiendas,  21 1 

Espinosa,  Gonzalo  Gomez  de,  29,  31 

Exchange  fluctuations,  647 

Exclusion,  of  foreigners  in  general,  258  ; 
of  Chinese  in  particular,  111,  119, 
633-5 

Excommunications,  58,  67,  604 

Executions  of  monks  in  Japan,  66,  69 

Exhortations  and  proclamations,  rebel 
and  insurgent,  definition  of  demands, 
392  ;  claim  of  independence,  394,  421, 
433,  436,  454,  486,  502 

Expenditure  and  revenue,  under  Spain, 
227  et  seq.,  251  ;  curious  items  of, 
229  ;  under  America,  629 

Exports,  duty  first  levied  on,  53  ;  table 
of  values  of,  639  ;  of  produce,  639-46 


Fajardo  de  Tua,  Gov. -General,  70,  75  ; 
kills  his  wife,  80 


Fallus  tax,  224 

"  Family  Compact,"  the,  72,  87 

Family  names,  179 

Farranda  Kiemon,  the  Japanese  Am- 
bassador, 64-5 

Federal  party,  the,  547 

Felizardo,  Cornelio,  the  famous  bandit, 
548  (footnote),  549 

Field  of  Bagumbayan,  369 

"  Filibusteriemo,  El,"  383 

Filipino,  the,  meaning  of  the  term,  120 
(footnote),  165  ;  theory  of  the  descent 
of,  163  et  .seq.  ;  meaning  of  the  term 
"Tagalog,"  164;  at  the  St.  Louis 
Exhibition,  165  ;  character  of,  167  ; 
characteristics  of,  168-71  ;  notion  of 
sleep  of,  169 ;  "  Castila  !  "  169  ;  hos- 
pitality of,  172,  563;  good  qualities 
of,  173-4,  176  ;  female  activity,  173  ; 
aversion  to  discipline,  175  ;  bravery 
of,  175  ;  troops  in  Tonquin,  175  ; 
physiognomy  of,  177  ;  marriages  of, 
177-9 ;  minors'  rights,  178 ;  widows 
of,  178  ;  family  names  of,  179  ;  mixed 
marriages  of,  181  ;  belief  in  evil 
spirits,  181  ;  conception  of  religion 
of,  189,  607-8  ;  penance,  188  ;  talent 
of,  196  ;  as  artists,  l'JO  ;  as  politicians, 
547  ;  the  "  Irreconcilables,"  547,  553, 
613  ;  capacity  for  self-government  of, 
614 

Firewoods,  324 

Fish,  339 

Flowers,  321 

Flores,  Luis,  522-3 

Fondas  locoles,  217.      Vide  Government. 

Forests,  inspection  of,  228  ;  produce  of, 
307  et  .seq. 

Formosa  Island,  Spanish  colony  in,  76 

Fort — of  Yligan,  77,  231  ;  ofZamboanga, 
77,  133  (footnote),  233  ;  ofSampanilla 
(Mindanao  Is.),  131  ;  of  Jold,  150  ;  of 
Labo  and  Tavtay  (Palauan  Is.),  231  ; 
of  Cavite,  233-4  ;  of  Cebu,  402  ;  of 
Santiago  (Manila),  427,  430  ;  of  San 
Antonio  Abad  (Malate),  463 

Fortification  of  Manila,  54,  231,  343 
(footnote) 

Fowls,  341 

"  Frailuno,"  the  term,  603  (footnote) 

Francis  of  Tears,  Saint,  183 

Free  trade  penalties,  Spanish,  250 

Freemasonry,  363,  365  (footnote) 

Friars,  the  Spanish,  the  Mendicant 
Order  of,  55  ;  term  of  residence  of, 
55  ;  in  open  riot,  61  ;  attitude  of, 
during  the  British  occupation  (1762-3), 
91-3,  96  ;  fighting,  116, 133  ;  as  parish 
priests,  202  ;  the  several  Orders  of, 
207 ;  as  traders,  250 ;  position  of, 
after  1898,   594  ;    causes  of  the  anti- 


660 


Index 


friar  feeling,    595 ;     attitude    of   the 
native  clergy  towards,  596;    number 
of,  at  the  time  of  the  rebellion  (1896), 
596  ;    position  of,   after  1898,   deter- 
mined, 597  ;  the  question  of  the  real 
estate    of,    597,    et    seq.  ;     America's 
negotiations     with    Rome,     598-600 ; 
acreage  of  real  estate   of,    601  ;    the 
term  ' '  frailuno,"  603  (footnote).     I  ride 
Church  ;  Religious  Orders 
Fruits,  317  et  seq. 
Fuerza  del  Pilar,  133  (footnote) 
Funcion  votiva  de  San  Andres,  50 
Funston,   Colonel,   491,  496  ;    captures 

Aguinaldo,  507  ;  reward  to,  509 
Fuset,  Antonio,  539 


Gabi,  303 

Gaddanes  tribe,  the,  122 

Gales,  Nicolas,  520 

Galleons,  to  and  from  Mexico,  243 ; 
officers'  pay,  243  ;  royal  dues,  249 

Gigantes,  Paseo  de  los,  134  (footnote) 

Gilolo  Island,  32 

Ginger,  321 

Gobernadorcillo,  221 

Gogo,  302 

Goiti,  Martin  de,  35,  37 

Gold,  mining,  328  et  seq.  ;  coin,  259  j 
imports  and  exports  of,  after  1898,  647 

Gomez,  Father  Mariano,  executed,  107 

Gonzalez  Parrado,  General,  145,  150, 
572 

Government,  under  Spain,  211  et  seq.  ; 
cost  of,  214,  et  seq.,  629  ;  of  towns, 
221  et  seq.  ;  under  America,  560  et 
seq. ,  576 ;  cost  of,  629  ;  provincial, 
566-7,  578-9 

Governor-General,  the,  Legaspi,  Miguel 
de,  33-4,  36 ;  Lavezares,  Guido  de, 
35  (footnote),  47  ;  Zabalburu,  Domingo, 
42  ;  powers  of,  54  ;  Pei-ez  Dasmarinas, 
56,  73  ;  Corcuera,  Hurtado  de,  58,  79, 
131  ;  quarrels  of,  with  the  clei'gy,  58 ; 
Lara,  Manrique  de,  59  ;  Salcedo, 
Diego,  59 ;  Leon,  Manuel  de,  60  ; 
Nargas,  Juan  de,  60 ;  Bustamente 
Bustillo  murdered,  00  ;  Torralba, 
Jose,  60,  79,  80  ;  Arandia,  Pedro  de, 
61,  80 :  Moriones,  Domingo,  62  ; 
Raon,  Jose,  62,  99  ;  Fajardo  de  Tua, 
70,  75,  80 ;  Bravo  de  Acuna,  74 ; 
Silva,  Juan  de,  74  ;  Silva,  Fernando 
de,  76  ;  Vargas,  Juan,  79  ;  peculations 
of,  7'.),  80,  21U,  220-1  ;  Berenguer  y 
Marquina,  80  ;  La  Torre,  Francisco, 
97  *,  Obando,  Jose  de,  134 ;  Jovellar, 
Joaquin,  211  ;  Despujols,  383  ;  Primo 
de  Rivera,  Fernando,  124,  211,  389, 
391,  399,  408  ;  Blanco,  Ramon,  377  ; 


Polavieja,    Camilo,    378-9  ;    Augusti, 

Basilio,   413,    424-5,    464  ;     Weyler, 

417-8,  431 
Grants  of  land,  54,  211,  592 
Grapes,  320 

Guadalupe  church,  legend  of,  361 
Guaranty  Trust  Company,  637 
"Guards  of  Honour,"  the,  550 
Guava  fruit,  320 
Guidi,   Monsignor  G.   B.,  papal  legate, 

601 
Guijo  (wood),  314 

Guillermo,  Faustino,  the  bandit,  546 
Gum  mastic,  311  ;  shipments  of,  646 
Gumapos,  ' '  Count,"  103 
Gutta-percha,  311 
Gypsum,  334 


Hadji,  title  of,  571  (footnote). 

Halberdiers  (Bodyguard),  232 

Hale,  General,  488,  490-1,  497-8 

Hall,  General,  488,  492 

Hamabar,  King,  28 

Harbour-masters,  Spanish,  234 

Hardwoods,  312  ;  relative  strengths  of, 
317 

Harun  Narrasid,  Sultan,  141,  142  (foot- 
note) 

Harty,  Monsignor,  J.  J. ,  602 

Headhunters,  the,  124-5 

Hemp,  281  ;  various  uses  of,  282  ;  ex- 
traction of,  282  ;  experiments  in  British 
India,  283  ;  statistics  of,  284  ;  cultiva- 
tion of,  285  ;  qualities  of,  285  ;  labour 
difficulties,  286  ;  shipments  of,  639 

Hendryx,  Captain,  the  sad  fate  of,  552 

Heredia,  Pedro  de,  74 

Hierarchy,  the,  206 

High  Host  stolen,  the,  82 

Hindi  aco  pat  ay,  the  seditious  play  of,  5  34 

Hindoos,  the,  128 

"  Historical  Manifest,"  the,  136 

Histrionic  art,  349 

"  Holy  Child  "  of  Cebu,  the,  183 

Homestead  Law,  the,  592  (footnote) 

Hong-Kong  and  Shanghai  Banking 
Corp.,  the  240,  258,  435,  637 

Horses,  336 

Hospitals,  54 

Hughes,  General,  489,  525,  528 

Hurricanes,  355 

Husi,  282 


Ibanac  tribe,  the,  123 
Identity  document,  the,  224 
Igorrote  tribe,  the,  123 
Igorrote-Chinese  tribe,  the,  126 
Illiterates,  192,  615 
I  locos  rebellion,  100 


Index 


661 


Imbog,  the  Mora,  129 

Imports,  table  of  values  of,  639 ;  pro- 
portionate table  of  Rice,  650 

Imus,  372  (footnote) 

Indemnity  to  British  for  Manila,  89 

Independent  Church,  the  Philippine, 
initiation  of,  603 ;  severance  from 
Rome  of,  605 ;  conflicts  between 
Catholics  and  Schismatics  of,  606 ; 
doctrine  of,  607 

Indigo,  shipments  of,  640-1 

Indulgences  granted,  56 

Industries,  native,  264,  347 

Inquisition,  the,  55,  59,  82 

Insanity,  198 

Insects,  339;  edible,  342 

Insular  Government.     Vide  Government 

Intellectuals,  192 

International  Banking  Corp.,  637 

Ipil(wood),  314 

Iron,  ."32 

Irreconcilables,  the,  547,  ^^  ',  de- 
mands nf,  613 

I.s/u.s,  del  Poniente,  28  ;  del  Oriente,  28 ; 
Philipina,  32  ;  de  lot  Pintados,  34 
(footnote) 

Islands,  the  chief,  13 ;  ancient  names 
of,  L3 

I  la  vis  tribe,  the,  12-", 


Jdbul  dress,  147 

Jalajala,  ;'><><  t 

Japan  —  the  Ambassador  Farranda 
Kiemon,  64-5  ;  Taycosama,  Emperor 
of,  65;  Catholic  missions  to,  (>4-7", 
!i!4  (footnote);  the  martyrs  of,  66, 
69,  71  ;  Dayfusama,  Emperor  of,  69  ; 
Xogusama,  Emperor  of,  69 ;  To- 
Kojrunsama,  Emperor  of,  70 

Japanese,  the,  63,  164 ;  pre-Spanish 
immigration  of,  1<>6 ;  industry  of,  L66  ; 
in  Vigan,  Malalos,  Taal  and  Pagsanjan, 
166  ;  expulsion  of  the,  164  (footnote) ; 
under  American  rule,  557 

Jaramillo,  General  Nicolas,  during  the 
Rebellion,  374;  in  Zamboanga,  530; 
as  agent  for  the  liberation  of  Spanish 
prisoners,  540 

Jaro,  the  See  of,  515  (footnote) 

Jesuits,  rivalry  with  friars,  58  ;  in  Naga- 
saki, 65-7;  expulsion  of,  99,  206; 
number  of,  in  the  Islands  in  1896, 
20C,  (footnote) 

Jinrikisha,  the,  (>•'>."> 

Jolo,  capture  of,  139 ;  annexation  of, 
140  ;  town  of,  149,  587;  port  of,  262  ; 
American  occupation  of,  571 

Jomonjol  Island,  27 

Journalism,  106,  352,  363,  382,  412, 
468,  524.  550 


Jovellar,  Gov.-General  Joaquin,  211 

Judicial  statistics,  Spanish,  234  ;  Ameri- 
can, 561,  618-19 

Judicial  Governors,  212 

Junta  patriot ica,  the,  419 

Jurado  v.  the  Hong-Kong-  and  Shanghai 
Banking  Corp.,  240 

Juramentado,  the,  146,  148,  150,  583; 
runs  amok,  152 

Justice,  of  the  peace,  first  appointed,  56  ; 
in  municipalities,  225,  619  ;  admini- 
stration of,  618  ;  provincial  coui'ts  of, 
619 


Kalbi,  Datto,  586 

Katipunan  Leag-ue,  the,  364,  365  (foot- 
note), 595  ;  demands  of  the,  393 
Kiemon  Farranda,  64-5 
"  King  of  the  Tagalogs,"  105 
Koxiuga,  threatened  invasion  by,  76 
Kudarangan,  Sultan  of,  143  ;  vanquished 
by  General  Wood,  581  ;  cotta  of,  580 
(footnote),  581 


Labo  fort,  231 

Labour,  problem,  225,  286,  332-3,  611, 

631  ;    on   sugar   estates,   274  ;    "  The 

Democratic     Labour     Union,"     632  ; 

Consul-General  Wildman  quoted,  633 
Lacandola,  Rajah,  35-7,  51  ;  descendants 

of,  35  (footnote) 
Lachambre,  General,  379 
Lacson,  Aniceto,  520 
Ladrone     Islands,     discovery     of,     27; 

sighted,  34  ;  visited,  40 
Laguna  de  Bay,  15 
Lakes,  15 

Lamurrec  Island,  King  of,  42 
Lanao  Lake,  15 
Land,   grants  of,  54  ;    tenure  of,  270  ; 

measure  of,  271  ;  the  Homestead  Law, 

592  (footnote);  problem,  555,  592-3, 

624-5 
Lanete  (wood),  314 
La  Pufria  newspaper,  412 
Lara,  Gov.-General  Manrique  de,  59 
Latitude  of  the  Islands,  13 
La  Torre,  Gov.-General,  97 
Lauan  (wood),  314 

Lavezares,  Guido  de,  35  (footnote),  47 
Law— Spanish  lawsuits,  56,  239;  Spanish 

criminal  law  procedure,  241-2  ;  under  J 

American  rule,  618-9 
Lawton,  General,   493,   498-500;  death 

of,  504 
Leeches,  840 
Legaspi,  the  expedition  of,  33  ;  in  Cebii, 

34  ;  death  of,  36 
Leon,  Gov.-General  Manuel  de,  60 


662 


Index 


Lepers,  70,  197,  351 

Letter  of  Anathema,  82 

Leyes  de  Indias,  51 

Leyte  Is. ,  rebellion  in,  102  ;  insurgency 

in,  547 
Ligusan  Lake,  15 

Li-ma-hong,  the  Chinese  corsair,  47 
Limasaba,  Prince  of,  410 
Lipa  destroyed,  18 
Lizares,  Simon,  520 
Llaneras,  General,  374 
Llorente,  Julio,  521-2,  524 
Loaisa  expedition,  the,  31 
Loan,  the  first  Philippine,  541  (footnote) 
Local  funds,  217 
Locust  bean,  324 
Locusts,  341 

Logarta,  Miguel,  522,  525 
Loney,  Nicholas,  255 
Longitude  of  the  Islands,  13 
Los  Bafios,  359 
Losa,  Diego  de,  67 

Lowenstein,  Prince  Ludwig  von,  488,  510 
Lucban,  Vicente,  535  ;  capture  of,  545 
Luga,  Mateo,  525 
Luna,  General  Antonio,  496-8  ;  on  the 

battlefield,  496  ;  death  of,  501 
Luneta  Esplanade,  the,  353 
Lung  diseases,  197 
Lupis,  282 
Lutao  (Cebii)  destroyed,  403 


Mabini,  Apolinario,  478,  486,  546 

Mabolo  fruit,  320 

Macabebe,  the,  446  (footnote) 

Macao  (Chinese),  118 

Macacus  radiata,  177 

Macao,   the  colony   of,    81    (footnote)  ; 

Spanish  attempt  to  capture,  81 
Macasin  (wood),  316 
Maceo,  Antonio,  417 
Macui,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145 
Madrecacao  tree,  291 
Maestre  del  Campo,  48  (footnote) 
Magellan  Straits  discovered,  27 
M;i«-hallanes,  Hernando  de,  24;  discovers 

the  Straits  of  Magellan  and  Ladrone 

Islands,  27  ;  reaches  Cebii  Island,  27  ; 

death  of,  28  ;  monuments  to,  28 
Maghavin,  Bartolome,  37 
Magtaii  Island,  28,  403 
Maguindanao  Lake,  15 
Maguinod,  the,  409,  411 
Mahamad    Alimudin,    Sultan,    92,    98 ; 

vicissitudes  of,   184-9 
Mahometans,  chap.  x.      Vide  Moros 
Mail  service,  262 

Maine,  American  warship,  418  (footnote) 
Maize,  300 
Malabang  fort,  131 


Malahi  military  prison,  570 

Malanao  Moros,  145 

Malatana  tribe,  the,  46 

Malatapay  (wood),  316 

Malhou  Island,  27 

Malinao  destroyed,  16 

Malolos,  Father  Moi'ses  Santos  murdered 
at,  408  ;  becomes  the  insurgent  capital, 
469  ;  Revolutionary  congress  convened 
at,  469 ;  becomes  the  new  capital  of 
Bulacan  Province,  567 

Malong's  rebellion,  "  King,"  103 

Malvar,  General  Miguel,  in  Taal,  505  ; 
defeat  and  surrender  of,  545 

Mancono  (wood),  316 

Mandi,  Rajahmudah  Datto,  in  Cebii, 
407  ;  at  home,  533  ;  his  daughter's 
marriage,  534 

Mangachapuy  (wood),  316 

Mango  fruit,  317 

Manguianes  tribe,  the,  1 28 

Manguiguin,  the,  131  ;  visits  Zand toanga, 
589 

Mani,  303 

Manila  Province,  212  (footnote),  560 

Manila,  proclaimed  capital,  36  ;  City 
Council  of,  36 ;  the  city  walls  and  fosse 
of,  54,  231,  343  (footnote)  ;  opened  to 
foreigners,  256  ;  public  buildings,  344  ; 
port  works,  344  ;  the  Bay  of,  345  ;  the 
public  lighting  of,  346  ;  the  business 
quarter  of,  347  ;  La  Escolla,  347,  557  ; 
Easter  week  in,  348 ;  vehicle  traffic 
in,  348  ;  theatres,  349,  558  ;  bull-ring, 
350  ;  hotels,  352,  558  ;  the  Press,  352, 
468,  559 ;  botanical  gardens,  353  ; 
Luneta  Esplanade,  353 ;  dwelling- 
houses,  353  ;  society  in,  354  ;  popula- 
tion of,  355,  615-6  ;  climate  of,  354  ; 
earthquakes  affecting,  356  ;  dress  in, 
357  ;  after  1898,  556 ;  refrigerated 
meat-stores,  556  ;  innovations  in,  557  ; 
Bilfbid  jail,  557 ;  clubs,  theatres, 
hotels,  558 ;  drinking  "  Saloons," 
559  ;  new  feast-days,  560  ;  the  muni- 
cipality of,  560;  as  seat  of  Insular 
Government,  560  ;  the  Fcdei*al  zone 
of,  560 

Manobos,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145 

Marahui  campaign,  the,  144 

Marble,  334 

Mariveles,  345  (footnote) 

Marriages,  177-81,  618 

Marti,  the  Cuban  patriot,  417 

Martin,  Geronimo,  51 

Martyrs,  the,  of  Jaj>an,  66-71  ;  Philip- 
pine, 107 

Massacre  of  Chinese,  93,  1 1 5-6  ;  of  otlier 

foreigners,  1  HI 
Matamis  na  macapuno,  305 

Matienza,  Dr.  Sancho,  2(i 


Index 


663 


Vide 


Vide 


Maxilom,  General  Arcadio,  524-6 

Mayon  Volcano,  16  ;  eruption  of  in  1897, 
17 

Mc  Arthur,  Maj. -General  A.,  in  the  War 
of  Independence,  489-91,  496-8  ;  563 

Medicinal  herbs,  324 

Mejia,  Pablo,  522  ;  assassinated,  523 

Melliza,  Raymundo,  511,  514 

Mendicant  friars,  55 

Mendoza,  Father  Agustin,  106 

Mendoza,  Luis  de,  26 

Merritt,  General  Wesley,  463,  466,  467 

Mestizo,  the,  176  ;  character  of,  182 

Middlemen,  268 

Midel,  Isidoro,  532 

Military   departments,   the,    569. 
Army 

Military   service,    Spanish,    231. 
Army 

Miller,  General,  511  et  seq. 

Mineral  oil,  335 

Mineral  products,  326  et  seq. 

Miraculous  saints,  187 

Mirs  Bay,  419  (footnote),  427 

Mixed  races,  176,  marriages  of,  181 

Mohammad  Jamalul  Kiram,  Sultan,  141, 
587-8 

Molasses,  273 

Molave  (wood)  815 

Moluccas  Islands,  tragic  end  of  the 
Philippine  expedition  to,  73  ;  abandon- 
ment of  the,  77 

Money,  under  Spain,  244,  259  ;  lending, 
255-6,  269  ;  246  (footnote)  624  ;  under 
America,  635-7. 

Monks,  the.  Vide  Religious  Orders  ; 
Friars 

Monsoon  region,  23 

Montalon,  Julian,  the  famous  bandit, 
549 

Montera,  General,  in  Cebu,  402,  521  ; 
in  Zamboanga,  530  et  seq. 

Montilla,  Jose,  520 

Montojo,  Admiral  Patricio,  sword  of 
honour  presented  to,  400  ;  419,  428, 
429  (footnote) 

Montoya,  Gabriel,  37 

Moraga,  Fray  Hernando  de,  78 

Moriones,  Gov. -General  Domingo,  62 

Moro  Moro,  349 

Moro  Province,  the,  576  et  seq.  ;  con- 
stitution of,  577;  sub-division  of,  under 
Spanish  rule,  577  (footnote) ;  muni- 
cipalities, tribal  wards  and  districts  of, 
578-9  ;  finances  of,  579  ;  armed  forces 
in,  580  ;  America's  policy  in,  588,  591, 
593  ;  education  in,  591 

Moros,  the,  Brunei  Sultanate,  29,  141, 
157,  165  ;  Dimasangcay,  King  of 
Mindanao;  129  ;  Adasaolan,  the  chief, 
129  ;  Bongso,  Rajah,  130  ;  Rodriguez's 


expedition  against,  130  ;  the  Mangui- 
guin  of  Mindanao,  131,  589 ;  Cor- 
cuera's  expedition  against,  131  ;  Cachil 
Corralat,  King,  133  ;  friars  take  the 
field  against,  133  ;  Gastambide's  ex- 
pedition against,  137  ;  Claveria's  and 
Urbiztondo's  expeditions  against,  139  ; 
slaughter  of  British  at  Balambangan 
by,  139  ;  t'orcuera's  victory  over,  in 
Balanguigui  Island,  139 ;  population  of, 
140 ;  Malcampo's  expedition  against, 
140  ;  agreement  witli  the  British  North 
Borneo  Co.,  141  ;  Harun  Narrasid, 
Sultan,  141-2  ;  Mohammad  Jamalul 
Kiram,  Sultan,  141,  587-8  ;  Terrero's 
expedition  against,  143  ;  Arolas'  ex- 
pedition against,  ]  44  ;  Blanco's  ex- 
pedition against  ;  Marahui  campaign, 
144 ;  Spanish  occupation  of  Lake 
Lanao,  145  ;  Buille's  (the  last  Spanish 
punitive)  expedition  against,  145  ;  the 
chief  tribes  of,  145  ;  dress  of,  140-7, 
154  ;  physique  of,  146  ;  character,  arts, 
weapons,  trade  of,  147  ;  the  pandita, 
the  datto,  customs  of,  148,  155-6 ; 
slavery  among  the,  151  ;  pensions  to 
the,  139,  110,  151,  571,  580;  the 
juramentado,  146,  148,  150,  152,  583  ; 
as  divers,  155  ;  Ali,  Datto,  529,  580-2  ; 
Djimbangaii,  Datto,  530,  580;  the 
Tamagun  Datlo,  532  ;  American  occu- 
pation of  Job),  571  ;  Bates'  agreement 
with  the  Sultan  of  Sulu,  571  ;  engage- 
ments with  warlike  dattos,  573-4,  581, 
584-5 ;  Lieut.  Forsyth's  expedition, 
573  ;  Gen.  Baldwin's  and  Capt.  Per- 
shing's expeditions  against,  574  ;  Gen. 
Wood's  expeditions  against,  580-1, 
584  ;  Gen.  Wood's  victory  at  Kuda- 
rangan,  581  ;  Major  Hugh  L.  Scott's 
expedition,  584-5  ;  capture  of  Panglinia 
Hassan,  584 ;  Hassan  escapes  and 
Major  Scott  vanquishes  him,  585  ;  a 
bichdra  with  Datto  Ambutong,  585. 
Vide  Sulu 

Morong  district,  212  (footnote),  560 

Mother-of-pearl  shell,  shipments  of,  640 

Moths,  340 

"  Mount  of  Gold,"  the,  in  Cavite,  114 

Mountains,  heights  of,  13 

Mules,  338 

Municipal  government,  under  Spain, 
225  ;  under  America,  567.  Vide 
Government 

Music,  natives'  passion  for,  190 


Nagasaki,  the  Jesuits  in,  65-7 

Names,  of  islands,  the  ancient,  13  ;  of 

places,    obsolete,    13,    129,    131,    560, 

567  ;  of  families,  179 


664 


Index 


Nao  de  Acapuko,  the,  243,  249 

Nargas,  Gov. -General  Juan  de,  60 

Narra  (wood),  316 

Natives,  the  civilized.      Vide  Filipino 

Naujan  Lake,  15 

Navarrete,  Luis  de,  67 

Navy,  statistics  of  the  Spanish,  233-4  ; 
the  insurgent,  553 

Negrito  tribe,  the,  120,  163 

Negros  Island,  the  development  of,  255  ; 
Spaniards  capitulate  to  the  rebels  in, 
520  ;  native  government  in,  520 

Newspapers,  106,  352,  363,  382,  412, 468, 
524,  550 

Nipa  palm,  307 

Noli  me  tdngere,  382 

Notaries'  offices,  54 

Novales,  Andres,  rebellion  of,  104 

Nozaleda,  Archbishop,  594,  597  (foot- 
note) 

Nuevo  Diu,  El,  newspaper,  524 


Obando,  Gov. -General  Jose  de,  134 

Obras  Has,  the,  245,  252 

Occupation  of  Manila,  by  the  British, 
87  ;  agreed  indemnity  to  British  in, 
89  ;  by  the  Americans,  464 

Officers'  pay,  Spanish,  230.      Vide  Army 

Oil,  mineral,  335 

Onayans,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145 

Opium,  restrictions  on  the  use  of,  630 

Orchids,  323 

Oriente,  Islas  del,  28 

Origin  of  Filipinos,  120.      Vide  Filipino 

Osmena,  Sergio,  521,  524 

Otis,  General  E.  S.,  in  the  War  of  In- 
dependence, 488,  490-4,  497,  502-3  ; 
563 

Otong,  519  (footnote) 

Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay,  18,  19 

Outlaws,  'I'M  ef  seq.,  547 


Pucto  de  sangre,  the,  28,  369 

Pagbuaya,  Prince,  34 

Paguian  Goan,  the  Princess,  129 

Paguian  Tindig,  the  Moro,  129 

Palasan,  310 

Palauan  Island,  Spanish  colonization  of, 
157;  across  the,  158,  1(>0;  produce 
of,  160 ;  concession  to  Canga- 
Argiielles  in,  161   (footnote) 

Palma  brava,  308 

I'alnia,  Rafael,  524 

Palmero  family,  the  105 

Palo  Maria  de  playa  (wood),  316 

Paloma  de  punalada,  'AW 

Panay  Island,  the  war  in,  511-18  ; 
Araneta,  General  Pablo,  514,  517  ; 
peace  concluded,  518 


Pandita,  148,  155-6 
Pansipit  River,  15,  37 
Pangasinan,  revolt  in,  103 
Panguingui,  351  (footnote) 
Papal    legate,    Maillard    de    Tournon, 
84-5;    Chapelle,  P.  L.,  595;    Guidi, 
G.  B.,  601  ;  Agius,  Ambrogio,  607 
Papaw  fruit,  318 
Paran,  Feliciano,  revolt  of,  105 
Paragua  Island,  157.      Vide  Palauan 
Parian,  the,  110 
Paris  Peace  Commission.     Vide  Peace  of 

Paris 
Parrado,   General   Gonzalez,    145,    150, 

572 
Pameo  de  los  gigante-s,  134  (footnote) 
Paseo  del  Real  Pendon,  50 
Pasig  River,  15 
Paterno,    Maximo,    106 ;     biographical 

note  of,  411 
Paterno,    Pedro    A.,    106,  394  ;    nego- 
tiates peace,  395  ;  claims  a  title,  409  ; 
biographical     note     of,     411  ;      pro- 
Spanish  manifesto  of,  439  ;   becomes 
President  of  the  Revolutionary  Con- 
gress, 469  ;  capture  of,  504  ;  in  prison, 
505  ;  intervenes  in  the  Spanish  captives 
negotiations,  542  ;  as  playwright,  554 
Patria,  La,  newspaper,  412 
Patriarch  Maillard  de  Toiirnon,  84-5 
Peace  of  Paris,  of  1763,  96 ;    of  1898, 
470  et  seq.  ;  concluded,  472  ;   text  of 
the  treaty,  478  ;    ratified,  487  (foot- 
note) 
Peculations,  of  governors,  79-80,    212, 

220-21  ;  of  other  officials,  564 
Pelew  Islands,  41  ;  the  people  of,  42 
Periaranda,  Florentino,  547 
Penitentiaries,  54  ;  statistics  of  Spanish, 

235  ;  of  San  Ramon,  238 
Perez  Dasmarinas,  Gov. -General,  56,  73 
Perfumes,  325 

Peso,    the    first    introduced,    244  ;    the 
Spanish-Philippine,    259;     the   "  Co- 
nant,"  635-7 
Petty- governors,  221 
Philippine  Assembly,  the,  612,  614-5 
Philippine   Commission,    the,    560 ;     as 

legislative  body,  563 
Philippine  Islands  named,  32 
"  Philippines    for    the    Filipinos,"    doc- 
trine of  the,  564 
Piang,  Datto,  529,  581 
Piernavieja,  Father,  203 
Pilar,  General  Pio  del,  485  ;  capture  of, 

505 
I'ina  (stuff),  282 
l'indan,  Bernabe,  37 
Pineapple,  320 

Pintados-,  Man  de  los,  34  (footnote) 
Piracy,  Moro,  132 


Index 


665 


Playa  Honda,  Battle  of,  75 

Poblete,  Archbishop,  59 

Polavieja,  Gov. -General  Camilo,  378-9 

Poll-tax,  224 

Poniente,  Islas  del,  28 

Ponies,  336  ;  the  surra  epidemic,  622 

Pontoon  bridge,  the,  349 

Population,  of  Chinese,  118  ;  of  Moros, 
140,  355,  615-6  ;  of  Visayos,  of  Taga- 
logs,  in  Manila,  615  ;  of  40  provincial 
towns,  616  ;  classified  by  birth,  616 

Portugal  and  Spain,  united,  72  ;  sepa- 
rated, 81 

Posadillo,  Governor  of  the  Carolines, 
murdered,  45 

Potatoes,  303 

Press,  the,  106,  352,  363,  382,  412,  468, 
524,  550,  559 

Principalia,  222-3 

Prisoners,  the  Spanish,  537  ',  why  de- 
tained, 539  ;  Baron  Du  Marais  mur- 
dered, 540 ;  the  captors'  terms  of 
release,  541 

Prohibition  on  trade,  Spain's,  248-50 

Protocol  of  Peace,  with  rebels,  396  ; 
between  America  and  Spain,  459 

Provincial  Government,  under  Spain, 
213,  225  ;  under  America,  567.  Vide 
Government 

Public  Works,  under  Spain,  218 

Pudtli,  Ranee,  143 

Puente  de  Bureau,  98 

Puerta  Princesa,  157^8 

Pulajdn,  the,  235,  547,  551 

Quesada,  Gaspar  de,  26-7 
Quiapo,  324 
Quinine,  308 


Rada,  Martin,  51 

Railway,  the  first,  265  ;  in  project,  627 

Rain,  22 

Rajah  Lacandola,  35-7,  51 

Rajah  Soliman,  35,  51 

Rajahmudah,  the,  131 

Rama,  Esteban  de  la,  520 

Raon,  Gov. -General  Jose,  62,  99 

Rattan-cane,  310 

Real  Compaiiia  de  Filipinos,  the  252 

Real  quinto,  the,  53 

Real  situado,  the,  244 

Rebellion  of  1896,  the  Tagalog—  362  ; 
acts  conducive  to,  364  ;  the  Katipunan 
League,  364-5  ;  arrests  of  citizens, 
366  ;  Pedro  P.  Rojas'  case,  366  ;  F.  L. 
Rojas  executed,  367  ;  first  overt  act 
of,  867  ;  Battle  of  San  Juan  del 
Monte,  368  ;  first  executions  of 
rebels   in   Manila,    369  ;    in    Cavite, 


374 ;  Bonifacio  Andre's  and  Emilio 
Aguinaldo,  370  ;  rebels  capture  Imus, 

372  ;    Spanish   defeat   at    Binacayan, 

373  ;  Spaniards  at  Dalaliican,  374  ; 
rebel  General  Llaneras,  374 ;  Gov.- 
General  Ramon  Blanco,  377  ',  defini- 
tion of  demands,  392  ;  claim  of  inde- 
pendence, 394  ;  treaty  of  Biac-na- 
batd,  396,  414  (footnote)  ;  Rafael 
Comenge's  inflammatory  speech,  400  ; 
the  Calle  de  Gamba  tragedy,  401  ; 
rising  in  Cebu,  402,  et  seq.  ;  execu- 
tion of  rebels  in  Cebu,  405  ;  American 
intervention,  417  ;  the  rebels'  aspi- 
rations, 420 ;  rebels  attack  the 
Spaniards  in  Panay  Island,  475  ; 
Spanish  Governor  of  Negros  Island 
capitulates,  476 

Rebellion,  of  Diego  de  Silan,  in  Ilocos, 

100  ;    of  Dagohoy,    in    Bojol   Island, 

101  ;  in  Leyte  Island,  Samar  Island, 
and  Surigao,  102  ;  of  "King"  Malong 
and  of  Sunioroy,  103  ;  of  Andres 
Novales,  104;  of  Apolinario  de  la 
Cruz,  105  ;  of  Feliciano  Paran,  105, 
:i'H;  (footnote);  in  Tayabas,  105;  of 
Camerino,  106,  897  (footnote) ;  of 
Cuesta,  106  ;  in  Negros  Island,  106 

Regalado,  Pedro,  520 

Regidor,  Dr.  Antonio  M.,  biographical 
note  of,  108  (footnote) 

Regium  exequatur,  the,  85 

Relics  in  cathedral,  57 

Religion,  fanaticism  in,  187-9,  521,  602  ; 
shrines,  187  ;  coercion  in,  189  (foot- 
note) ;  freedom  in,  594  and  footnote  ; 
infidel  tendency  in,  607-8 

Religious  Orders,  the,  199  ;  power  and 
influence  of,  200  ;  opinions  for  and 
against,  201  ;  function  of  the  regium 
morum,  201  ;  social  origin  of,  201  ; 
as  parish  priests,  202  ;  frailties  of, 
203  ;  persecution  by,  205  ;  the  hier- 
archy, 206  ;  outcry  against,  207  ; 
dates  of  foundation  and  arrival  of, 
207  ;  revenues  of,  207,  209  ;  emolu- 
ments of,  207 ;  training-colleges  in 
Spain  for,  209  ;  jealousy  and  rivalry 
between,  209.      Vide  Friars  ;  Church 

Remontado,  the,  174,  205 

Renacimiento,  El,  prosecution  of,  550 

Reptiles,  339 

Revenue  and  expenditure,  under  Spain, 
227  et  seq.,  251  ;  curious  items  of, 
229  ;  under  America,  629. 

Revolts  in  provinces.      Vide  Rebellion 

Revolutionary  Government,  the,  448 ; 
statutes  of,  448-54 ;  President's  message 
to,  454  ;  appeal  to  the  Powers  by,  457  ; 
Malolos  becomes  the  capital  of,  469  ; 
first  Congress  of,  convened  at  Malolos, 


666 


Index 


469  ;  ratification  of  Philippine  in- 
dependence by,  470 

Ricai'te,  Artemio,  546 

Riccio,  Vittorio,  76 

Rice,  measures  of,  276  ;  machinery  for 
husking  of,  277  ;  tiki-tiki,  277  ;  Macan 
and  Paga,  yield  of,  278  ;  planting  of, 
279  ;  trade  "in,  281 

Rio  de  la  Plata,  26 

Rio  Grande,  de  la  Pampanga,  14  ;  de 
Mindanao,  15 

Rios,  General  Diego  de  los,  374,  474 
et  seq.,  494  (footnote)  ;  evacuates 
Panay,  477,  511  ;  as  agent  for  the 
liberation  of  Spanish  prisoners,  539 

Rivalry  of  Church  and  State,  57-8. 
\lde  Church 

Rivera,  General  Primo  de,  attempts  to 
subdue  the  Igorrotes,  ]  24  ;  re- 
appointed Gov. -General  to  suppress 
the  Rebellion  of  1896,  211,  389; 
edict  of  concentration  by,  391  ;  reward 
to,  for  closing  first  period  of  the 
Rebellion,  399  ;  recalled  to  Spain,  408 

Rivers,  14,  23 

Rizal,  Dr.  Jose,  366,  381  et  seq.  ',  "  My 
last  Thought,"  poem  by,  386  ;  the 
widow  of,  386  ;  public  subscription 
to  monument  of,  389  (footnote)  ; 
"  Dimas  alang,"  389  (footnote) 

Rizal  Province,  212  (footnote),  560 

Roads,  under  Spain,  218  ;  under  America, 
627 

Rodas,  Miguel  de,  31 

Rodriguez,  Estevan,  131 

Rojas,  Pedro  P.,  biographical  note  of, 
366  (footnote) 

Rojo,  Archbishop-Governor,  62,  88,  97 

Rosario,  Pantaleon  E.  del,  524-5,  528 

Russell  &  Sturgis,  255,  257 


Sabas,  Colonel,  107 

Sago,  321 

Sala  destroyed,  18 

Salas,  Quintin,  516-7 

Salaries,  of  Spanish  officials,  214 ;  of 
municpal  officers,  560 ;  of  American 
officials,  561  ;  of  mayors,  567 

Salaziir,  Domingo,  Bishop  of  Manila, 
51,  56 

Salcedo,  Gov.-General  Diego,  59 

Salcedo,  Juan,  35,  51,  212  (footnote) 

Samales,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145 

Samar  Island,  rebellion  in,  102  ;  insur- 
gency in,  535  ;  slaughter  of  Americans 
in,  536  ;  pulajanes  in,  551 

Sampaguita,  323 

San  Juan  del  Monte,  Battle  of,  368 

San  Miguel,  the  bandit,  646 

Sanchez,  Alonso,  52 


Sanctorum  tax,  53 

Sangdugong  Panaguinip,  412 

Sangley  (Chinese),  118 

Sanitation,  198 

Sanson,  Melanio,  532 

Sanson,  Pedro,  528 

Santa  Clara  Convent,  81 

San  Victores,  Fray  Diego  de,  39 

Santo  Officio,  59 

Santones,  189,  521 

Santos,  Father  Moi'ses,  murdered,  408 

Sapan-wood,  312  ;  shipments  of,  646 

Saps  of  trees,  312 

Schools.      Vide  Education. 

Schuck,  Captain,  587  (footnote) 

Schurman  Commission,  the,  498,  562 

Scott,  Major  Hugh  L.,  583-6,  588 

Scout  corps,  570 

Sculpture,  196 

Seasons,  22 

Secret  Police  Service,  567 

Sedition,    553  ;     seditious    plays,    554  ; 

law  passed,  545 
Separation  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  81 
Serrano,  Juan  R.,  26,  28 
Sevilla,  Dr.  Mariano,  596-7,  604-5 
Sheep,  338 

Shipping  Law  of  1904,  the,  629 
Shrines,  187 

Siao  (Moluccas),  King  of,  73-4 
Sibucao,  312 

Sibuguey,  the  Prince  of,  131 
Siguey  shells,  243 
Silan,  Diego  de,  rebellion  of,  100 
Silva,  Geromino  de,  76 
Silva,  Gov.-General  Fernando  de,  76 
Silva,  Gov.-General  Juan  de,  74 
Silver,  imports  and  exports  of,  647 
Simbilin  weapon,  147 
Sinamay  stuff,  282 
Singson,  Father,  597 
Sioco,  48 

Situado,  the  real,  244 
Slavery,  54,  55  (footnote),   191  ;  among 

Moros,  151 
Small-pox,  197 
Smugglers,   in   Mexico,  247,  260,  262, 

626 
Snakes,  339 

Soldiers  in  olden  times,  231 
Solidaridad,  La,  the  seditionary  organ, 

363,  382 
Soliman,  Rajah,  35,  51 
Solis  River,  *26 
Somangalit,  Cristobal,  37 
Spiritualists,  608 

Saint  Lazarus,  Archipelago  of,  28 
State  and  Church  feuds,  58 
Statistics  of  trade,  639-50 
Steamships  introduced,  132 
Stone,  334 


Index 


667 


Stotsenberg,  Colonel,  death  of,  495 

Sual  port,  261 

Subsidy,  the  Mexican,  244 

Subuanos,  the  Moro  tribe  of,  145-6,  155 

Sugar-cane,  yield  of,  271  ;  cultivation 
of,  272 ;  sugar-extraction  from,  273  ; 
molasses  yield,  273  ;  sugar-blends, 
275  ;  world's  production  of  sugar,  275 

Sugar,  the  duty  on,  in  America,  623  ; 
shipments  of,  642-3 

Sulphur,  21,  334 

Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin,  134  ;  treaty 
with,  138 

Sulu,  the  Sultan  of,  140  ;  the  present 
Sultan,  141,  587-8  ;  visits  Manila,  588  ; 
pension  to  him  and  chiefs,  151,  571, 
580;  titles  of,  151;  dress  of,  153; 
across  Sulu  to  Maybun,  153  ;  produce 
of  Sulu,  153;  official  reception  by, 
154  ;  tbe  Sultanas  of,  154.    Vide  Moros 

Sumoroy's  rebellion,  103 

Supa  (wood),  316 

Supreme  Court,  abolished,  56  ;  re-estab- 
lished, 57  ;  of  Cebi'i,  57 

Surigao,  revolt  in,  102 

Surra,  tbe  disease,  622 

Suya  (Chinese),  118 


Taal,  volcano  of,  17  ;  town  of,  destroyed, 

18-20,  166 
Taft  Commission,  the,  562-3 
Tart,  William  II.,  biographical  note  of, 

502    (footnote)  ;     bis    policy    in     the 

Islands,  564  ;  appointed  Secretarv  of 

War,  564;  613 
Tagalog,    meaning   of    the    term,    164; 

character  of,  171  ;  hospitality  of,  172 
Tagalog  rebellion,  the,  362  et  ■■serj.      Vide 

Rebellion  of  1896 
Tagbanuas  tribe,  the,  158 ;    dress,  cus- 
toms, country  of,  159 
Taguban  tribe,  the,  146 
Taguima,  121)  (footnote) 
Tamarind,  320 
Tanai'ian  destroyed,  18 
Tancad,  the  bandit,  239 
Tonga  (edible  insect),  342 
Tattarassa,  Sultan,  142  (footnote),  585 
Taxation,  of  land,  625,  629  ;  the  Internal 

Revenue  Law  of  1904,  630 
Taxes  under  Spain,  217,  224,  228 
Tayabas  rebellion,  105 
Taycosama,  Emperor  of  Japan,  65 
Taytay  fort,  231 
Telegraph  service,  267 
Temperature,  22  ;    of  I  liana   Bay  coast 

(Mindanao  Is.),  157;  of  Zamboanga, 

535 
Teng-teng,  Datto,  139 
Theatres,  349,  558 


Tiangui,  304  (footnote) 
Tidal  wave,  23 
Tiki-tiki,  277 
Timbang,  Datto,  585 
Timber,  312  ;  relative  strengths  of,  317 
Tinaja,  273  (footnote) 
Tindalo  (wood),  316 
Tindig,  Paguian,  the  Moro,  129 
Tiiijjuian  tribe,  the,  126 
Tinio,  General  Manuel,  515  (footnote) 
Tiruraya  tribe,  the,  140 
Tithes  to  the  Church,  55 
Tobacco,    292  ;    under   monopoly,    293 ; 
free  trade  in,  296  ;  risks  of  trade  in, 

298  ;  qualities  and  districts,  298  ;  cigar 
values,  299 ;  Campania  General  de 
Tnhaco.s,  299  ;  the  duty  on,  in  America, 
625  ;  shipments  of,  644 

To-Kogunsama,  Emperor  of  Japan,  70 

Tonnage,  628,  647 

Tordesillas,  Treaty  of,  25  (footnote) 

Torralba,  acting  Gov. -General,  60;  im- 
peachment of,  7'.'  ;  dies  a  beggar,  80 

Torres,  Fray  Juan  de,  116 

Tournon,  Mons.  Maillard  de,  84 

Town  Hall,  217,  226 

Trade  (under  Spain),  the  early  history 
of,  243  et  seq.  ;  the  Mexican  subsidy, 
244  ;  the  Oonsulado  trading-ring,  244  ; 
the  boleta  shipping-warrant,  244  ;  the 
galleons,  245  ;  the  Obras  Pias,  245  ; 
losses  of  treasure,  246  ;  prohibitions 
on,  248  ;  penalties  on  free-traders, 
260  ;  the  budget  in  1757,  251  ;  Spanish 
company  failures,  252  ;  the  Heal  <  'oiii- 
pania  de  Filipinos,  252  ;  the  Compania 
Guipuecoana  de  Caracas,  252  ;  foreign 
traders  admitted,  255  ;  Russell  & 
Sturgis,  255  ;  Nicholas  Loney,  255  ; 
Manila  port  opened  to  foreign  trade, 
256  ;  first  foreign  traders,  257  ;  Banks, 
258  ;  the  Compania  General  de  Tabacos, 

299  ;  (under  America),  620  ;  effect  of 
the  war  on,  621  ;  the  carrying-trade, 
628  ;  American  traders,  628  ;  propor- 
tion of  tonnage,  628  ;  total  tonnage, 
647  ;  the  new  currency,  635-7  ;  Banks, 
637-8  ;  statistical  tables,  639-50  ;  pro- 
duce shipments,  639-46  ;  gold  and 
silver  exports  and  imports,  647  ;  ex- 
change fluctuations,  647 ;  proportionate 
table  of  imports  and  exports,  648-50 

Trading  Governors,  212 

Tragedy  of  the  Calle  de  Camba,  401 

Travellers,    regulations   affecting   alien, 

017 
Treaties  made  with  rebels,  396  (footnote) 
Treaty  of  Paris  (1898),  text  of  the,  473 

et  -seq. 
Treaty,    of    Tordesillas,    25   (footnote), 

253  ;   of  Antwerp,   72,    253  ;    of   the 


668 


Index 


"  Family  Compact/'  72,  87  ;  of  Paris 
(1763),  96  ;  with  Sultan  Maliamad 
Alimudin,  188  ;  of  Utrecht  and  the 
Asiento  Contract,  257  ;  of  Malacaiian, 
396  (footnote)  ;  of  Biac-na-bato,  396, 
414  (footnote)  ;  of  Navotas,  397  (foot- 
note) ;  of  Paris  (1898),  472,  478 

Tree-saps,  312 

Trent,  Council  of,  the,  605  (footnote) 

Trepang  (palate),  312 

Trias,  General  Manuel,  544,  548-9 

Tribunal,  217,  226 

Tribute,  53,  224 

Tuba  (beverage),  304 

Tulisdn,  the,  235,  547  ;  outrages  by, 
236,  239,  548-9 

Tupas,  King  of  Cebu,  35 

Typhoons,  855 

"  Ualang  sttgat"  the  seditious  play  of, 

554 
Union  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  72 
Urbiztondo,   expedition    against    Moros 

by,  139 
Urdaneta,  Andre's  de,  31,  33,  35 
Utrecht,  the  Peace  of,  257 
Utto,  Datto,  142 

Vagrant  Act,  the,  568 

Valenzuela,  Prime  Minister,  banished,  83 

Yalenzuela,  Sancho,  368  ;  execution  of, 
369 

Vanilla,  321 

Vargas,  Gov. -General  Juan,  impeach- 
ment of,  79 

Vegetable  produce,  821 

Veteran  civil  guard,  231 

Vicars,  Camp,  574  (footnote) 

Villa  Corta,  94,  96,  98 

Villalobos  expedition,  the,  32 

Villa  Fernandina,  48 

Vilo,  Roman,  529 

Virgin  of  Antipolo,  267 

Visayo,  characteristics  of  the,  172 

Volcano,  Mayon,  16  ;  Taal,  17 

Volcano  Island  discovered,  82 

War,  the  Spanish-American,  417  ;  allo- 
cution of  the  Archbishop  of  Madrid, 
423:  General  Augusti's  call  to  arms, 
424;  General  Augusti's  proclamation, 
425  ;  volunteers  reorganized,  426 ; 
the  Battle  of  Cavite,  427 ;  Cavite 
occupied,  42i) ;  Spain  makes  peace 
overtures,  458  ;  text  of  the  Protocol  of 
Peace,  459  ;  Americans  attack  Manila, 
402 ;  surrender  of  the  city,  464  ; 
capitulation  signed,  465 

War  of  Independence,  the,  484  ;  the 
Philippine  Republic,  !■">'!  ;  opening 
shot  and  Battle  of  Paco,  187  ;  fight  at 


Coloocan,  487  ;  fight  at  Gagalaiiging, 
488  ;  the  Igorrote  contingent,  488 ; 
Malabon  and  Malinta  captured,  489  ; 
death  of  Col.  Egbert,  489  ;  Santa  Cruz 
(Manila)  in  flames,  489  ;  Battle  of 
Marilao,  490  ;  Malolos  captured,  491  ; 
insurgent  retreat  to  Calumpit,  4U2  ; 
American  proclamation  of  intentions, 
492  ;  Santa  Cruz  (La  Laguna)  captured, 
494  ;  Lieut.  Gilmore's  expedition  to 
Baler  captured,  494  ;  American  reverse 
at  Gingua,  495  ;  crossing  the  Bagbag 
River,  496  ;  Calumpit  captured,  496  ; 
burning  of  s.s.  Saturnus,  503  ;  death 
of  Gen.  Lawton,  504 ;  fight  at  Narvican, 
505  ;  capture  of  Gen.  Emilio  Aguin- 
aldo,  507  ;  American  occupation  of 
Yloilo,  511-6— of  Cebu,  523— of  Bojol 
Island,  528 — of  Zamboanga,  532  ; 
capture  of  Vicente  Lucban,  545 

Water-cure,  517  (footnote) 

Wax,  311 

Weyler,  General,  417-8,  431 

Wbeaton,  General,  488-91,  497 

White  ants,  340 

Wild  boar,  340 

Wild  tribes,  the,  percentage  of  in  the 
population,  120 

Wood,  General  Leonard,  biographical 
note  of,  576  (footnote)  ;  victory  of,  at 
Kudarangan,  581  ;  captures  Panglima 
Hassan,  584 

Woods,  812  ;  relative  strengths  of,  317 

Wright,  Governor  Luke  E.,  biographical 
note  of,  564 


Xogusama,  Emperor  of  Japan,  69 

Yacal  (wood),  816 

Ylang-Ylang,  325 

Yligan  fort,  77,  231 

Yloilo,  the  port  of,  261  ;  native  govern- 
ment in,  511  ;  Gen.  Miller's  expe- 
dition to,  511  ;  the  Panay  insurgent 
army,  512;  panic  in,  513;  incen- 
diarism and  looting  in,  515  ;  bom- 
bardment of,  516  ;  surrenders  of 
insurgent  leaders,  517  ;  general  sur- 
render at  Jaro,  518  ;  the  town  of,  518 

Zabalburu,  Gov. -General  Domingo,  42 
Zaguan,  853 

Zamboanga,  the  fort  of,  77,  J 88,  233; 
the  port  of,  261-2  ;  critical  position  of 
the  Spaniards  at,  531  ;  anarchy  in, 
.">:  12  ;  American  occupation  of,  582  ; 
the  town  of,  585 

Zamora,  lather  Jacinto,  executed,  107 

Zobel,  Jacobo,  867  (footnote) 


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